THE 


LIFE   AND   TIMES 


OP 


AARON    BURR, 


LIEUTENANT-COLONEL     IN     THE     ARMY     OF     THE     REVOLUTION, 

UNITED  STATES  SENATOR,  VICE-PRESIDENT  OP  0*JB 

UNITED  STATES,   ETC. 


BY   L   PARTON, 


AUTHOR  OF  "HUMOROUS   POETRY   OF  THE   ENGLISH   LANGUAGE, 
"LIFE  OF  HORACE  GREELEY,"  ETC. 


NEW    YORK: 

MASON  BROTHERS,  108  &  110  DUANE  STREET. 
LONDON:  SAMPSON  LOW,  SON  &  CO. 

1858. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1857,  by 

MASON    BEOTHERS, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


STKHEOTYPED     BY  PRINTKD     BY 

T.  B.  SMITH  &  Sow,  0.  A.  ALTOED, 

82  &  84  Beekman-streeL  15  Vandewater-street 


TO 


OP 


D 


213882 


"As  to  Burr,  these  things  are  admitted,  and,  indeed,  can  not  be  denied, 
that  he  is  a  man  of  extreme  and  irregular  ambition;  that  he  is  selfish 
to  a  degree  which  excludes  all  social  affections;  and  that  he  is  decidedly 

profligate." 

Alexander  Hamilton. 


"  A  great  man  in  little  things,  while  he  (Burr)  is  really  small  in  great 

ones." 

Tftomas  Jefferson. 


"I  witness  your  extraordinary  fortitude  with  new  wonder  at  every 
new  misfortune.  Often,  after  reflecting  on  this  subject,  you  appear  to  mo 
so  superior,  so  elevated  above  all  other  men ;  I  contemplate  you  with  such 
a  strange  mixture  of  humility,  admiration,  reverence,  love  and  pride,  that 
very  little  superstition  would  be  necessary  to  make  me  worship  you  as  a 
superior  being;  such  enthusiasm  does  your  character  excite  in  me.  "When 
I  afterward  revert  to  myself,  how  msigni^cant  do  my  best  qualities  appear. 
My  vanity  would  be  greater,  if  I  had  not  been  placed  so  near  you ;  and 
yet  my  pride  is  our  relationship.  I  had  rather  not  live  than  not  be  the 
daughter  of  such  a  man." 

Theodosia  Burr  Alston,  to  her  Father,  Aaron  Burr. 


"  Our  friends  and  our  enemies  draw  us  —  and,    I  often  think,    both 

pictures  are  like." 

Thackeray. 


PREFACE. 

THE  story  of  Aaron  Burr's  strange,  eventful  life,  which 
must  possess  interest  for  the  American  people  always,  I 
attempt  to  tell,  because  no  one  else  has  told  it. 

Few  men  have  been  more  written  about  than  he  ;  but, 
generally,  by  partisans,  opponents,  -or  enemies.  The  life 
of  BUIT,  by  the  late  Mr.  M.  L.  Davis,  as  it  contains  a  great 
number  of  Colonel  Burr's  letters,  and  many  documents 
respecting  him  and  his  doings  in  the  world,  has  a  value 
of  its  own,  which  publications  like  the  present  can  not 
diminish.  But  the  story  of  the  man's  life  is  not  to  be 
extracted  from  those  volumes,  for  the  simple  reason  that 
it  is  not  contained  in  them.  One  may  read  Mr.  Davis's 
work,  and  Burr's  European  Diary,  and  the  Report  of  his 
Trial  for  Treason,  making  in  all  more  than  three  thousand 
octavo  pages,  and  still  be  utterly  unable  to  decide  what 
manner  of  man  he  was,  and  what,  in  the  great  crises  of 
his*life,  he  either  did  or  meant  to  do.  I  can  confidently 
appeal  to  any  one  who  has  gone  through  those  six  pond 
erous  volumes,  to  confirm  the  assertion,  that  they  leave 
Aaron  Burr,  at  last,  to  the  consideration  of  the  reader,  a 
baffling  enigma  ! 

To  have  condensed  the  information  contained  in  those 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

thousands  of  pages  into  a  single  volume  of  convenient  size 
and  price;  would  have  been  itself  a  justifiable  work.  Much 
more  than  that  has  been  done.  To  complete  my  informa 
tion,  I  have  resorted  to  the  following  additional  sources  : 

First,  the  Literature  of  the  period,  and,  particularly, 
the  Memoirs  and  Letters  of  public  characters,  who  were 
the  rivals  and  associates  of  Burr.  The  correspondence  of 
Jefferson,  Hamilton,  and  John  Adams  has,  of  course,  been 
of  the  most  essential  service. 

Secondly,  the  newspapers  of  Burr's  day.  Great  num 
bers  of  these  are  preserved,  among  other  priceless  treas 
ures,  in  the  library  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society, 
for  access  to  which  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Moore,  the  oblig 
ing  librarian  of  that  institution. 

Thirdly,  Aaron  Burr  himself. 

I  never  saw  Aaron  Burr,  though  in  my  early  childhood 
I  have  played  marbles  before  bis  door,  and  looked  with 
curiosity  upon  the  old-fashioned  dull  brass -knocker  that 
bore  his  name  ;  having  vaguely  heard  t'hat  some  terrible 
old  man,  .whom  nobody  would  speak  to,  lived  there  all 
alone.  The  information  that  I  have  derived  from  Burr 
himself  comes  to  me  through  his  surviving  friends  and 
connections 

So  superior  is  spoken  to  written  language,  that  a  few 
hours'  close  conversation  with  people  who  were  really  in 
timate  with  Colonel  Burr,  threw  just  the  needed  light 
upon  his  cbaracter  and  conduct,  which  ransacked  libraries 
had  failed  to  shed.  But  for  such  conversations,  I  should 
never  have  understood  the  man  nor  his  career.  During  the 


PREFACE. 

last  three  years,  I  have  been  in  the  habit  of  conversing  fa 
miliarly  with  many  of  those  who  associated  with  him  dur 
ing  the  last  twenty  or  thirty  years  of  his  life,  receiving  at 
every  interview  some  addition  to  my  stock  of  anecdote  and 
reminiscence.  Burr  had  a  remarkable  memory,  and,  with 
persons  whom  he  liked  and  trusted,  was  fond  of  convers 
ing  upon  the  events  of  his  career  ;  the  whole  story  of 
which,  at  one  time  and  another,  he  told  them  many  times 
over.  With  all  his  faults,  he  was  never  given  to  self-vin 
dication.  He  was  one  of  those  men  who  naturally  make 
themselves  out  to  be  worse  than  they  are,  rather  than  bet 
ter.  He  told  the  anecdotes  of  his  life  merely  as  anecdotes. 
The  impression  which  they  made  upon  those  who  heard 
them  was  such,  that  many  of  his  stories  they  still  relate 
in  the  very  words  he  used,  and  with  imitations  of  the  look 
and  gesture  that  accompanied  each  phrase.  Burr's  own 
view  of  the  leading  transactions  of  his  life  has  thus  been 
imparted  to  me. 

Neither  of  my  informants  knew  what  any  other  of  them 
had  told  me,  or  would  tell  me.  The  general  concurrence, 
as  well  of  the  facts  they  gave,  as  of  the  opinions  they  en 
tertained  of  the  man,  and  their  feelings  toward  him,  was 
remarkable.  The  discordance  and  contradictions  begin 
only  when  the  inner  circle  of  those  who  know  is  left,  and 
the  outer  one  of  those  who  have  heard,  is  entered.  To 
Burr's  surviving  friends,  then,  I  chiefly  owe  it  that  I  have 
been  able  to  extricate  his  story  from  the  falsehoods  in 
which  it  was  embedded. 

Others,  whose  acquaintance  with  him  was  slight  and 


X  PREFACE. 

accidental,  and  some  who  merely  saw  him  in  public  situa 
tions,  have  also  given  me  interesting  information.  The 
patient  courtesy  of  many  distinguished  gentlemen  to  a 
stranger  who  could  never  make  the  slightest  return  of 
their  kindness,  greatly  enhanced  the  obligation  which  they 
conferred. 

Such  are  the  sources  from  which  the  following  narrative 
has  been  derived.  All  of  them  have  been  used  —  none 
followed 

It  may  occur  to  some  readers,  that  the  good  in  Burr 
is  too  conspicuously  displayed,  or  his  faults  too  lightly 
touched,  in  this  volume.  To  such  I  desire  to  say  that, 
in  my  opinion,  it  is  the  good  in  a  man  who  goes  astray, 
that  ought  most  to  alarm  and  warn  his  fellow-men.  To 
suppress  the  good  qualities  and  deeds  of  a  Burr  is  only  less 
immoral  than  to  suppress  the  faults  of  a  Washington.  In 
either  case,  the  practical  use  of  the  Example  is  lost.  Who 
can  hope  to  imitate  a  perfect  character  ?  Who  fears  that 
he  shall  ever  resemble  an  unredeemed  villain  ? 

Besides,  Aaron  Burr  has  had  hard  measure  at  the  hands 
of  his  countrymen.  By  men  far  beneath  him,  even  in 
moral  respects,  he  has  been  most  cruelly  and  basely  belied. 
Let  the  truth  of  his  marvelous  history  be  told  afc  last.  If, 
here  and  there,  my  natural  and  just  indignation  at  the 
unworthy  treatment  to  which  his  name  has  been  subjected, 
has  biased  me  slightly  in  his  favor,  the  error,  I  trust,  will 
not  be  thought  unpardonable.  Aaron  Burr  was  no  angel ; 
he  was  no  devil  ;  he  was  a  man,  and  a  —  filibuster. 

The  period  during  which  Burr  was  a  public  man  is  the 


PREFACE.  XI 

most  interesting  in  the  history  of  the  United  States,  after 
the  Kevolution.  It  was  then  that  Old  Things  in  this 
country  really  passed  away.  Then  arose  the  conquering 
Democratic  Party.  Then  America  became  America.  We 
are  still  only  reaping  what  was  sown  in  those  twelve  years, 
and  shall  for  a  very  long  time  to  come.  Nothing  consid 
erable  has  occurred  in  American  politics  since  the  election 
of  Jefferson  and  Burr  in  1800  —  though  one  or  two  con 
siderable  things  have  been  gallantly  attempted 

1* 


CONTENTS, 


CHAPTER   I. 

JONATHAN  EDWARDS,    THE  FATHER  OP  AARON  BURR'S  MOTHER. 

PAGE 

His  RESIDENCE  IN  NEW  YORK  IN  1722  —  SKETCH  OF  ms  CAREER  —  His  WIFE 
AND  DAUGHTERS  —  ESTHER  EDWARDS  — THE  EDWARDS  STOCK  —  INFLUENCE  OF 
JONATHAN  EDWARDS .  25 


CHAPTER    II. 

THE  REVEREND  AARON  BURR,  FATHER  OF  AARON  BURR. 

OUTLINE  OF  HIS  EARLY  HISTORY  —  PASTOR  OF  NEWARK  CHURCH  —  A  GREAT 
SCHOOLMASTER  —  PRESIDENT  OF  PRINCETON  COLLEGE — THE  FIRST  COMMENCE 
MENT —  SUDDEN  MARRIAGE  OF  THE  PRESIDENT — His  WRITINGS  —  His  PORTRAIT  31 


CHAPTER   III. 

AARON  BURR  BORN,  AND  LEFT  AN  ORPHAN. 

REMOVAL  TO    PRINCETON  —  LAST   LABORS  AND    DEATH    OF    PRESIDENT    BURR  — 
•    CHARACTER  AND  DEATH  OF  MRS.  BURR  — THE  ORPHANED  CHILDREN  — SARAH 
BUKR .     45 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   IV. 

THE  EDUCATION  OF  AAEON  BURR. 

PAGE 

ELIZABETHTOWN  — ANECDOTES  OF  BURR'S  CHILDHOOD  — His  CAREER  AT  COLLEGE  — 
GOES  TO  DR.  BELLAMY'S  THEOLOGICAL  SCHOOL  —  REJECTS  THE  PURITANIC  THE 
OLOGY —  FOND  OF  LADIES'  SOCIETY  —  STUDIES  LAW. 51 

CHAPTER   V. 


THE     VOLUNTEER. 

His  QUALIFICATIONS  AS  A  SOLDIER  —  JOINS  THE  ARMY  AROUND  BOSTON  —  ARNOLD'S 
EXPEDITION  TO  QUEBEC  —  BURR'S  SECRET  MISSION  FROM  ARNOLD  TO  MONT 
GOMERY  —  APPOINTED  AID  TO  GENERAL  MONTGOMERY  —  THE  ASSAULT  UPON 
QUEBEC  —  CAPTAIN  BURR  BEARS  OFF  THE  BODY  OF  HIS  GENERAL — APPOINTED 
AID  TO  GENERAL  WASHINGTON  —  SEASONS  OF  ins  DISCONTENT  IN  THAT  SITUA 
TION...  .  (36 


CHAPTER   VI. 

AID-DE-CAMP     TO     GENERAL     PUTNAM. 
THE  KETREAT  FROM  LONG  ISLAND  —  BCJRR  SAVES  A  BRIGADE  —  His  AFFAIR  WITH 

MlSS   MoNORIEFFE  —  HER   NARRATIVE .      85 


CHAPTER    VII. 

HE     COM-MANDS    A     REGIMENT. 

APPOINTED  A  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL  —  COMMANDS  A  KEGIMENT  — CAPTURES  A  BRIT 
ISH  PICKET  —  FORMS  AN  ACQUAINTANCE  WITH  MRS.  THEODOSIA  PREVOST  — 
COMMANDS  A  HIIIUADK  AT  THE  BATTLK  OF  MONMOUTH—  ANECDOTE...,  .  96 


CONTENTS.  XV 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

THE    WESTCHESTER    LINES. 

PAGE 

CONDITION  OP  THE  COUNTRY  BEFORE  COLONEL  BURR  TOOK  THE  COMMAND  —  SUP 
PRESSES  PLUNDERING  —  His  HABITS  AS  A  SOLDIER  —  DESTROYS  THE  BLOCK  FORT 
—  LOVE  ADVENTURE  BY  NIG  HT  —  KESIGNS  HIS  COMMISSION  —  TESTIMONY  OP  THE 
MEN  WHOM  HE  COMMANDED  —  ANECDOTES  —  INTERVIEW  WITH  MRS.  ARNOLD  AT 
PARAMUS  —  EFFECTS  OF  THE  WAP.  UPON  HIS  CHARACTER  AND  FORTUNE Ill 


CHAPTER    IX. 

ADMISSION     TO     THE    BAR,     AND     MARRIAGE. 

THE  AMERICAN  BAR  BEFORE  THE  REVOLUTION  —  BURR  RESUMES  HIS  LEGAL  STUDIES 
—  His  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  MRS.  PREVOST — ADMISSION  TO  THE  BAR  —  CHAR 
ACTER  OF  MRS.  PREVOST — THEIR  MARRIAGE  —  REMOVAL  TO  NEW  YORK 180 


CHAPTER    X. 

AT    THE     NEW     YORK     BAR. 

NEW  YORK  IN  1 783  —  JOHN  ADAMS'S  IMPRESSIONS  OP  THE  CITY — THE  DIFFERENT 
KINDS  OP  LAWYERS  — BURR'S  QUALITY  AND  HABITS  AS  A  LAWYER  —  ANECDOTES 
—  HAMILTON  AND  BURR  AT  THE  BAR  — EMOLUMENTS  OP  THE  BAR  THEN  — THB 
TASTES  AND  HOME  OF  BURR  —  SCENES  AT  RICHM^SUL  HILL 142 


CHAPTER    XI. 

THE     NEW    YORK     POLITICIAN. 

THE  RAPIDITY  OF  HIS  RISE  IN  POLITICS  —  MEMBER  OF  TUB  STATE  LEGISLATUBE  — 
OPPOSES  THE  MECHANICS'  BILL— VOTES  FOR  THE  ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  — 
PARTIES  AFTER  THE  PEACK  —  THE  GREAT  FAMILIES  OF  THE  STATE  —  "BURR'S 
MYRMIDONS"— THE  RATIFICATION  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  —  BURR'S  EARLY. MOVE 
MENTS  IN  POLITICS  —  APPOINTED  ATTORNEY-GENERAL  OF  THE  STATE —  His  RE- 

0  POUT  ON  THE  REVOLUTION ARY  CLAIMS  —  SALE  OF  THE  STATK  LANDS  —  ELECTED 

TO  THE  SKN  ATE  OK  THE  UNITKD  STATKS 165 


XVI  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    XII. 


A    SENATOR. 

PAQK 

ENTEKS  THE  SENATE  — THE  SENATE'S  INTERVIEW  WITH  PRESIDENT  WASHINGTON 

—  BURR'S  ADDRESS    TO   THE   PRESIDENT  —  LETTER  FROM  THE  FRENCH  KING  — 
THE    PRESIDENT    FORBIDS  COLONEL  BURK  TO   EXAMINE  THE  EECORDS  —  BURR 
TALKED  OF  FOR  THE  GOVERNORSHIP  OF  THE  STATE  — BURR'S  OPINION  ON  THE 
DISPUTED  CANVASS  —  SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  —  BURR  A  CANDIDATE  — 
HAMILTON  OPPOSES  AND    DENOUNCES    HIM  —  BURR  AS  A  DEB ATER —"WASHING 
TON'S  EEFUSAL  TO  SEND  HIM  AMBASSADOR  TO  FRANCE  — THIRD  PRESIDENTIAL 
ELECTION  —  BURR  A  PROMINENT  CANDIDATE  —  HAMILTON  AGAIN  OPPOSES  HIM 

—  DOMESTIC  LIFE  — DEATH  OF  MRS.  BURR  — EDUCATION  OF  HIS  DAUGHTER 181 


CHAPTER    XIII. 


THE     ERA    OF    BAD    FEELING. 

THE  THREE  PERIODS  OF  OUR  HISTORY  —  PARTIES  BEFORE  THE  EEVOLUTION  —  PAR 
TIES     AFTER     THE     EEVOLUTION —  EFFECT     OF    THE     FRENCH     EEVOLUTION     UPON 

AMERICAN  POLITICS  —  HAMILTON  —  JEFFERSON — THE  TONE  OF  SOCIETY  ON  JEF 
FERSON'S  EETURN  FROM  FRANCE  —  THE  DIFFERENCES  BETWEEN  HAMILTON  AND 
JEFFERSON  —  EISE  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  — JOHN  ADAMS  — PUBLIC  EXCITE 
MENT  IN  179S 207 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

MEMBER    OF    THE    ASSEMBLY    AGAIN. 

BURR   RETIRES   FROM    THE    SENATE — TflE    FEDERALISTS    IN    POWER — PRE-EMINENT 

POSITION  OF  HAMILTON  —  BURR  IN  THE  ASSEMBLY  —  His  PREPARATORY  MA 
NEUVERS —  HAMILTON  OPPOSES  BURR'S  APPOINTMENT  TO  A  GENERALSHIP  —  THE 
ARMY  —  THE  MANHATTAN  BANK  AFFAIR  —  BURR'S  FIRST  DUEL,  AND  ITS  CAUSE 


CONTENTS.  XVU 

CHAPTER    XV. 

THE    ELECTION    OF    1800. 

PAGE 
GLOOMY  PROSPECTS  OF  THE  KEPUBLICANS  —  BUBB  CONFIDENT  —  FEDEBAL  ERRORS 

—  ABBEST  OF  JUDGE  PECK  — HAMILTON'S  SCHEME  FOB  CHEATING  THE  PEOPLE  — 
JOHN  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE  —  BITER'S  TACTICS  — HE  WINS  OVER  GENERAL  GATES 

—  JUDGE  LIVINGSTON  AND  GOVEBNOB  CLINTON  —  HAMILTON  AND  BURR  AT  THE 
POLLS— THE   VICTORY  —  HAMILTON'S   UNWORTHY   EXPEDIENTS  —  BURR   FRUS 
TRATES  THEM  — THE  TIE  BETWEEN  JEFFERSON  AND  BURR 243 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

THE    TIE    INTRIGUES. 

THE  WORKS  OF  WASHINGTON,  JEFFERSON,  ADAMS  AND  HAMILTON  —  LETTER  FROM 
BURR  TO  WILKINSON  — LETTER  FROM  JEFFERSON  TO  BUEB  — LETTEB  FBOM  BURR 
TO  HON.  S.  SMITH,  APPOINTING  HIM  HIS  PROXY  —  LETTER^FROM  HAMILTON  TO 
SECRETARY  WnT-fJOTT^rniNpuxniNQ  "BURR  — THE  FEDERALISTS  BENT  ON  ELECTING 
BURR  PRESIDENT — LETTER  FROM  OTIS  TO  HAMILTON,  ASKING  ADVICE  RESPECTING 
THE  PROJECT  — SECOND  LETTER  FBOM  HAMILTON  TO  WOLCO-TT  AGAINST  BURR  — 
LETTER  FROM  JEFFERSON  TO  MADISON,  DENOUNCING~THE  FEDERAL  INTRIGUES  — 
HONEST  LETTER  FROM  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS  — LETTE^JROM  HAMILTON  TO  SEDQ- 
WICK,  DENOUNCING  BURR  —  LETTERS  FROM  HAMILTON  TO  MORRIS  AND  BAYARD, 
AGAINST  BURR  —  KEPLIES^OF  MORRIS  AND  BAYARD  TO  HAMILTON — LETTEB  FBOM 
GENERAL  GBEEN  TO  HAMILTON  —  LETTEB  OF  GOVERNOE  KUTLEDGE  TO  HAMILTON 

—  SEDGWICK'S  KEPLY  TO  HAMILTON  —  LONG  LETTER  OF  HAMILTON  TO  BAYARD  — 
HAMILTON  TO  MORRIS  AGAIN  —  THE  ELECTION  IN  THE  HOUSE  —  SCENE  BETWEEN 
JEFFERSON  AND  ADAMS  — PROOF  OF  BURR'S  POLITICAL  INTEGRITY  — THE  INAUGU 
RATION  262 


CHAPTER    XVII.  * 

THE    VICE-PRESIDENT. 

THE  OFFICE  OF  VICE-PRESIDENT — MARRIAGE  OF  THKODOSIA  —  HER  SON  —  BURR'S 
DELIGHT  IN  HIM  — His  STYLE  OF  LIVING  — His  COURTSHIP  OF  CELESTE  — His 
POPULARITY  AND  GENERAL  GOOD  FORTUNE 297 


XTlll  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

CLOUDS    GATHER. 

J»AGK 

THE  GREAT  EREOB  OF  BURR'S  PUBLIC  LIFE  —  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  SPOILS  — 
CHEETHAM  AND  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN  —  BURR'S  COURSE  ON  THE  JUDICIARY 
BILL— THE  SUPPRESSED  HISTORY  OF  ADAMS'S  ADMINISTRATION  —  HAMILTON'S 
MORBID  APPREHENSIONS  —  BURR  AT  THE  WASHINGTON  BANQUET  —  HAMILTON'S 
NEW  TACTICS  —  CHEETIIAM'B  CALUMNIES  —  THEIR  EEFUTATION —  THE  WAR  OF 
PAMPHLETS  AND  NEWSPAPERS  — DUELING  THEN  —  HAMILTON'S  ELDEST  SON  FALLS 
IN  A  DUEL  —  DUEL  BETWEEN  JOHN  SWARTWOUT  AND  DE  WITT  CLINTON  —  Eo- 
BEKT  SWARTWOUTAND  ElCHARD  ElKER'S  DUEL  —  DUEL  BETWEEN  COLEMAN  AND 
CAPTAIN  THOMPSON  —  BURR  RUNS  FOR  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  YORK  —  THE  CONTEST 
—  BURR  DEFEATED  ...  . .  305 


CHAPTER    XIX. 


THE    DUEL. 

THE  GENERAL  PROVOCATION  —  THE  PARTICULAR  PROVOCATION  —  THE  HOSTILE 
CORRESPONDENCE  —  THE  CHALLENGE  GIVEN  AND  ACCEPTED  —  HAMILTON'S  CON 
DUCT,  AND  BURR'S  LETTERS  BEFORE  THE  MEETING  —  THE  BANQUET  OF  THE 
CINCINNATI  —  THE  LAST  WRITINGS  OF  HAMILTON  AND  BURR  —  THE  DUELING 
GROUND  — THE  DUEL  — EFFECT  ON  THE  PUBLIC  MIND  — THE  CORONER'S  VER 
DICT— DR.  NOTT'S  SERMON  — Tira  Mos U MLW  'TO  HAMILTON  ON  THE  GROUND.. 


CHAPTER    XX. 


•  THE     FUGITIVE. 

BURR'S  CONDUCT  AFTER  THE  DUEL  —  ANECDOTE  —  BURR'S   FLIGHT  —  COMMODORH 
TRUXTON'S  NARRATIVE  —  BURR  EMBARKS  SECRETLY  FOR  ST.  SIMON'S  — His  EE- 

CEPTION    AND    RESIDENCE   THERE  —  BANQUET   AT    PETERSBURG  —  ClIEERED   AT    F1IE 

THEATER  — His  RETURN  TO  WASHINGTON  —  HE  PRESIDES  AT  THE  TRIAL  OF  JUDGE 
CIIACE  —  His  ELOQUENT  FAREWELL  TO  THE  SENATE  —  His  PECUNIARY  CONDITION  064 


CONTENTS.  XIX 


CHAPTER    XXI. 


HE    SEEKS    A    NEW    COUNTRY. 

PAGK 

LOUISIANA  OURS —  BURR'S  FRIENDS  IN  THE  WESTERN  COUNTRY  —  GENERAL  WIL 
KINSON —  THE  GREAT  WEST  IN  1805  —  BURR  GOES  WEST  —  NARRATIVE  OF  MAT 
THEW  LYON— THE  VOYAGE  DOWN  THE  OHIO  — BLENNERUASSETT  ISLAND  — GRAND 
RECEPTION  AT  NASHVILLE  —  ARRIVAL  IN  NEW  ORLEANS  —  NEW  ORLEANS  THEN 

—  His  LIFE  THERE  —  RETURN  EASTWARD  —  BURR  SUSPECTED  BY  THE  SPANIARDS 

—  JOURNEY  THROUGH  KENTUCKY  — LETTER  OF  CLARK  TO  WILKINSON  —  INTER 
VIEW  BETWEEN  WILKINSON  AND  BURR  —  MYSTERIOUS  LETTER  FROM  BURR  TO 
WILKINSON  — CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  BURR  AND  BLENNERHASSETT  —  INTER 
VIEW  BETWEEN  BURR  AND  JEFFERSON  —  FURTHER    SPANISH  AGGRESSIONS 381 

« 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

THE     EXPEDITION. 
^ 

THE  OBJECTS  OF  THE  EXPEDITION  —  BURR'S  CONFEDERATES  —  SWARTWOUT  DIS 
PATCHED  TO  WILKINSON  — BURR'S  FATAL  VISIT  TO  THE  MORGANS— EXERCISES 
A  REGIMENT  AT  MARIETTA — VIGOROUS  PREPARATIONS  —  RUMORS  —  BURR  BEFORE 
THE  COURT  IN  FRANKFORT — DEFENDED  BY  HENRY  CLAY  —  His  TRIUMPHANT  AC 
QUITTAL  408 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 


THE    EXPLOSION. 

SWARTWOUT'S  ARRIVAL  IN  GENERAL  WILKINSON'S  CAMP  —  THE  CIPHER  LETTERS  — 
WILKINSON  REVEALS  THE  SCHEME  —  SENDS  INFORMATION  TO  THE  PRESIDENT 
—  THE  PROCLAMATION  —  WILKINSON'S  MEASURES  —  THE  PUBLIC  FRENZY  — 
SCENES  ON  BLENNERHASSETT  ISLAND  —  DESCENT  OF  THE  RIVER  —  BURR  SUR 
RENDERS—GRAND  JURY  REFUSE  TO  INDICT  HIM  —  His  FLIGHT  INTO  THE  WIL 
DERNESS  ...  . .  425 


XX  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 


THE    ARREST. 

PAGE 

BURB  EECOGNIZED  — THE  PURSUIT  —  BUEE  CAPTIVATES  THE  SHERIFF  — INTERVIEW 
BETWEEN  BUEE  AND  CAPTAIN  GAINES —  THE  ARREST — BURR'S  DEPORTMENT  AS 
A  PEISONEE  — His  DEPARTURE  FROM  FOBT  STOOD AET  — THE  JOURNEY  THROUGH 
THE  WILDERNESS  —  ANECDOTE  —  BUER'S  APPEAL  TO  THE  PEOPLE  —  AEEIVAL  AT 
EICHMOND — EXAMINATION  BEFORE  CHIEF  JUSTICE  MARSHALL  —  BURR  DEFENDS 
HIMSELF  —  ADMITTED  TO  BAIL  —  JEFFERSON  ...  444 


* 

CHAPTER   XXV. 

THE    INDICTMENT. 

THE  CONCOURSE  AT  EICHMOND  —  GENERAL  JACKSON  DENOUNCES  JEFFEESON  — 
WlNFIELD  SCOTT  IN  THE  COUET-EOOM  —  THE  LAWYEES — GEOBGE  HAY  —  WlL- 
LIAM  WiRT  —  MAcEAE  — BURR'S  MANNER  AND  APPEAEANCE  IN  COUET— EDMUND 
EANDOLPH  —  WILLIAM  WICKHAM  —  LUTHEE  MAETIN  —  BENJAMIN  BOTTS  —  JACK 
BAKER  —  THE  GEAND  JUEY  —  MOTION  TO  COMMIT  —  THE  ARGUMENT  —  WIET'S 
SPEECH  —  BURB'S  EEPLY  — WAITING  FOE  WILKINSON  —  TREASON  DEFINED  —  THE 
SUBPOENA  DUCES  TECUM  —  INDICTMENTS  FOUND  —  BUER  IN  PRISON  —  THEODOSIA'S 
AEEIVAL  —  BARNEY'S  EECOLLEOTIONS  ...  . .  458 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

THE     TRIAL. 

FOUETEEN  DAYS  SPENT  IN  GETTING  A  JUEY  —  GENEBAL  EATON'S  TESTIMONY  — 
COMMODOBE  TRUXTON'S  TESTIMONY  —  PETER  TAYLOR'S  TESTIMONY  —  JACOB  ALL- 
BRIGHT'S  TESTIMONY  —  THE  NINE  DAYS'  DEBATE  otf  THE  ADMISSIBILITY  OF 
INDIRECT  EVIDENCE  —  WIET'S  CELEBEATED  SPEECH  —  BLENNERHASSETT'S  DIARY 
—  DECISION  OF  THE  CHIEF  JUSTICE  —  THE  VEEDICT — LETTER  OF  THEODOSIA'S  — 
THE  TEIAL  FOR  MISDEMEANOR  —  BUER  IN  BALTIMORE... 


CONTENTS.  XXI 

CHAPTER    XXVII. 

THE    EXILE.       HIS    RESIDENCE    IN    ENGLAND. 

PAGE 

BAILS  FOB  ENGLAND  — PARTING  WITH  TIIEODOSIA  —  INTERVIEWS  WITH  CANNING, 
CASTLEKEAGH,  AND  MULGHAVE  —  THREATENED  WITH  EXPULSION  FROM  ENGLAND 
—  CLAIMS  TO  BE  A  BRITISH  SUBJECT  — His  SUCCESS  IN  SOCIETY  —  CHARLES 
LAMB — BENTUAM  —  ANECDOTES  OF  BURR  AND  BENTHAM  —  IIis  OCCUPATIONS  IN 
LONDON  — PLANS  FOR  RETRIEVING  ins  FORTUNES  —  SAMUEL  SWARTWOUT'S 
SCHEME  — BURR'S  TOUR  IN  THE  NORTH  — A  MONTH  IN  EDINBURG  — THREATENED 
WITH  ARREST 513 

CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

EXPULSION  FROM  GREAT  BRITAIN,   AND  RESIDENCE  IN  SWEDEN. 

His  ARREST  — COMPELLED  TO  LEAVE  THE  COUNTRY  —  LETTER  TO  LORD  LIVER 
POOL  —  SAILS  FOR  SWEDEN  —  ARRIVAL  IN  STOCKHOLM  —  His  RESIDENCE  IN 
STOCKHOLM  —  His  IMPRESSIONS  OF  SWEDEN  —  PLEASANT  INCIDENT 588 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

LOVE-CHASE  IN  GERMANY,  AND  JOURNEY  TO  PARIS. 

LEAVES  SWEDEN  —  Two  WEEKS  AT  COPENHAGEN  —  AT  HAMBURG  —  CUT  BY 
THE  AMERICANS  —  THE  LADY  DENTIST  —  PASSPORTS  DELAYED  —  TOUR  IN  GER 
MANY  —  AT  WEIMAR  —  GOETHE  —  WIELAND  —  THE  DUCAL  COURT  —  GOETHE'S 
THEATER  —  ODD  RENCONTER  WITH  THE  DUCHESS  —  A  SERIOUS  PASSION  —  ANEC 
DOTE —  AT  GOTHA  —  His  FAMILIABITY  WITH  THE  DUKK  —  THE  PRINCESS  LOUISE 
—  INCIDENTS  AT  THE  FRANKFORT  BALL ,  . .  548 


CHAPTER    XXX. 


IN    PARIS    UNDER    SURVEILLANCE. 


INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  Due  DE  C ADORE  —  FRUITLESS  ATTEMPTS  TO   REACH   THE 
EMPEROR  —  LETTER  TO  FOTJCHK  — THE  KING  OF  WESTPHALIA  —  PASSPORTS  RE- 


XX11  C  O  N  T  .E  N  T  S  . 

I'AGE 

FUSED  —  UNDER  SURVEILLANCE  OF  THE  POLICE  —  PECUNIARY  STRAITS  —  CUT  BY 
THE  AMERICAN  KEBIDENTS  —  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  Due  DE  KOVIGO  —  CORRE 
SPONDENCE  WITH  THE  AMERICAN  CHAKGE  DBS  AFFAIRES  —  B  FEE'S  EXTREME 
POVERTY  —  CURES  A  SMOKY  CHIMNEY  —  LETTERS  FROM  THEODOSIA  —  EXPEDIENTS 
FOR  RAISING  MONEY...  552 


CHAPTER    XXXI. 

HE    ESCAPES. 

THE  TICKET  ADVENTURE  —  ACQUAINTANCE  WITH  M.  DENON  AND  TIFE  Duo  DE  BAS- 
SANO  — A  BRIGHTER  PROSPECT— PASSPORTS  PROCURED  —  BASSANO'S  GENEROSITY 
—  JOURNEY  TO  HOLLAND  —  FURTHER  DELAYS  — LEAVES  PARIS  FOREVER  —  INCI 
DENTS  OF  HIS  DEPARTURE  —  SAILS  FROM  HOLLAND  —  CAPTURED  BY  A  BRITISH 
FRIGATE  —  IN  LONDON  AGAIN  —  PENNILESS — CHEERFULNESS  IN  MISFORTUNE  — 
DESPERATE  EFFORTS  TO  EAISE  MONEY  —  LEAVES  LONDON  —  CHASE  AFTER  THE 
SHIP  —  SAILS  FOR  BOSTON 570 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

THE    EXILE'S    WELCOME    HOME. 

ALONE  IN  THE  SHIP  —  GOES  ON  SHORE  IN  DISGUISE  —  ADVENTURES  AT  THE  CUSTOM 
HOUSE —  DETENTION  IN  BOSTON  —  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  OLD  SOLDIER  —  THE 
COLLEGE  CLASSMATE  —  EECOGNIZED  BY  A  LADY  —  GOOD  NEWS  FRQ^I  SWARTWOUT 

—  SAILS  IN  A  SLOOP  FOR  NEW  YORK  — FINDS  EELATIVES  ON  BOARD  —  STARTLING 
INCIDENT  —  BURR  NARRATES  HIS  ARRIVAL  IN  THE  CITY —  CONCEALED  FOR  TWENTY 
DAYS  —  ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  HIS  ARRIVAL  —  SUCCESSFUL  BEGINNING  OF  BUSINESS 

—  DREADFUL  NEWS  FROM  THEODOSIA  —  DEATH  OF  THEODOSIA  —  THE  FATHER'S 
GRIEF — ANECDOTE 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

ANECDOTES  AND  REMINISCENCES  OP  HIS  LATER  YEARS. 

POPULAR  NOTION  OF  BURR'S  LATER  TEARS  —  His  DEBTS— STARTS  GENERAL  JACK-  ' 
SON  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY  —  THE   MfiDCEF  EDEN  CASE  —  KEM  ARK  ABLE  CASE  OF 
INCEST  —  INTERVIEW  WITH  HENRY  CLAY  —  SCENE  BETWEEN  BURR  AND  GENERAL 
SCOTT— BURR  REVISITS  THE  SCENE  OF  THE  DUEL  — BURR'S  MEETING  WITH  MRS. 


CONTENTS.  XX111 

PAGE 

HAMILTON  —  BURR   AND  VANDERLYN   THE   PAINTEB  —  EECOLLECTIONS   OF   DR. 

WOODBEIDGE  —  HlS  EELIGIOU8  BELIEF  —  HlS  OPINION  OF  THE  BlBLE  —  ANEC 
DOTES  —  GENEROSITY  OF  BURR  — ANECDOTES  — STORY  OF  BURR  AND  GENERAL 
JACKSON  —  BURR'S  OPINION  OF  JACKSON  —  BURR'S  HALE  OLD  AGE  —  BURR  AND 
FANNY  KEMBLE 608 


CHAPTER    XXXIV. 

HIS    RELATIONS    WITH    WOMEN. 

THEY  SAY"  —  ANECDOTE  OF  WILBERFORCE —  THE  ERRORS  OF  M.  L.  DAVIS  — 
THB  Two  WILLS  OF  COLONEL  BURR  — ANECDOTES  — LETTER  OF  COLONEL  BURR 
TO  A  YOUNG  LADY  —  THE  AGE  OP  GALLANTRY  —  His  INFLUENCE  OVER  LADIES 
—  His  MANNERS  — CAUSES  OF  ms  BAD  REPUTATION  WITH  KEGARD  TO  WOMEN- 
AD  VENTURES  ON  THE  COLD  FRIDAY  — OTHER  ANECDOTES  — BUER  NO  SEDUCER.. 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

HIS    SECOND    MARRIAGE. 

ORIGIN  AND  HISTORY  OF  STEPHEN  JUMEL —  MADAME  JUMEL'S  VISIT  TO  BURR  — 
COURTSHIP  AND  MARRIAGE  —  BURR  MISUSES  HER  MONEY — THEIR  SEPARATION.. 


CHAPTER    XXXVI. 

HIS  LAST  YEARS  AND  HOURS. 

STRICKEN  WITH  PARALYSIS  —  His  LAST  AND  BEST  FRIEND  —  ANECDOTES  OF  His 
SICKNESS  —  DYING  DECLARATION  RESPECTING  His  EXPEDITION  —  INTERVIEW 
WITH  A  CLERGYMAN  —  His  LAST  MOMENTS  — FUNERAL  — MONUMENT...,  ..  667 


CHAPTER    XXXVII. 

OTHER  FACTS,  AND  SOME  REFLECTIONS 


CHAPTER  I. 

JONATHAN    EDWARDS, 

THE  FATHER  OF  AARON  BURR'S  MOTHER. 

ite  RESIDENCE  IN  NEW  YORK  IN  1722  —  SKETCH  OF  HIS  CAKEER  —  His  WIFE  AND 
DAUGHTERS  —  ESTHER  EDWARDS  —  THE  EDWARDS  STOCK — INFLUENCE  OF  JONATHAN 
EDWARDS. 

IN  the  autumn  of  1722,  when  New  York  was  a  town  of 
eight  thousand  inhabitants,  and  possessed  some  of  the  charac 
teristics  of  a  Dutch  city,  an  English  sea-port,  a  new  settlement, 
a  garrisoned  town,  and  a  vice-royal  residence,  there  used  to 
walk  about  ite  narrow,  winding  streets,  among  the  crowd  of 
Dutch  traders,  English  merchants,  Indians,  officers  and  sol 
diers,  a  young  man  whose  appearance  was  in  marked  contrast 
with  that  of  the  passers-by.  His  tall,  slender,  slightly  stoop 
ing  figure,  was  clad  in  homespun  parson's  gray.  His  face,  very 
pale,  and  somewhat  wasted,  wore  an  aspect  of  singular  refine 
ment,  and  though  but  nineteen  years  of  age,  there  was  in  his 
air  and  manner  the  dignity  of  the  mature  and  cultivated  man. 

This  was  JONATHAN  EDWAKDS,  who  had  just  come  from 
studying  divinity  at  Yale  College,  to  preach  to  a  small  con 
gregation  of  Presbyterians  in  the  city.  New  York  had  an  ill 
name  at  that  time  among  the  good  people  of  New  England. 
"The  Dutch  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey,"  said  one  of 
them,  "are  little  better  than  the  savages  of  our  American 
deserts."  Jonathan  Edwards  was  sent  by  a  company  of 
clergymen  to  this  desperate  place  much  in  the  spirit  of  those 
who,  at  the  present  day,  send  missionaries  to  Oregon  or  to 
the  mining  districts  of  California. 

Every  thing  was  adverse  to  the  spread  of  his  faith  at  that 
time  in  New  York,  and  the  young  clergyman,  after  a  residence 
of  only  a  few  months,  went  home  to  resume  his  studies.  Dearly 


26  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUI112. 

loved  and  highly  prized  by  some  members  of  his  little  congre 
gation  in  New  York  he  certainly  was ;  but  there  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  the  preaching  of  the  greatest  of  American 
clergymen  attracted  the  slightest  attention  from  the  unintel- 
lectual  citizens  of  the  place.  Yet  a  happier,  a  more  exultant 
youth,  never  trod  the  shores  of  this  island  than  Jonathan 
Edwards.  He  had  grasped  the  tenets  of  his  sect  not  with  the 
languid  assent  with  which  an  inherited  creed  is  frequently  re 
ceived,  but  with  that  eager,  enthusiastic  love  which  accompanies 
original  conceptions.  To  him  they  were  the  most  real  of  all 
realities.  His  manner  was  very  calm  and  gentle.  He  spoke 
little,  and  kept  apart  from  the  busy  life  of  the  city.  But  the 
light  of  perfect  benevolence  and  rapt-devotion  rested  upon  his 
noble,  thought-laden  countenance,  and  a  profound  enthusiasm 
animated  his  heart.  « 

Of  his  life  in  New  York,  he  writes  in  after  years  a  brief 
account,  which  still  exists  to  reveal  to  a  canting  age  a  soul 
devoted  to  the  object  of  its  love.  How  touching  is  this 
extract : — "  If  I  heard  the  least  hint  of  any  thing  that  hap 
pened  in  any  part  of  the  world  that  appeared,  in  some  re 
spect  or  other,  to  have  a  favorable  aspect  on  the  interests  of 
Christ's  kingdom,  my  soul  eagerly  catched  at  it ;  and  it  would 
much  animate  and  refresh  me.  I  used  to  be  eager  to  read  pub- 
lie  news-letters,  mainly  for  that  end  /  to  see  if  I  could  not  find 
some  news,  favorable  to  the  interest  of  religion  in  the  world. 
I  very  frequently  used  to  retire  into  a  solitary  place,  on  the 
banks  of  Hudson's  river,  at  some  distance  from  the  city,  for 
contemplation  on  divine  things  and  secret  converse  with'God ; 
and  had  many  sweet  hours  there.  Sometimes  Mr.  Smith  and 
I  walked  there  together,  to  converse  on  the  things  of  God : 
and  our  conversation  used  to  turn  much  on  the  advancement 
of  Christ's  kingdom  in  the  world,  and  the  glorious  things  that 
God  would  accomplish  for  his  church  in  the  latter  days.  I 
had  then,  and  at  other  times,  the  greatest  delight  in  the  holy 
Scriptures,  of  any  book  whatsoever.  Oftentimes  in  reading- 
it,  every  word  seemed  to  touch  my  heart.  I  felt  a  harmony 
between  something  in  my  heart  and  those  sweet  and  powerful 
words.  I  seemed  often  to  see  so  much  light  exhibited  by 


JONATHAN     ED  WARDS.  27 

every  sentence,  and  such  a  refreshing  food  communicated, 
that  I  could  not  get  along  in  reading ;  often  dwelling  long  on 
one  sentence,  to  see  the  wonders  contained  in  it ;  and  yet  al 
most  every  sentence  seemed  to  be  full  of  wonders." 

Through  the  obsolete  phraseology  of  this  passage,  one  easily 
discerns  a  fine  disinterestedness  of  character  which,  unless  the 
human  race  should  become  wholly  debased,  can  never  become 
obsolete. 

The  industry  of  one  of  his  descendants  has  given  the  world 
a  biography  of  Jonathan  Edwards,  which  possesses  historical 
interest.*  Of  the  religion  called  "  evangelical,"  he  was  per 
haps,  the  most  perfect  exemplification  that  ever  existed.  The 
child  was  father  of  the  man.  .We  see  him,  as  a  boy  of 
ten,  building  a  booth  in  a  swamp  near  his  father's  house,  to 
which  he  and  two  of  his  companions  used  to  go  regularly  to 
pray.  In  his  eleventh  year,  we  read  of  his  demonstrating,  with 
a  kind  of  solemn  jocularity,  the  absurdity  of  an  opinion  which 
had  been  advanced  by  a  boy  of  his  own  age,  that  the  soul 
was  material,  and  remained  in  the  grave  with  the  body  till 
the  resurrection.  At  twelve,  we  find  him  beginning  a  letter 
to  one  of  his  sisters  thus  :  "  Through  the  wonderful  goodness 
and  mercy  of  God,  there  has  been  in  this  place  a  very  re 
markable  outpouring  of  the  Spirit  of  God."  He  proceeds  to 
inform  his  sister  that  he  "  has  reason  to  think  it  is  in  some  meas 
ure  diminished,  but  he  hopes  not  much,  and  that  above  thirty 
persons  came  commonly  a  Mondays  to  converse  with  father 
about  their  souls."  At  the  same  time,  he  exhibited  in  things 
not  religious,  an  intelligence  truly  remarkable.  He  wrote,  in  his 
twelfth  year,  an  elaborate  description  of  "  the  wondrous  way  of 
the  working  of  the  forest  spider,"  which  shows  that  he  possessed 
a  rare  talent  for  the  observation  of  nature.  One  of  the  great 
est  of  natural  philosophers  was  lost  to  the  world  when  Jon 
athan  Edwards  became  a  theologian. 

At  thirteen,  he  was  one  of  the  thirty-one  students  who,  in 
1716,  composed  Yale  College,  and  there  occurred  the  events 
which  decided  his  career.  "  Toward  the  latter  part  of  my 

*  Tho  Life  of  President  Edwards.— S.  E.  Dwight.  New  York :  G-.  &  C.  & 
H.  Carvill,  1830. 


28  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUKE. 

time  at  college,"  he  wrote,  "  it  pleased  God  to  seize  me  with 
a  pleurisy,  in  which  he  brought  me  nigh  to  the  grave,  and 
shook  me  over  the  pit  of  hell."  Alarmed,  the  exemplary  youth 
"  made  seeking  his  salvation  the  mam  business  of  his  life" — 
with  the  usual  evangelical  result.  The  other  event  was,  for  his 
country  and  the  Protestant  world,  far  more  important.  It 
was  his  reception  of  what  theologians  call  the  doctrine  of 
election. 

From  his  childhood  up,  as  he  himself  records,  his  ingenuous 
mind  had  revolted  from  the  idea  of  "  God's  choosing  whom 
he  would  to  eternal  life,  and  rejecting  whom  he  pleased,  leav 
ing  them  eternally  to  perish  and  be  everlastingly  tormented  in 
hell."  But  the  time  came  when  he  thought  he  believed  this 
doctrine.  He  could  not  tell  how  nor  why.  On  a  sudden,  con 
viction  flashed  upon  his  mind,  and  what  had  once  seemed  a 
horrible  doctrine,  he  contemplated  with  delight.  Henceforth, 
the  leisure  of  his  life,  and  the  best  efforts  of  his  intellect,  were 
devoted  to  its  elucidation.  His  treatise  on  the  "  Freedom  of 
the  Will,"  by  which  he  is  chiefly  known  to  the  recent  world,  is 
an  ingenious  attempt  to  make  that  reasonable,  which,  not 
through  his  reason,  he  had  himself  received.  To  reconcile  the 
orthodox  tenets  with  the  facts  of  nature  and  the  reason  of 
man  is  the  task  at  which  the  brain  of  New  England  grew 
large  and  the  chest  narrow.  Of  those  who  have  lived  and 
died  in  that  vocation,  the  greatest  and  the  best  was  Jonathan 
Edwards. 

Nobler  than  any  of  his  works  was  the  life  of  this  good  man. 
He  was  one  of  those  who  have  deliberately  incurred  obloquy 
and  ruin  for  conscience'  sake. 

After  leaving  New  York,  he  was  a  tutor  in  Yale  College  for 
a  year  or  two,  and  was  then  chosen  pastor  of  the  church  at 
Northampton.  There,  his  preaching  produced  effects  that 
have  never  been  surpassed.  His  church  became  the  largest 
Protestant  society  in  the  world.  He  stood  at  the  head  of  the 
clerical  profession  in  New  England.  The  "  great  awakening," 
of  which  so  much  appears  in  the  writings  of  that  day,  began 
in  his  church  at  Northampton,  and  extended  to  the  remotest 
colony  in  America,  to  England,  and  to  Scotland.  He  was  the 


JONATHAN     EDWARDS.  29 

first  American  author  who  achieved  a  European  reputation ; 
while  he  was  yet  a  young  man,  sermons  and  volumes  of  his 
were  republished  in  Great  Britain  and  widely  circulated.  At 
home,  wherever  he  preached,  crowds  hung  upon  the  lips  of 
the  great  Mr.  Edwards  of  Northampton. 

For  twenty-three  years  he  held  this  unequaled  position,  a 
shining  light  in  the  Protestant  world,  and  dear  to  the  pride  of 
his  own  congregation.  Then  there  arose  a  dispute  between 
pastor  and  flock,  whether  saints  and  sinners  were  equally  en 
titled  to  partake  of  the  sacrament,  or  saints  only.  The  pastor 
was  for  excluding,  the  flock  for  admitting,  sinners.  The  peo 
ple  appealed  to  the  established  custom  of  the  parish  ;  the 
pastor,  to  the  spirit  and  letter  of  the  authoritative  writings. 
The  people  grew  warm,  refused  their  minister  a  hearing  on 
the  point  in  dispute,  and  clamored  for  his  dismissal.  He  was 
dismissed.  Himself,  his  wife,  his  ten  children,  were  suddenly 
deprived  of  the  means  of  living,  and  in  circumstances  that 
made  it  unlikely  that  he  would  be  again  able  to  practice  his 
profession. 

That  a  company  of  Christian  people,  after  having  had  for 
nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century  the  best  instructions  in  the  prin 
ciples  of  their  faith  that  any  congregation  ever  had,  and  that 
instruction  enforced  by  a  perfect  example,  should  have  been 
able  thus  to  reward  their  religious  teacher,  is  a  fact,  which 
those  who  are  curious  in  moral  causes  and  effects  will  always 
deem  worthy  of  consideration. 

On  this  trying  occasion,  Jonathan  Edwards  honored  human 
nature  by  the  quiet  dignity  and  grand  forbearance  of  his 
conduct.  He  accepted  soon  the  humble  post  of  missionary  to 
the  Indians  of  Stockbridge,  and  labored  there,  this  ablest  of 
living  preachers  and  theologians,  with  no  less  zeal  and  devo 
tion  than  he  had  shown  in  his  prime  of  popularity.  There,  in 
the  space  of  four  months  and  a  half,  he  wrote  his  treatise  on 
the  Will,  which  is  the  Principia  of  Calvinistic  theology.  He 
wrote  it  when  he  was  so  embarrassed  that  he  procured  with 
difficulty  the  necessary  paper,  and  parts  of  the  work,  like 
Pope's  Homer,  were  written  on  the  backs  of  letters  and  the 
blank  pages  of  pamphlets.  His  wife,  a  lady  magnificently  en- 


30  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

dowed  in  person  and  mind,  his  daughters,  beautiful  and  full  of 
talent,  made  lace  and  painted  fans,  which  were  sent  to  Boston 
for  sale. 

ESTHER,  the  third  of  these  lovely,  industrious  daughters, 
was  already  eighteen  years  of  age  when  the  family  removed 
to  Stockbridge.  Two  years  after,  came  to  her  home,  on  the 
edge  of  the  wilderness,  one  of  the  most  renowned  and  bril 
liant  members  of  her  father's  profession.  He  stood  over  her, 
or  sat  near  her,  one  may  fancy,  as  she  wove  her  lace  or  painted 
her  fan-paper.  He  had  an  eye  for  a  lady's  hand,  this  clergy 
man.  He  was  not  one  of  those  grim-looking  persons  whose 
portraits  form  the  hideous  frontispieces  to  the  religious  books 
of  that  period,  but  a  gentleman  whose  style  and  manner 
would  have  graced  a  court.  He  staid  only  three  days  at 
Stockbridge,  but  after  his  departure  the  young  maiden  made 
no  more  lace  and  painted  no  more  fans  for  the  Boston  ladies. 
Such,  at  least,  was  the  gossip  of  the  time,  as  one  reads  in  let 
ters  which  chance  has  preserved  for  the  perusal  of  a  prying 
biographer. 

The  Edwards  stock  is  famous  in  New  England.  The  re 
motest  known  ancestor  of  the  race  was  a  London  clergyman 
in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  Three  generations  of  wor 
thy,  substantial  persons,  his  descendants,  lived  in  Connecticut. 
From  Jonathan  Edwards  a  surprising  number  of  distinguished 
individuals  have  descended ;  men  of  worth,  talent,  and  sta 
tion  :  women,  beautiful,  accomplished,  and  gifted.  Histories 
of  the  United  States  have  been  written  in  which  his  name 
does  not  occur ;  but  upon  every  person  reared  since  his  day 
in  New  England  he  has  made  a  discernible  impression,  and  he 
influences,  to  this  hour,  millions  who  never  heard  his  name. 
The  thing  he  chiefly  did  in  his  life  was  this :  the  church  and 
the  world,  two  hostile  bodies,  were  beginning,  as  it  were,  to 
relent  toward  one  another,  to  approach,  to  mingle.  Jonathan 
Edwards,  with  his  subtle,  feminine  intellect  and  resolute  will, 
threw  himself  between  the  two  bodies,  kept  them  apart,  made 
more  distinct  than  ever  the  line  of  demarcation,  and  rendered 
compromise  between  the  two,  perhaps,  for  ever  impossible. 

Such  a  man  was  the  father  of  Aaron  Burr's  mother. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  REVEREND  AARON  BURR, 

FATHER    OP    AARON    BURR. 

OUTLINE  OF  nrs  EARLY  HISTORY — PASTOR  OP  NEWARK  CHUROII — A  GREAT  SCHOOL 
MASTER—PRESIDENT  OF  PRINCETON  COLLEGE— THE  FIRST  COMMENCEMENT— SUDDEN 
MARRIAGE  OF  TUB  PRESIDENT — IIis  WRITINGS — His  PORTRAIT. 

THE  Reverend  Aaron  Burr  was  a  conspicuous  and  important 
person  in  his  day. 

lie  came  of  a  Puritan  family  which  may  have  originated  in 
Germany,  where  the  name  is  still  common,  but  which  had 
flourished  in  New  England  for  three  generations,  and  had 
given  to  those  provinces  clergymen,  lawyers,  and  civilians  of 
some  eminence.  He  was  born  at  Fairfield,  in  Connecticut,  in 
1716,  and  graduated  at  Yale,  with  great  distinction,  in  his  nine 
teenth  year.  His  proficiency  in  Latin  and  Greek  enabled  him 
to  win  one  of  the  three  Berkley  scholarships,  which  entitled  the 
possessor  to  a  maintenance  at  college  for  two  years  after  grad 
uating.  While  he  was  pursuing  his  studies  upon  that  endow 
ment,  he  was  arrested,  as  college  students  frequently  were  in 
those  days,  by  a  '  revival  of  religion.'  He  became  a  convert  and 
a  student  of  theology.  "  His  human  literature,"  to  use  the 
figure  of  one  of  his  eulogists,  "  was  thenceforward  an  obsequi 
ous  handmaid,  ever  ready  to  set  off  and  embellish  his  mistress, 
Divinity." 

An  account  of  his  conversion,  in  his  own  words,  has  been  pre 
served.  It  is  remarkable,  among  other  narratives  of  the  kind, 
for  its  concise  exactness  of  expression.  "  Tins  year,"  he  says, 
"  God  saw  fit  to  open  my  eyes  and  show  me  what  a  miserable 
creature  I  was.  Till  then  I  had  spent  my  life  in  a  dream,  and 
as  to  the  great  design  of  my  being,  had  lived  in  vain.  Though 
before,  I  had  been  under  frequent  convictions,  and  was  driven 


32  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUKK. 

to  a  form  of  religion,  yet  I  knew  nothing  as  I  ought  to  know. 
But  then  I  was  brought  to  the  footstool  of  sovereign  grace, 
saw  myself  polluted  by  nature  and  practice,  had  affecting  views 
of  the  divine  wrath  I  deserved,  was  made  to  despair  of  help 
in  myself,  and  almost  concluded  that  my  day  of  grace  was 
past.  It  pleased  God  at  length  to  reveal  his  Son  to  me  in  the 
gospel  as  an  all-sufficient  Saviour,  and  I  hope  inclined  me  to 
receive  him  on  the  terms  of  the  gospel."  Here  is  the  whole 
body  of  Calvinistic  divinity  in  a  paragraph. 

At  the  early  age  of  twenty-two  he  was  the  settled  and  pop 
ular  pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  church  in  Newark,  New  Jer 
sey.  Great  'revivals'  followed  his  preaching.  The  placid  but 
commanding  eloquence  of  which  he  was,  thus  early  in  his 
career,  a  finished  master,  was,  by  many,  more  admired  than 
the  torrent-like  vehemence  of  Whiten" eld,  or  the  subtle  argu 
mentation  of  Edwards.  We  have  a  description  of  his  mode 
of  preaching  from  the  pen  of  Governor  Livingston  of  New 
Jersey,  his  friend  in  life,  his  eloquent  eulogist  after  his  death. 
"  He  was  none  of  those  downy  doctors,"  said  the  governor, 
"  who  soothe  their  hearers  into  delusive  hope  of  divine  accept 
ance,  or  substitute  external  morality  in  the  room  of  vital  godli 
ness.  On  the  contrary,  he  scorned  to  proclaim  the  peace  of 
God  till  the  rebel  laid  down  his  arms,  and  returned  to  his  al 
legiance.  He  was  an  embassador  that  adhered  faithfully  to 
his  instructions,  and  never  acceded  to  a  treaty  that  would  not 
be  ratified  in  the  court  of  heaven.  He  searched  the  conscience 
with  the  terrors  of  the  law  before  he  assuaged  its  anguish 
with  the  balm  of  Gilead,  or  presented  the  sweet  emollients  of 
a  bleeding  deity.  He  acted,  in  short,  like  one,  not  intrusted 
with  the  lives  and  fortunes,  but  the  everlasting  interests  of  hi 
fellow  mortals." 

It  was  customary  at  that  time  for  clergymen  to  receive  pu 
pils  for  instruction  in  the  classical  languages.  Mr.  Burr's  rep 
utation  for  eloquence  and  learning  brought  him  so  many  boys 
that  his  private  class  grew  rapidly  into  an  important  school. 
He  kept  ushers.  He  wrote  a  Latin  grammar  for  the  use  of 
his  pupils,  which,  under  the  name  of  the  "  Newark  Grammar," 
was  long  the  standard  at  Princeton.  His  success  in  teaching 


REVEREND     AARON     BUR  II. 

was  memorable.  He  possessed  not  only  a  happy  method  of 
giving  instruction,  but  he  had  the  rarer  and  higher  art  of  in 
fusing  into  his  pupils  his  own  enthusiastic  love  of  learning  and 
literature.  He  was  an  admirable  teacher,  jocund  and  winning, 
without  losing  or  lessening  his  dignity  or  his  authority. 

To  his  labors  as  pastor,  schoolmaster,  and  author,  were 
afterward  added  those  of  the  President  of  the  College  of  New 
Jersey,  an  infant  institution  which  his  toil  and  tact  fostered  to 
a  healthy  and  vigorous  growth.  An  article  in  an  old  news 
paper,*  published  when  George  the  Second  was  king,  enables 
us  to  see  this  excellent,  indefatigable  man  on  that  triumphant 
day  of  his  life  when  the  college  conferred  its  first  degree,  in 
the  presence  of  the  governor  of  the  province,  and  a  great  con 
course  of  people.  With  amusing  particularity  the  writer  nar 
rates  the  august  ceremonies  of  the  day : 

"  His  excellency  (the  governor)  was  preceded  from  his 
lodgings  at  the  president's  house,  first,  by  the  candidates 
walking  in  couples,  uncovered ;  next  followed  the  trustees, 
two  and  two,  being  covered ;  and,  last  of  all,  his  excellency, 
the  governor,  with  the  president  at  his  left  hand.  At  the 
door  of  the  place  appointed  for  the  public  acts,  the  procession 
(amid  a  great  number  of  spectators  there  gathered)  was  in 
verted,  the  candidates  parting  to  the  right  and  left  hand,  and 
the  trustees  in  like  manner.  His  excellency  first  entered  with 
the  president,  the  trustees  went  following  in  the  order  in 
which  they  were  ranged  in  the  charter,  and,  last  of  all,  the 
candidates. 

"  Upon  the  bell  ceasing,  and  the  assembly  being  composed, 
the  president  began  the  public  acts  by  solemn  prayer  to  God, 
in  the  English  tongue,  for  a  blessing  upon  the  public  transac 
tions  of  the  day  ;  upon  his  majesty,  King  George  the  Second, 
and  the  royal  family ;  upon  the  British  nation  and  dominions ; 
upon  the  governor  and  government  of  New  Jersey  ;  upon  all 
seminaries  of  true  religion  and  good  literature,  and  particularly 
upon  the  infant  College  of  New  Jersey.  Which  being  con 
cluded,  the  president,  attended  in  the  pulpit  by  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Arthur,  who  had  been  constituted  clerk  of  the  cor- 
*  Pennsylvania  Journal,  December  8th,  1748. 


34  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BURR. 

poration,  desired,  in  the  English  tongue,  the  assembly  to  stand 
up  and  hearken  to  his  majesty's  royal  charter,  granted  to  the 
trustees  of  the  College  of  New  Jersey.  Upon  which,  the  as 
sembly  standing,  the  charter  was  distinctly  read  by  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Arthur,  with  the  usual  endorsement  by  his  majesty's  at 
torney-general,  and  the  certificate,  signed  by  the  secretary  of 
the  province,  of  its  having  been  approved  in  council  with  his 
excellency.  After  this,  the  morning  being  spent,  the  presi 
dent  signified  to  the  assembly  that  the  succeeding  acts  would 
be  deferred  till  two  in  the  afternoon.  Then  the  procession,  in 
returning  to  the  president's  house,  was  made  in  the  order  be 
fore  observed. 

"  The  like  procession  was  made  in  the  afternoon  as  in  the 
morning,  and  the  assembly  being  seated  in  their  places  and 
composed,  the  president  opened  the  public  acts,  first,  by  an 
elegant  oration  in  the  Latin  tongue,  delivered  memoriter, 
modestly  declaring  his  un worthiness  and  unfitness  for  so 
weighty  a  trust  as  had  been  reposed  in  him ;  apologizing  for 
the  defects  that  would  unavoidably  appear  in  his  part'  of  the 
present  service ;  displaying  the  manifold  advantages  of  the 
liberal  arts  and  sciences  in  exalting  and  dignifying  the  human 
nature,  enlarging  the  soul,  improving  the  faculties,  civilizing 
mankind,  qualifying  them  for  the  important  offices  of  life,  and 
rendering  men  useful  members  of  church  and  state.  That  to 
learning  and  the  arts  was  chiefly  owing  the  vast  preeminence 
of  the  polished  nations  of  Europe  to  the  almost  brutish  sav 
ages  in  America,  the  sight  of  which  last  was  the  constant  ob 
ject  of  horror  and  commiseration. 

"  Then  the  president  proceeded  to  mention  the  honor  paid 
by  our  ancestors  in  Great  Britain  to  the  liberal  sciences,  by 
erecting  and  endowing  those  illustrious  seminaries  of  learning 
which  for  many  ages  had  been  the  honor  and  ornament  of 
those  happy  isles,  and  the  source  of  infinite  advantages  to  the 
people  there,  observing  that  the  same  noble  spirit  had  ani 
mated  their  descendants,  the  tirst  planters  of  America,  wrho, 
as  soon  as  they  were  formed  into  a  State,  in  the  very  infancy 
of  time,  had  wisely  laid  religion  and  learning  at  the  founda 
tion  of  their  commonwealth,  and  had  always  regarded  them 


REVEREND     AARON     BURR.  35 

as  the  firmest  pillars  of  their  church  and  State.  That  hence, 
very  early,  arose  Harvard  College,  in  New  Cambridge,  and 
afterward,  Yale  College,  in  New  Haven,  which  have  had  a 
growing  reputation  for  many  years,  and  have  sent  forth  many 
hundreds  of  learned  men  of  various  stations  and  characters  in 
life,  that  in  different  periods  have  proved  the  honor  and  orna 
ment  of  their  country,  and  of  which  the  one  or  the  other  had 
been  the  alma  mater  of  most  of  the  literati  then  present. 

"  That  learning,  like  the  sun  in  its  western  progress,  had 
now  begun  to  dawn  upon  the  province  of  New  Jersey,  through 
the  happy  influence  of  its  generous  patron,  their  most  excel 
lent  governor. 

"These,  and  many  other  particulars,  having,  more  oratoria, 
taken  up  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  and  the  Thesis  being  dis 
persed  among  the  learned  in  the  assembly,  the  candidates,  by 
command  of  the  president,  entered  upon  the  public  dispu 
tation,  in  Latin,  in  which  six  questions  in  philosophy  and  theol 
ogy  were  debated,  one  of  which  was,  whether  the  liberty  of 
acting  according  to  the  dictates  of  conscience  in  matters 
merely  religious,  ought  to  be  restrained  by  any  human  power? 
And  it  was  justly  held  and  concluded  that  liberty  ought  not  to 
be  restrained. 

"  Then  the  president,  addressing  himself  to  the  trustees,  in 
Latin,  asked  whether  it  was  their  pleasure  that  these  young 
men  who  had  performed  the  public  exercises  in  disputation 
should  be  admitted  to  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  the  Arts  ? 
Which  being  granted  by  his  excellency  in  the  name  of  all  the 
trustees  present,  the  president  descended  from  the  pulpit,  and, 
being  seated  with  his  head  covered,  received  them  two  by 
two,  and,  according  to  the  authority  to  him  committed  by  the 
royal  charter,  after  the  manner  of  the  academies  in  England, 
admitted  his  young  scholars  to  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  the 
Arts. 

"In  the  next  place,  his  excellency,  Jonathan  Belcher,  Esq., 
governor  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  province  of  New 
Jersey,  having  declared  his  desire  to  accept  from  that  college 
the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts,  the  other  trustees,  in  a  just 
sense  of  the  honor  done  the  college  by  his  excellency's  conde- 


36  LIFE     OF     AARON     BtTKK. 

scension,  most  heartily  having  granted  his  request,  the  presi 
dent,  rising  uncovered,  addressed  himself  to  his  excellency, 
and  according  to  the  same  authority  committed  to  him  by  the 
royal  charter,  after  the  manner  of  the  academies  of  England, 
admitted  him  to  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts. 

"  Then  the  president  ascended  the  pulpit,  and  commanded 
the  orator  salutatorius  to  ascend  the  rostrum,  who,  being  Mr. 
Samuel  Thane,  just  before  graduated  Bachelor  of  the  Arts,  he 
in  a  modest  and  decent  manner,  first  apologizing  for  his  in 
sufficiency,  and  then  having  spoken  of  the  excellency  of  the 
liberal  arts  and  sciences  and  of  the  numberless  benefits  they 
yielded  to  mankind  in  private  and  social  life,  addressed  him 
self  in  becoming  salutations  and  thanks  to  his  excellency  and 
the  trustees,  the  president,  and  the  whole  assembly,  all  which 
being  performed  in  good  Latin,  from  his  memory,  in  a  hand 
some  oratorical  manner,  in  the  space  of  about  half  an  hour, 
the  president  concluded  in  English,  with  thanksgiving  to 
heaven  and  prayer  to  God  for  a  blessing  on  the  scholars  that 
had  received  the  public  honors  of  the  day,  and  for  the  smiles 
of  Heaven  upon  the  infant  College  of  New  Jersey,  and  dis 
missed  the  assembly. 

"  All  which  being  performed  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  all 
present,  his  excellency,  with  the  trustees  and  scholars,  re 
turned  to  the  house  of  the  president  in  the  order  observed  in 
the  morning,  where,  after  sundry  by-laws  were  made,  chiefly 
for  regulating  the  studies  and  manners  of  the  students,  they 
agreed  upon  a  corporation  seal." 

The  president  was  only  thirty-two  years  of  age  when  these 
scenes  transpired.  He  was  a  man  small  of  stature,  very  hand 
some,  with  clear,  dark  eyes  of  a  soft  luster,  quite  unlike  the 
piercing  orbs  of  his  son;  a  figure  compactly  formed,  but 
somewhat  slender,  and  with  the  bearing  of  a  prince.  The 
fascinating  manner  and  lofty  style  of  Mr.  President  Burr  are 
frequently  mentioned  in  the  letters  of  the  period.  On  this 
great  occasion  we  can  well  believe  that  there  was  an  impress 
ive  charm  in  his  movements  and  delivery. 

For  eight  years  after  his  election  to  the  presidency,  he 
retained  his  church  and  his  school,  and  traveled  far  and  wide 


REVEREND     AARON     BUEE.  37 

in  collecting  funds  for  the  college,  and  promoting  lotteries  for 
its  benefit.  And  such  were  his  talents  for  the  dispatch  of 
business  that,  while  both  the  school  and  the  church  continued 
to  prosper,  the  college  increased  in  ten  years  from  eight  stu 
dents  to  ninety ;  and  from  being  an  institution  without  house, 
land,  endowment,  or  reputation,  to  one  having  all  these  in 
sufficiency. 

A  tile  of  letters  from  one  of  Mr.  Burr's  pupils  to  his  father, 
preserved  by  a  happy  chance  among  the  papers  of  an  old 
Philadelphia  family,  afford  us,  at  this  distance  of  time,  an 
insight  into  the  very  class-room  of  the  president.  The  be 
loved,  the  zealous,  the  enlightened  teacher  is  exhibited  in 
these  letters.  A  single  fact  revealed  in  them  is  enough  to 
prove  him  a  superior  and  a  catholic  mind.  And  that  fact  is, 
that  though  the  president  was,  perhaps,  the  first  classical 
scholar  in  the  provinces,  he  was  also  warmly  interested  in 
natural  science,  and  eager  to  interest  the  students  in  it.  He 
taught  them  himself  how  to  calculate  eclipses.  On  one  occa 
sion,  when,  after  a  long  negotiation,  he  had  induced  a  lecturer 
by  the  offer  of  forty  pounds,  to  come  from  Philadelphia  and 
exibit  his  philosophical  apparatus,  all  other  studies  were  laid 
aside  for  some  weeks  before  the  philosopher's  arrival,  in  order 
that  the  students  might  derive  the  greatest  possible  advantage 
from  witnessing  the  experiments.  The  lecturer,  it  appears, 
excited  so  much  interest  in  "  the  newly-discovered  fluid  called 
electricity,"  that  some  of  the  students  set  about  making  small 
electrical  machines. 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  cheerful  and  wise  activity  occurred 
an  event  in  Mr.  Burr's  history  which  gave  the  gossips  of  the 
province  employment  enough.  Until  his  thirty-seventh  year 
the  president  shamed  the  ladies  of  New  Jersey  by  living  a 
bachelor.  In  the  summer  of  1752,  to  the  surprise  of  every 
one,  and  in  a  manner  the  most  extraordinary,  he  wooed  and 
wedded  the  lovely  and  vivacious  Esther  Edwards.  Some 
hints  of  the  oddity  of  this  affair,  which  appeared  in  the  New 
York  Gazette  for  the  20th  of  July,  1752,  the  letters  of  the 
young  gentleman  just  referred  to  enable  us  to  explain.  The 
writer  in  the  Gazette,  after  mentioning  the  marriage,  with  due 


38  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

praise  of  the  wedded  pair,  remarked  that  he  supposed  there 
had  not  been  for  some  centuries  a  courtship  more  in  the 
patriarchal  mode,  and  jocosely  advised  young  gentlemen  to 
follow  the  president's  example,  and  endeavor  to  restore 
courtship  and  marriage  to  their  original  simplicity  and  design. 

The  young  letter-writer's  version  of  the  story  is  the  follow 
ing  :  "  In  the  latter  end  of  May  the  president  took  a  journey 
into  New  England,  and  during  his  absence  he  made  a  visit  of 
but  three  days  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Edwards's  daughter  at  Stock- 
bridge  ;  in  which  short  time,  though  he  had  no  acquaintance 
with,  nor  had  ever  seen,  the  lady  these  six  years,  I  suppose  he 
accomplished  his  whole  design ;  for  it  was  not  above  a  fort 
night  after  his  return  here,  before  he  sent  a  young  fellow 
(who  came  out  of  college  last  fall)  into  New  England  to  con 
duct  her  and  her  mother  down  here.  They  came  to  town  on 
Saturday  evening,  the  27th  ult.,  and  on  the  Monday  evening 
following  the  nuptial  ceremonies  were  celebrated  between  Mr. 
Burr  and  the  young  lady.  As  I  have  yet  no  manner  of  ac 
quaintance  with  her,  I  can  not  describe  to  you  her  qualifica 
tions  and  properties.  However,  they  say  she  is  a  very  valuable 
lady.  I  think  her  a  person  of  great  beauty ;  though  I  must 
say  she  is  rather  too  young  (being  twenty-one  years  of  age) 
for  the 'president.  This  account  you  will  doubtless  communi 
cate  to  mammy,  as  I  know  she  has  Mr.  Burr's  happiness  much 
at  heart." 

Two  weeks  later  he  writes  to  his  "  dear  mammy"  on  the 
engrossing  subject:  "I  can't  omit  acquainting  you  that  our 
president  enjoys  all  the  happiness  the  married  state  can  afford. 
I  am  sure  when  he  was  in  the  condition  of  celibacy  the  pleas 
ure  of  his  life  bore  no  comparison  to  that  he  now  possesses. 
From  the  little  acquaintance  I  have  with  his  lady,  I  think  her 
a  woman  of  very  good  sense,  of  a  genteel  and  virtuous  edu 
cation,  amiable  in  her  person,  of  great  affability  and  agree- 
ableness  in  conversation,  and  a  very  excellent  economist. 
These  qualifications  may  help  you  to  form  some  idea  of  the 
person  who  lives  in  the  sincerest  mutual  affections  with  Mr. 
Burr." 

The  marriage  was  speedily,  but  not  rashly,  concluded.    The 


REVEREND     AARON     BURR.  39 

president,  it  is  probable,  had  not  seen  the  young  lady  since 
she  was  fifteen ;  but  at  that  age  her  father  thought  her  woman 
enough  to  be  a  member  of  his  church,  and  it  was  a  character 
istic  of  that  cultivated  and  spiritualized  family  to  come  early 
to  maturity. 

Besides,  the  name  of  President  Burr  was  a  household  word 
in  the  family  of  Jonathan  Edwards.  The  two  men,  long  as 
sociated  in  schemes  for  Christianizing  the  Indians,  were  also 
formed  by  nature  to  be  friends,  because  each  could  see  in  the 
other  admirable  qualities  wanting  in  himself.  Edwards  was 
reflective  and  studious,  without  tact  or  knowledge  of  the 
world,  full  of  matter,  but  not  skillful  in  wielding  it.  He  la 
mented  his  awkward  address  and  unimposing  presence.  "  I 
have  a  constitution,"  he  says  in  a  well-known  passage,  "in 
many  respects  peculiarly  unhappy,  attended  with  flaccid 
solids,  vapid,  sizy,  and  scarce  fluids,  and  a  low  tide  of  spirits ; 
often  occasioning  a  kind  of  childish  weakness  and  contempti- 
bleness  of  speech,  presence,  and  demeanor,  and  a  disagreeable 
dullness  and  stiffness,  much  unfitting  me  for  conversation." 
Here  we  see  the  Student,  who  bent  over  his  books  fourteen 
hours  a  day,  who  took  his  meat  and  his  drink  by  weight  and 
measure,  and  whose  utter  sincerity  rendered  him  powerless  to 
subdue  or  to  manage  a  fractious  congregation.  Admirable  to 
such  a  man  must  have  seemed  the  alert  and  brilliant  Burr,  so 
thoroughly  alive,  with  every  faculty  at  instant  command,  of 
dauntless  self-possession,  with  a  presence  and  address  that 
invited  confidence  and  disarmed  impertinence.  Burr,  on  his 
part,  had  modesty  and  good  sense  enough  to  know  that,  with 
all  his  shining  qualities,  he  was  no  more  the  superior  of 
Jonathan  Edwards,  than  an  armory  is  superior  to  the  mine 
of  ore  from  which  the  polished  weapons  of  a  thousand  armo 
ries  can  be  made.  There  was  no  need  of  a  long  courtship, 
then,  for  Esther  Edwards  to  learn  that  Mr.  President  Burr 
was  a  man  to  make  happy  the  woman  he  loved. 

Besides  the  "Latin  Grammar,"  Mr.  Burr  published  a  con 
troversial  "  Letter"  on  the  "  Supreme  Deity  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,"  which  was  reprinted  in  Boston  thirty  years  after  the 
author's  death.  An  occasional  sermon  of  his  was  also  pub- 


40  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

lished  in  his  life-time.  Two  Latin  orations  by  him  have  been 
preserved  in  manuscript,  and  many  letters  in  English.  One 
of  these  letters  may  close  this  chapter. 

The  letters  of  the  religious  people  of  those  good  old  days 
give  little  insight  into  the  individuality  of  the  writers ;  hu 
man  nature  being  under  a  theologic  ban,  and  allowed  to  ex 
hibit  itself  as  little  as  possible.  But  the  following  letter*  is 
an  interesting  relic,  as  it  is  characteristic  of  the  age,  if  not  of 
the  man.  It  was  written  to  a  Mr.  Hogg,  a  merchant  in  Scot 
land,  where,  by  order  of  the  kirk,  a  collection  for  the  College 
of  New  Jersey  was  made  in  every  parish.  After  acknowledg 
ing  the  unexpected  magnitude  of  the  Scottish  contribution, 
the  pious  president  proceeds  : 

"  We  have  begun  a  building  at  Princeton,  which  contains  a 
hall,  library,  and  rooms  to  accommodate  about  an  hundred 
students,  though  it  will  not  any  more  of  it  be  finished  than  is 
absolutely  necessary  at  present — with  an  house  for  the  presi 
dent. 

"  We  do  every  thing  in  the  plainest  and  cheapest  manner  as 
far  as  is  consistent  with  decency  and  convenience,  having  no 
superfluous  ornaments.  There  was  a  necessity  of  our  having 
an  house  sufficient  to  contain  ye  students,  as  they  could  not 
lodge  in  private  houses  in  that  village  where  we  have  fixed  the 
college ;  which,  as  it  is  the  centre  of  the  province,  where  pro 
visions  are  plenty  and  firewood  will  always  be  cheap,  is  doubt 
less  the  fittest  place  we  cou'd  have  pitch'd  upon.  The  buildings 
prove  more  expensive  than  we  at  first  imagin'd,  from  the  best 
computations  we  could  get ;  but  by  the  smiles  of  heaven  upon 
us  we  shall  be  able  I  think  to  compleat  what  we  design  at 
present;  and  have  at  least  a  fund  left  of  £1,600  (sterling), 
which  with  the  other  income  of  the  college,  will  be  sufficient 
for  the  present  officers  and  a  little  more,  as  money  here  will 
readily  let  for  7  per  cent,  interest  with  undoubted  security. 
This  fund  will  be  encreased  by  what  we  get  from  Ireland,  and 
a  little  more  we  expect  from  South  Britain  \i.  e.  England] ; 
and  we  hope  by  the  help  of  some  generous  benefactors  here 

*  This  letter  was  published,  a  year  or  two  since,  in  the  Gentleman's  Maga 
zine,  of  London,  merely  as  a  curiosity  accidentally  preserved. 


REVEREND     AARON     BURR.  41 

and  abroad  to  be  able  before  long  to  support  a  Professor  of 
Divinity.  That  office  at  present  lies  on  the  president,  with  a 
considerable  part  of  the  instruction  in  other  branches  of  liter 
ature.  The  trustees  have  their  eyes  upon  Mr.  Edwards,  and 
want  nothing  but  ability  to  give  him  an  immediate  call  to  that 
office. 

"  The  students  in  general  behave  well ;  some  among  them 
that  give  good  evidences  of  real  piety,  and  a  prospect  of  special 
usefulness  in  the  churches  of  Christ,  are  a  great  comfort  and 
support  to  me  under  the  burden  of  my  important  station. 

"  I  may  in  ray  next  give  you  a  more  particular  account  of  the 
college.  It  is  at  present  under  flourishing  circumstances  in 
many  respects ;  has  grown  in  favor  with  men,  [and]  I  would 
humbly  hope  [with]  God  also.  'Tis  my  daily  concern  that  it 
may  answer  the  important  ends  of  its  institution,  and  that  the 
expectations  of  our  pious  friends  at  home  and  abroad  may  not 
be  disappointed. 

"  I  shall  not  fail  to  acknowledge  my  Lord  Lothian's  gener 
osity.  I  am  sorry  Messrs.  Tennant  and  Davies  neglected  sea 
sonably  to  acquaint  their  friends  in  Scotland  of  their  safe 
arrival,  etc.  I  hope  their  long  and  tedious  passage,  and  the 
confusion  their  affairs  were  probably  in  by  their  long  absence, 
may  be  something  of  an  excuse.  I  can  testify  that  they  retain 
a  very  lively  sense  of  the  most  generous  treatment  y*  they  and 
the  college  met  with  in  those  parts. 

"  The  defeat  of  General  Braddock  was  an  awful  but  a  season 
able  rebuke  of  Heaven.  Those  that  had  the  least  degree  of 
seriousness  left  could  not  but  observe  with  concern  the  strange 
confidence  in  an  arm  of  flesh  and  disregard  to  God  and  religion 
that  appear'd  in  that  army.  Preparations  were  made  for  re 
joicing  at  the  victory,  as  tho'  it  had  been  ensured,  and  a  day 
appointed  for  the  obtaining  it.  The  whole  country  were 
alarm'd  and  struck  with  astonishment  at  the  news  of  his  defeat, 
and  some  awaken'd  to  eye  the  high  hand  of  God  in  it,  who  had 
tho't  litle  of  it  before ;  and  I  can't  but  think  God  has  brought 
good  to  the  land  out  of  this  evil.* 

*  A  letter  of  Edwards,  of  nearly  tho  same  date,  likewise  contains  some 
comments  on  these  transactions.  He  says,  "  I  had  opportunity  to  see  and  con- 


42  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

"  On  the  contrary,  God  was  acknowledged  in  the  army  that 
went  from  Crown  Point,  vice  and  debauchery  suppressed  in  a 
manner  that  has  scarce  been  seen  in  this  land,  and  was  much 
admired  at  by  those  that  saw  it.  This  was  much  owing  to 
Major-General  Lyman,  with  whom  I  am  well  acquainted.  He 
is  a  man  of  piety,  and  for  courage  and  conduct,  a  spirit  of 
government  and  good  sense  he  has  not  his  superior  in  these 
parts.  He  acquitted  himself  with  uncommon  bravery  and 
good  conduct  in  the  engagement  at  Lake  George,  Sept.  8th, 
and  it  was  owing  to  him,  under  God,  y*  the  victory  was  ob- 
•tain'd,  which  prov'd  a  means  of  saving  ye  country  from  ruin, 
as  has  since  more  fully  appear'd  by  the  scheme  ye  French 
general  had  laid.  I  gave  [have  given]  this  hint  about  Mr. 
Lyman  because  Mr.  Edward  Cole,  one  of  ye  officers,  being 
offended  }rt  he  banished  some  lewd  women  from  the  camp  yl 
he  had  brought  with  him,  wrote  a  letter  to  scandalize  him, 
hinting  that  he  was  a  coward,  tho'  numbers  that  were  in  the 

verse  with  ministers  belonging  to  almost  all  parts  of  North  America ;  and, 
among  others,  Mr.  Davies  of  Virginia.  He  told  me  that  he  verily  thought 
that  General  Braddock's  defeat,  the  last  summer,  was  a  merciful  dispensation 
of  Divine  Providence  to  those  southern  colonies.  He  said  that  notorious 
wickedness  prevailed  to  that  degree  in  that  army,  among  officers  and  soldiers, 
and  that  they  went  forth  openly  in  so  self-confident  and  vain-glorious  a  man 
ner,  that  if  they  had  succeeded  the  consequence  would  have  been  a  harden 
ing  of  people  in  those  parts,  in  a  great  degree,  in  a  profane  and  atheistical 
temper,  or  to  that  purpose ;  and  that  many  appeared  very  much  solemnized 
by  the  defeat  of  that  army,  and  the  death  of  the  general,  and  so  many  of  the 
other  chief  officers  ;  and  some  truly  awakened.  And  by  what  I  could  learn  it 
had  something  of  the  same  effect  among  the  people  in  New  York  and  New 
Jersey.  And  the  contrary  success  of  the  New  England  forces  near  Lake 
George,  when  violently  attacked  by  Baron  Dieskau  and  the  regulars  from 
France  with  him,  who  had  been  tho  chief  French  officer  on  the  Ohio  in  the  time 
of  the  engagement  with  General  Braddock,  one  of  which  officers  was  killed 
by  our  forces  and  the  other  taken — I  say  the  contrary  success  of  the  New  En 
gland  forces  seemed  to  confirm  the  aforesaid  effect ;  it  being  known  by  all 
how  widely  this  army  differed  from  the  other,  in  the  care  that  was  taken  to 
restrain  vice  and  maintain  religion  in  it ;  particularly  by  Major-General  Lyman, 
the  second  officer  in  the  army,  a  truly  worthy  man  ;  a  man  of  distinguished 
abilities  and  virtue,  as  well  as  uncommon  martial  endowments,  who  above 
any  other  officer  was  active  in  the  time  of  the  engagement." — Letter  to  Dr. 
GiUies,  December  12th,  1755. 


REVEREND     AARON     BURR.  43 

engagement  have  fully  establish'd  his  character  as  one  of  the 
bravest  officers,  who  expos'd  himself  in  the  hottest  lire  of  the 
enemy,  animating  his  men.  And  General  Johnson  himself 
acknowledges  ye  honor  of  the  day  was  due  to  Mr.  Lyman. 

"  The  state  of  these  American  Colonies  at  present  looks  dark. 
We  are  divided  in  our  councils.  Some  are  of  such  a  spirit 
that  they  will  forward  nothing  but  what  they  are  at  the  head 
of  themselves.  Several  of  the  governors  of  the  continent  are 
now  met  at  New  York,  to  concert  measures  for  the  safety  ol 
[the]  country.  Much  will  depend  on  the  result  of  this  meet 
ing.  When  I  consider  ye  crying  iniquities  of  the  day  I  cannot 
but  tremble  for  fear  of  God's  judgments  that  seem  to  hang 
over  this  sinning  land. 

"  I  have  lately  had  a  letter  from  Stockbridge,  Mr.  Edwards 
and  his  family  are  in  usual  health,  except  his  daughter  Betty, 
who  is  never  well,  and  I  believe  not  long  for  this  world.  Theii 
situation  is  yet  distressing,  thro'  fear  of  the  enemy.  My  wife 
joins  me  in  respectful  and  affectionate  salutations  to  you  and 
your  son.  I  add  but  my  poor  prayers  and  ardent  wishes  yl 
your  declining  days  may  be  fill'd  with  comfort  and  usefulness, 
y*  you  may  have  a  late  and  an  abundant  entrance  into  ye 
everlasting  kingdom  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ. 
Amen." 

This  was  the  quality,  these  were  the  deeds  of  the  father  of 
Aaron  Burr. 

The  college  at  Princeton  is  his  monument ;  its  very  walls 
testify  to  his  thoroughness  and  integrity.  The  interior  of  the 
main  building  has  twice  been  destroyed  by  fire,  but  the  build 
ers  who  are  restoring  the  edifice  declare  that  no  walls  which 
they  could  now  erect  would  equal  in  strength  those  which 
were  constructed  under  the  superintendence  of  President 
Burr.  The  house  which  he  built  for  his  own  residence  has 
been  occupied  by  the  presidents  of  the  college  ever  since. 
Its  solid  structure,  and  spacious,  lofty  apartments,  seem  still  to 
testify  to  the  liberal  mind  and  hand  of  him  who  planned  it. 

The  portrait  of  President  Burr,  which  is  preserved  in  the 
college  library,  is  a  careful  copy  of  an  original  that  was  lost 
and  injured  during  the  Revolution,  but  afterward  discovered 


44  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

and  restored.  Fineness  of  fiber,  refinement,  and  utter  purity 
of  mind,  energy,  serenity,  and  seraphic  benevolence,  are 
equally  expressed  in  this  picture.  Near  to  it  leans  upon  the 
wall  Peale's  vast  portrait  of  Washington,  the  most  physical  of 
all  the  portraits  of  Washington  that  were  taken  from  life. 
The  contrast  is  striking.  That  one  of  these  men  should  be 
universally  accepted,  without  questioning,  as  our  greatest  and 
best,  while  the  other  is  scarcely  known,  compels  the  spectator 
to  doubt  the  correctness  of  one  or  the  other  of  these  portraits. 


CHAPTER    III. 

AARON   BURR   BORN,    AND   LEFT   AN   ORPHAN. 

REMOVAL  TO   PRINCETON  —  LAST  LABOES  AND  DEATH  OF  PRESIDENT  BURR  —  CHAR 
ACTER  AND  DEATH  OF  MRS.  BURR  —  THE  ORPHANED  CHILDREN  —  SARAH  BURR. 

Two  children  blessed  the  union  of  President  Burr  with  Es 
ther  Edwards ;  Sarah  Burr,  born  May  3d,  1754  ;  and  AAEON 
BURR,  born  February  6th,  1756.  Newark,  in  New  Jersey, 
was  the  birth-place  of  both  these  children. 

The  college  buildings  at  Princeton  were  nearly  completed 
when  Aaron  was  born.  In  the  autumn  of  that  year,  the  re 
moval  took  place ;  the  college  of  New  Jersey  added  a  local 
habitation  to  its  well-earned  name.  •  The  president,  to  the 
great  sorrow  of  his  congregation,  resigned  the  pastorship  of 
the  Newark  church,  which  he  had  served  for  twenty  years 
with  the  ever-growing  love  of  its  members.  The  good  people 
would  scarcely  let  him  go.  They  said  that  the  connection 
between  pastor  and  flock,  like  that  between  husband  and 
wife,  was  indissoluble,  except  by  death  or  infidelity.  To  this 
day,  the  First  Presbyterian  church*  of  Newark  cherishes 
with  affectionate  pride  the  memory  of  this  man,  eminent 
among  the  many  eminent  men  who  have  stood  in  its  pulpit. 

To  Princeton,  then,  the  president  and  his  family  removed 
late  in  the  year  1756.  A  letter  by  one  of  the  trustees  of  the 
college  at  that  time,  sets  forth  that  "  the  salary  of  the  presi 
dent  is  two  hundred  pounds  proclamation  money,  with  the 
perquisites,  amounting  at  present  to  about  thirty  pounds,  and 
yearly  increasing ;  a  large,  well-finished  dwelling-house,  gar 
dens,  barn,  out-houses,  etc.,  with  a  considerable  quantity  of 
pasture-ground  and  firewood,  do  also  belong  to  the  president." 

*  History  of  the  First  Church  at  Newark,  N.  J.,  by  Rev.  Dr.  Steams. 


46  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

All  this  was,  probably,  equal  to  an  income  of  three  thousand 
dollars  at  the  present  time. 

And  now*  having  lived  to  establish  on  a  firm  foundation  the 
College  of  New  Jersey,  President  Burr's  work  on  earth  was 
done.  The  manner  of  his  death  was  in  keeping  with  his  char 
acter.  At  the  end  of  the  summer  of  1757,  in  very  hot 
weather,  he  made  one  of  his  swift  journeys  to  Stockbridge. 
What  it  was  to  travel,  a  hundred  years  ago,  is  sufficiently 
known.  Returning  rapidly  to  Princeton,  he  went  imme 
diately  to  Elizabethtown,  a  hard  day's  ride,  to  procure  from 
the  authorities  there  a  legal  exemption  of  the  students  from 
military  duty.  The  next  day,  though  much  indisposed,  he 
preached  a  funeral  sermon  at  Newark,  five  miles  distant. 
Then  he  returned  to  Princeton.  In  a  few  days  he  went  to 
Philadelphia  on  other  business  of  the  college,  and,  on  his  re 
turn,  was  met  by  the  intelligence  that  his  friend,  and  the  col 
lege's  friend,  Governor  Belcher,  had  just  died  at  Elizabeth- 
town,  and  that  himself  had  been  designated  to  preach  the 
funeral  sermon.  His  wife  besought  him  to  be  just  to  himself, 
and  decline  the  office.  'But  he,  accustomed  to  subdue  obsta 
cles,  and  desirous  to  do  honor  to  his  departed  friend,  sat 
down,  all  fatigued  and  feverish  as  he  was,  to  prepare  his  ser 
mon.  Before  he  slept,  it  was  finished.  That  night  he  was 
delirious,  but  in  the  morning  he  set  off  for  Elizabethtown ; 
and  on  the  day  following,  with  a  languor  and  exhaustion  he 
could  no  longer  conceal,  he  preached  the  sermon.  TJncon- 
quered  yet,  he  next  day  returned  home,  where  his  fever,  from 
being  intermittent,  became  fixed  and  violent.  At  the  ap 
proach  of  death,  he  was  resigned  and  cheerful.  He  felt  as 
sured  of  immortality.  On  his  death-bed  he  gave  orders  that 
his  funeral  should  be  as  inexpensive  as  was  consistent  with 
decency,  and  that  the  sum  thus  saved  should  be  given  to  the 
poor.  On  the  24th  of  September,  1757,  in  the  forty-second 
year  of  his  age,  this  good  man  died. 

His  death  was  widely  and  sincerely  mourned.  His  funeral 
sermon*;  the  eulogiums  pronounced  upon  him  by  the  Governor 
of  New  Jersey ;  the  notices  of  his  death  in  the  public  journals, 
and  many  private  letters  in  which  the  sad  event  is  mentioned, 


AARON     BURR'S     BIRTH     AND     ORPHANAGE.       47 

have  come  down  to  us ;  and  all  speak  of  him  in  terms  that 
would  seem  extravagant  eulogy  to  one  unacquainted  with  the 
noble  heart,  the  brilliant  intellect,  the  beneficent  life  of  Presi 
dent  Burr.  In  the  letters  of  his  wife,  it  is  easy  to  see  through 
the  pious  phraseology  of  the  day,  the  heart-broken  woman. 
"  O,  dear  madam,"  writes  the  poor  bereaved  lady  to  her 
mother,  "  I  doubt  not  but  I  have  your,  and  my  honored 
father's  prayers,  daily,  for  me ;  but,  give  me  leave  to  intreat 
you  both,  to  request  earnestly  of  the  Lord  that  I  may  never 
despise  his  chastenings,  nor  faint  under  this  his  severe  stroke ; 
of  which  I  am  sensible  there  is  great  danger,  if  God  should 
only  deny  me  the  supports  that  he  has  hitherto  graciously 
granted.  O,  I  am  afraid  I  shall  conduct  myself  so  as  to  bring 
dishonor  on  my  God,  and  the  religion  which  I  profess !  *f  o, 
rather  let  me  die  this  moment  than  be  left  to  bring  dishonor 
on  God's  holy  name.  I  am  overcome.  I  must  conclude,  with 
once  more  begging  that,  as  my  dear  parents  remember  them 
selves,  they  would  not  forget  their  greatly-afflicted  daughter 
(now  a  lonely  widow),  nor  her  fatherless  children." 

A  letter  to  her  father,  written  a  month  after  the  above, 
besides  being  very  pathetic,  contains  allusions  to  her  boy, 
then  twenty-one  months  old :  "  Since  I  wrote  my  mother  a 
letter,  God  has  carried  me  through  new  trials,  and  given  me 
new  supports.  My  little  son  has  been  sick  with  a  slow  fever, 
ever  since  my  brother  left  us,  and  has  been  brought  to  the 
brink  of  the  grave ;  but,  I  hope  in  mercy,  God  is  bringing  him 
back  again.  1  was  enabled,  after  a  severe  struggle  with  nature, 
to  resign  the  child  with  the  greatest  freedom.  God  showed 
me  that  the  children  were  not  my  own,  but  his,  and  that  he 
had  a  right  to  recall  what  he  had  lent,  whenever  he  thought 
fit ;  and  that  I  had  no  reason  to  complain,  or  say  that  God 
was  hard  with  me.  This  silenced  me.  But  O  how  good  is  God. 
He  not  only  kept  me  from  complaining,  but  comforted  me,  by 
enabling  me  to  offer  up  my  child  by  faith,  if  ever  I  acted  faith. 
I  saw  the  fulness  there  was  in  Christ  for  little  infants,  and  his 
willingness  to  accept  of  such  as  were  offered  to  him.  '  Suf 
fer  little  children  to  come  unto  me,  and  forbid  them  not ;' 
were  comforting  words.  God  also  showed  me,  in  such  a  lively 


48  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

manner,  the  fulness  there  was  in  himself  of  all  spiritual  bless 
ings,  that  I  said,  c  Although  all  streams  are  cut  off,  yet  so 
long  as  my  God  lives,  I  have  enough.'  He  enabled  me  to  say, 
'Although  thou  slay  me,  yet  will  I  trust  in  thee.'  In  this 
time  of  trial,  I  was  led  to  enter  into  a  renewed  and  explicit 
covenant  with  God,  in  a  more  solemn  manner  than  ever  be 
fore  ;  and  with  the  greatest  freedom  and  delight,  after  much 
self-examination  and  prayer,  I  did  give  myself  and  my  children 
to  God,  with  my  whole  heart.  Never,  until  then,  had  I  an 
adequate  sense  of  the  privilege  we  are  allowed  in  covenanting 
with  God.  This  act  of  soul  left  my  mind  in  a  great  calm,  and 
steady  trust  in  God.  A  few  days  after  this,  one  evening,  in 
talking  of  the  glorious  state  my  dear  departed  husband  must 
be  jn,  my  soul  was  carried  out  in  such  large  desires  after  that 
glorious  state,  that  I  was  forced  to  retire  from  the  family  to 
conceal  my  joy.  When  alone  I  was  so  transported,  and  my 
soul  carried  out  in  such  eager  desires  after  perfection  and  the 
full  enjoyment  of  God,  and  to  serve  him  uninterruptedly,  that 
I  think  my  nature  would  not  have  borne  much  more.  I  think, 
dear  sir,  I  had  that  night,  a  foretaste  of  heaven.  This  frame 
continued,  in  some  good  degree,  the  whole  night.  I  slept  but 
little,  and  when  I  did,  my  dreams  were  all  of  heavenly  and 
divine  things.  Frequently  since,  I  have  felt  the  same  in  kind, 
though  not  in  degree.  This  was  about  the  time  that  God  called 
me  to  give  up  my  child.  Thus  a  kind  and  gracious  God  has 
been  with  me,  in  six  troubles  and  in  seven." 

In  these  utterances  of  a  broken  heart  struggling  against  the 
impiety  of  despair,  there  is  no  trace  of  the  peculiar  character 
of  Aaron  Burr's  mother.  Of  the  children  of  Jonathan  Ed 
wards,  not  one  was  a  common-place  person,  and  scarcely  one 
even  of  his  grandchildren.  But  Mrs.  Burr  was,  perhaps,  the 
flower  of  the  family.  One  of  her  relations  has  written  of  her 
these  sentences  :  "  She  exceeded  most  of  her  sex  in  the  beauty 
of  her  person,  as  well  as  in  her  behavior  and  conversation.  She 
discovered  an  unaffected,  natural  freedom,  toward  persons  of 
all  ranks,  with  whom  she  conversed.  Her  genius  was  much 
more  than  common.  She  had  a  lively,  sprightly  imagination, 
a  quick  and  penetrating  discernment,  and  a  good  judgment. 


AARON     B  U  11  It '  S     B  I  11  T  II     AND     ORPHANAGE.       49 

She  possessed  an  uncommon  degree  of  wit  and  vivacity  ;  which 
yet  was  consistent  with  pleasantness  and  good  nature ;  and 
she  knew  how  to  be  facetious  and  sportive,  without  trespass 
ing  on  the  bounds  of  decorum,  or  of  strict  and  serious  religion. 
In  short,  she  seemed  formed  to  please,  and  especially  to  please 
one  of  Mr.  Burr's  taste  and  character,  in  whom  he  was  ex 
ceedingly  happy.  But  what  crowned  all  her  excellences,  and 
was  her  chief  glory,  was  RELIGION.  She  appeared  to  be  the 
subject  of  divine  impressions  when  seven  or  eight  years  old ; 
and  she  made  a  public  profession  of  religion  when  about  fif 
teen.  Her  conversation,  until  her  death,  was  exemplary,  as 
becometh  godliness.  She  was,  in  every  respect,  an  ornament 
to  her  sex,  being  equally  distinguished  for  the  suavity  of  her 
manners,  her  literary  accomplishments,  and  her  unfeigned  re 
gard  to  religion.  Her  religion  did  not  cast  a  gloom  over  her 
mind,  but  made  her  cheerful  and  happy,  and  rendered  the 
thought  of  death  transporting.  She  left  a  number  of  manu 
scripts,  on  interesting  subjects,  and  it  was  hoped  they  would 
have  been  made  public ;  but  they  are  now  lost." 

Death  had  only  begun  his  fell  work  in  their  family.  Jona 
than  Edwards  was  immediately  elected  to  succeed  Mr.  Burr 
in  the  presidency  of  the  college.  Soon  after  his  arrival  at 
Princeton,  he  heard  of  the  death  of  his  father,  a  venerable 
clergyman  of  Connecticut,  in  the  eighty-ninth  year  of  his  age. 
Two  months  after,  before  he  had  fully  entered  upon  his  duties 
as  president,  died  Jonathan  Edwards  himself,  of  a  fever  which 
followed  inoculation  for  small-pox.  Sixteen  days  after,  of 
a  similar  disease,  Mrs.  Burr  died.  Her  two  orphaned  children 
were  taken  from  her  funeral  to  the  house  of  an  old  friend  of 
the  family  in  Philadelphia,  where  they  remained  six  months. 
In  the  fall  of  the  same  year,  the  widow  of  Jonathan  Edwards 
went  to  Philadelphia  with  the  intention  of  conveying  the  little 
orphans  to  her  own  home,  and  bringing  them  up  with  her  own 
children.  At  Philadelphia,  she  was  seized  with  the  dysentery, 
and  she  too  died.  Thus  within  a  period  of  thirteen  months, 
these  children  were  of  father,  mother,  great  grandfather,  and 
grand  parents,  all  bereft ;  and  there  was  no  one  left  in  the 

3 


50  LIFE     OF     A  All  ON     BURR. 

wide  world  whose  chief  concern  it  could  be  to  see  that  they 
received  no  detriment. 

All  but  the  great  grandfather  lie  buried  at  Princeton,  where 
the  virtues  and  graces  of  the  two  presidents  are  elaborately 
set  forth  in  lapidary  Latin.  Strange  to  say,  some  of  the  letters 
respecting  the  carving  of  President  Burr's  tomb-stone  have  es 
caped  the  chances  of  destruction  for  a  hundred  years,  and  are 
still  legible  to  the  biographic  eye. 

President  Burr  left  his  children  considerable  property ; 
enough  for  their  independent  maintenance,  even  in  maturity. 
They  were  reared  at  Elizabethtown,  New  Jersey,  in  the  family 
of  the  Rev.  Timothy  Edwards,  President  Edwards's  eldest 
son.  A  private  tutor,  Mr.  Tappan  Reeve,  afterward  Judge  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Connecticut,  superintended  their  ear 
liest  studies,  and  in  due  time  fell  in  love  with  his  pretty  pupil, 
Sarah  Burr,  and  when  she  was  seventeen  married  her.  That 
she  loved  her  brother  dearly,  is  all  that  is  known  of  Sarah 
Burr's  childhood.  One  of  Aaron's  early  correspondents  says 
that  she  approved  of  her  brother's  going  to  the  war  in  1775, 
which,  he  adds,  "  is  a  great  proof  of  patriotism  in  a  sister  so 
affectionate  as  yours."  She  was  of  a  noble,  commanding  face 
and  figure.  As  she  was  for  many  years  an  invalid,  and  died 
at  a  comparatively  early  age,  she  had  little  to  do  with  her 
brother's  life,  though  she  left  upon  his  memory  a  tender  recol 
lection  of  her  worth  and  loveliness,  which  he  cherished  and 
spoke  of  to  his  dying  day. 


CHAPTER     IV. 

THE    EDUCATION    OP    AARON    BURR. 

ELIZABETHTOWN — ANECDOTES  OF  BURR'S  CHILDHOOD — His  CAREER  AT  COLLEGE — GOES 
TO  DR.  BELLAMY'S  THEOLOGICAL  SCHOOL — EEJECTS  THE  PURITANIC  THEOLOGY — FOND 
OF  LADIES'  SOCIETY — STUDIES  LA~W. 

ELIZABETLITOWN  was  then,  as  it  is  now,  a  village  containing 
an  unusual  proportion  of  polite  families.  It  had  been  the  resi 
dence  of  the  governor  and  other  officials  of  the  province. 
The  vicinity  is  a  level,  red-soiled,  unattractive  region ;  but  a 
little  river  flows  through  it,  emptying,  at  a  point  one  mile 
from  the  village,  into  Staten  Island  Sound,  which  is  part  of 
the  intricate  system  of  waters  that  affords  so  many  beautiful 
highways  to  the  city  of  New  York.  That  city  is  fifteen  miles 
distant.  Within  excursion  distance  is  Staten  Island,  where, 
during  Aaron  Burr's  childhood,  large  bodies  of  British  troops 
were  frequently  encamped. 

From  the  three  anecdotes  of  Burr's  childhood,  which  have 
come  down  to  us,  we  may  infer  that  he  was  a  troublesome  ward 
to  his  reverend  uncle.  That  gentleman,  a  conscientious  Puritan 
clergyman,  tried  the  system  of  repression  upon  a  boy  who 
could  not  be  repressed ;  and  the  result  was,  that  the  young 
gentleman  was  frequently  in  a  state  of  rebellion.  The  author 
ity  for  these  anecdotes  was  Colonel  Burr  himself,  who  used  to 
relate  the  two  principal  ones  with  great  glee. 

When  he  was  four  years  old,  he  took  offense  at  his  tutor, 
and  ran  away.  He  contrived  to  elude  the  search  for  three  or 
four  days,  and — there  the  story  ends. 

About  his  eighth  year,  the  following  incident  occurred : 
He  was  in  a  cherry-tree  in  his  uncle's  garden,  one  fine  after 
noon  in  July,  when  he  observed,  coming  up  the  walk,  an  el 
derly  lady,  a  guest  of  the  house,  wearing  a  silk  dress,  which 


52  LIFEOFAAKONBURK. 

was  then  a  rare  luxury.  The  prim  behavior  and  severe  mo 
rality  of  this  ancient  maiden  had  made  her  a  somewhat  odious 
object  in  the  sight  of  the  boy.  Concealed  in  the  tree,  he 
amused  himself  by  throwing  cherries  at  her:  upon  observing 
which,  she  angrily  sought  Uncle  Timothy,  to  tell  him  of  Aaron's 
misconduct.  The  boy  was  summoned  to  the  study,  where  the 
case  was  treated  in  the  severe  Puritanic  method.  First  came 
a  long  lecture  upon  the  enormity  of  the  offense ;  which  was 
followed  by  a  long  prayer  for  the  offender's  reformation. 
From  the  beginning  of  these  ceremonies,  the  boy  well  knew 
how  they  were  to  end,  and  he  could  form  an  idea  of  the  se 
verity  of  the  corning  punishment  from  the  length  of  the  prayer 
and  exhortation.  A  terrible  castigation  followed  ;  or,  as  Burr 
used  to  phrase  it,  "  he  licked  me  like  a  sack." 

Those  were  the  days,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind,  when  the 
old  received  something  like  homage  from  the  young.  The 
children  of  Jonathan  Edwards,  for  example,  rose  at  the  en 
trance  of  their  parents ;  and  when  they  met  in  the  street  a 
clergyman  or  old  person,  they  stood  aside,  took  off  thek  hats, 
and  bowed,  and  waited  till  the  reverend  individual  had  gone 
by.  In  the  eyes  of  Uncle  Timothy,  therefore,  the  boy's  affront 
to  his  elderly  guest  would  seem  a  crime  of  audacious  magni 
tude. 

At  the  age  of  ten,  Aaron  had  the  fancy  which  besets  most 
active  boys  once  during  their  childhood,  to  go  to  sea.  A  sec 
ond  time  he  ran  away.  He  went  to  New  York,  took  the  post 
of  cabin-boy  on  board  a  ship  getting  ready  for  sea,  and  actu 
ally  served  in  that  capacity  for  a  short  time.  But,  one  day 
while  he  was  at  work  on  the  quarter-deck,  he  spied  a  sus 
picious  clerical-looking  gentleman  coming  rapidly  down  the 
wharf,  who,  he  soon  saw,  was  his  uncle,  bent  on  the  capture 
of  a  cabin-boy.  He  sprang  into  the  rigging,  and  before  his 
uncle  got  on  board  the  ship,  had  climbed  to  the  mast-head. 
He  saw  his  advantage,  and  resolved  to  profit  by  it.  He  was 
ordered  down,  but  refused  to  come.  As  his  uncle  was  a  gen 
tleman  who  would  have  been  nowhere  less  at  home  than  at 
the  mast-head  of  a  ship,  the  command  had  to  soften  itself  into 
an  entreaty,  and  it  became,  finally,  a  negotiation.  Upon  the 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  AARON  BURR.       53 

condition  that  nothing  disagreeable  should  befall  him  in  con 
sequence  of  the  adventure,  the  runaway  agreed  to  descend, 
and  go  home  again  to  his  books. 

These  little  stories  exhibit  the  rebel  merely.  A  decisive 
fact  or  two  of  an  opposite  nature  has  been  preserved.  Pier- 
pont  Edwards,  another  uncle  of  Aaron  Burr's,  but  only  six 
years  his  senior,  was  his  schoolfellow  for  a  while  at  Elizabeth- 
town.  One  of  Pierpont's  letters,  written  when  Aaron  was 
seven  years  old,  contains  this  sentence :  "  Aaron  Burr  is  here, 
is  hearty,  goes  to  school,  and  learns  bravely."  The  fact  of 
Pierpont  Edwards  being  Burr's  schoolfellow,  and  one  who, 
from  his  age,  talents,  and  relationship,  would  be  likely  to 
exert  great  influence  upon  him,  should  be  noted  ;  for  Pierpont 
Edwards,  besides  being  a  great  lawyer,  was  also  a  remarkably 
free  liver. 

There  is  other  testimony  to  Aaron's  diligence  as  a  student. 
At  the  age  of  eleven  he  was  prepared  for  college,  and  apply~ 
ing  for  admission  at  Princeton,  was  rejected  on  account  of  his 
youth.  He  was  not  only  too  young,  but  the  smallness  of  his 
stature  made  the  application  seem  ridiculous.  He  was  then  a 
strikingly  pretty  boy,  very  fair,  with  beautiful  black  eyes,  and 
such  graceful,  engaging  ways  as  rendered  him  a  favorite. 
What  the  qualifications  were  for  admission  into  college,  at 
that  time,  may  be  inferred  from  another  remark  in  the  letter 
of  Pierpont  Edwards  just  quoted.  "  I  am  reading  Virgil  and 
Greek  grammar,"  he  says;  "I  would  have  entered  college, 
but  my  constitution  would  not  bear  it,  being  weak."  A  boy 
able  to  read  Virgil,  and  who  knew  the  Greek  alphabet,  could 
have  obtained  admission  into  the  Freshman  class  at  Princeton 
at  that  time.  But,  considering  the  imperfect  aids  to  the  ac 
quisition  of  the  language  which  schoolboys  then  had,  we  may 
assign  the  character  of  a  forward  and  industrious  boy  to  one 
who  was  ready  for  college  at  the  age  of  eleven. 

This  rejection  on  account  of  his  want  of  years  and  inches 
was  a  source  of  deep  mortification  to  the  aspiring  lad.  He 
did  his  best,  however,  to  frustrate  the  college  authorities  by 
mastering  at  home  the  studies  of  the  first  two  college  years, 
and  then,  in  his  thirteenth  year,  applying  for  admission  into 


54  LIFEOFAAKONBUKB. 

the  Junior  class.  This,  too,  was  denied  him  ;  and,  more  as  a 
favor  than  as  a  right,  he  was  allowed  to  enter  the  Sophomore 
class.  Pie  should  have  been  fifteen  years  old  to  have  joined 
the  Sophomores.  It  was  in  1769,  during  the  presidency  of 
Dr.  Witherspoon,  a  Scotch  clergyman,  in  whose  veins  flowed 
the  blood  of  John  Knox,  that  Aaron  Burr  began  his  residence 
at  Princeton. 

His  career  at  college  was  similar  to  that  of  thousands  of 
American  youth.  He  went  to  Princeton  with  extravagant 
ideas  of  the  acquirements  of  collegians  ;  but  with  a  resolution 
to  be  equal  with  the  foremost.  The  first  year  -he  studied 
excessively  hard.  Finding  that  he  could  not  acquire  as  well 
in  the  afternoon  as  in  the  morning,  and  attributing  the  fact  to 
his  eating  too  much,  he  became  very  abstemious,  and  was 
then  able  to  study  sixteen,  and  occasionally  eighteen,  hours  a, 
day.  He  became  pale,  and  was  supposed  to  be  in  ill  health. 
When  the  day  of  examination  came,  he  found  himself  so  much 
in  advance  of  his  classmates,  that  the  motive  to  such  extra 
ordinary  exertions  no  longer  existed,  and,  thenceforward,  he 
was  as  idle  as  he  had  formerly  been  industrious. 

It  has  been  said,  and  apparently  on  his  own  authority,  that 
he  was  dissipated  at  college  ;  but  his  dissipation  could  scarcely 
have  been  of  an  immoral  nature.  Princeton  was  then  a  very 
small  village,  nearly  surrounded  by  dense  forests,  in  the  midst 
of  a  region  containing,  at  wide  intervals,  a  settlement  of 
Quakers  or  Dutch.  There  was  no  large  town  or  navigable 
water  within  many  miles.  The  village  was  the  half-way  sta 
tion,  on  the  high  road  between  New  York  and  Philadelphia, 
travelers  to  either  of  which  would  usually  stop  at  Prince 
ton  at  night.  A  coach  load  of  people,  and  several  other  trav 
elers,  were  at  the  tavern  nearly  every  night  in  the  week.  For 
their  amusement,  a  billiard  table  was  kept  in  the  place,  but 
Burr  played  only  one  game.  On  that  occasion,  it  chanced 
that  he  won  a  small  sum,  and  on  going  home,  he  felt  so  de 
graded  by  the  circumstance,  that  he  resolved  never  more  to 
play  at  any  game  for  money  ;  and  he  kept  his  resolution.  At 
the  tavern,  too,  the  students  could  procure  the  luxuries  of  the 
table.  But  Burr,  then  and  always,  was  a  Spartan  in  eating 


THE     EDUCATION     OF     A  A  11  O  N     B  U  11 B .  55 

and  drinking.  And  with  regard  to  guiltier  pleasures,  he  was 
but  sixteen  when  he  graduated;  the  place  of  his  residence 
was  rustic  and  Puritanic  Princeton ;  and  the  time  was  not  far 
removed  from  the  days  of  the  "  Scarlet  Letter."  It  was  not  till 
after  he  had  left  college  that  he  adopted  the  opinions  which 
took  the  reins  of  passion  out  of  the  hands  of  conscience,  and 
gave  them  into  those  of  prudence. 

Part  of  Burr's  dissipation  in  college  was  merely  a  dissipa 
tion  of  mind  in  multifarious  reading.  That  he  was  versed  in 
the  polite  literature  of  the  day,  is  evident  in  his  compositions. 
He  was,  also,  a  constant  reader  of  the  lives  and  histories  of 
great  military  men.  During  Burr's  boyhood,  the  fame  of 
Frederic  the  Great  filled  the  world.  The  Seven  Years'  Wai- 
began  when  he  was  in  the  cradle,  and  the  most  brilliant  achieve 
ments  of  the  great  captain  were  fresh  in  men's  minds  while 
the  youth  was  in  his  susceptible  years.  As  the  supposed  cham 
pion  of  Protestantism  against  the  leagued  Catholic  powers, 
Frederic  was  greatly  admired  in  the  American  provinces, 
and  the  splendor  of  his  reputation  may  have  had  its  share  in 
giving  Burr  his  life-long  love  for  the  military  profession.  The 
old  French  war,  too,  was  not  concluded  when  Burr  first  saw 
the  light.  The  provinces  were  full  of  wild  tales  of  that  most 
romantic  of  contests,  during  all  of  his  earlier  years.  And 
long  before  he  left  college,  were  heard  the  mutterings  of  the 
coming  storm  which  was  to  summon  from  their  retirement, 
and  crown  with  new  laurels,  so  many  of  the  rustic  soldiers 
who  had  won  distinction  in  that  toughly-contested  forest  war 
which  secured  this  continent  to  the  race  which  holds  it  now. 

A  college  freak  of  Burr's  excited  a  great  deal  of  mirth 
among  the  students  at  the  time.  He  was  a  member  of  a  lite 
rary  club,  the  Clio-Sophie,  the  members  of  which  presided  at 
its  meetings  in  rotation.  On  one  occasion,  when  Burr  was  in 
the  chair,  a  professor  of  the  college,  from  whom  he  had  re 
ceived  many  an  unwelcome  admonition,  chanced  to  come  in 
after  the  business  of  the  evening  had  commenced.  Burr,  as 
suming  as  much  of  professorial  dignity  as  his  diminutive  stat 
ure  admitted,  and  with  that  imperturbable  self-possession  for 
which  he  was  distinguished,  ordered  the  professor  to  rise.  He 


56  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

then  began  to  lecture  the  delinquent  upon  his  want  of  punctu 
ality,  observing  that  the  older  members  of  the  society  were 
expected  to  set  a  better  example  to  the  younger,  and  conclud 
ing  with  a  hope  that  he  should  not  be  under  the  necessity  of 
recurring  again  to  the  subject.  Having  thus  given  the  profes 
sor  a  parody  of  one  of  those  harangues  which  preceptors 
are  prone  to  bestow  upon  neglectful  pupils,  he  informed  him 
that  he  might  resume  his  seat ;  which  the  astonished  gen 
tleman  did,  amid  the  merriment  of  the  society.  This  .story 
used  to  be  told  of  Burr  at  Princeton,  years  after  he  had  left 
college. 

His  college  compositions,  of  which  several  have  been  pre 
served,  indicate  an  unusual  maturity  in  a  youth  of  fifteen 
years.  Style  is  the  subject  of  one  of  them,  the  burden  of 
which  is  to  recommend  conciseness  and  simplicity,  which  were 
always  the  characteristics  of  his  own  writings.  "  A  labored 
style  is  labor  even  to  the  hearer,"  observes  the  young  critic, 
"  but,  a  simple  style,  like  simple  food,  preserves  the  appetite." 
He  contends  for  a  colloquial  manner,  and  mentions  Sir  Thomas 
Browne's  Treatise  on  u  Vulgar  Errors"  as  an  example  of  ab 
surd  pomposity.  "  There  is  no  such  thing,"  remarks  the  youth, 
"  as  a  sublime  style  ;  sublimity  is  in  the  thought,  which  is  ren 
dered  the  more  sublime  by  being  expressed  in  simple  lan 
guage."  This  is  not  the  usual  tone  of  a  college  composition. 
Another  of  Burr's  college  essays,  is  on  The  Passions.  He  could 
not  have  read  Goethe's  oft-declaimed  observation,  "  Man  alone 
is  interesting  to  Man,"  because  Goethe  at  this  time  was  himself 
a  college  student  at  Strasbourg ;  yet  Burr  opens  his  discourse 
upon  the  passions  quite  in  the  spirit  of  the  Goethean  maxim. 
Nor  coulu  he  have  known  the  office  assigned  the  passions  by 
phrenologists,  for  Gall  was  then  a  boy  three  years  old  ;  yet  he 
says  that  the  grand  design  of  the  passions  is  to  rouse  to 
action  the  sluggish  powers  of  the  mind.  "The  passions," 
he  adds,  "  if  properly  regulated,  are  the  gentle  gales  which 
keep  life  from  stagnating,  but,  if  let  loose,  the  tempests  which 
tear  every  thing  before  them."  He  continues  in  the  following 
strain:  "Do  we  not  frequently  behold  men  of  the  most 
sprightly  genius,  by  giving  the  reins  to  their  passions,  lost  to 


THE     EDUCATION     OF     AARON     BURR.  57 

society,  and  reduced  to  the  lowest  ebb  of  misery  and  despair? 
Do  we  not  frequently  behold  persons  of  the  most  penetrating 
discernment  and  happy  turn  for  polite  literature,  by  mingling 
with  the  sons  of  sensuality  and  riot,  blasted  in  the  bloom  of 
life  ?  Such  was  the  fate  of  the  late  celebrated  Duke  of  Whar- 
ton,  Wilmot,  Earl  of  Rochester,  and  Villers,  Duke  of  Buck 
ingham,  three  noblemen,  as  eminently  distinguished  by  their 
wit,  taste,  and  knowledge,  as  for  their  extravagance,  revelry 
and  lawless  passions.  In  such  cases,  the  most  charming  elocu 
tion,  the  finest  fancy,  the  brightest  blaze  of  genius,  and  the 
noblest  bursts  of  thought,  call  for  louder  vengeance,  and  damn 
them  to  lasting  infamy  and  shame."  He  says,  in  conclusion, 
'*  Permit  me,  however  unusual,  to  close  with  a  wish.  May 
none  of  these  unruly  passions  ever  captivate  any  of  my  au 
dience." 

One  of  these  college  pieces,  entitled  "  An  Attempt  to  Search 
the  Origin  of  Idolatry,"  is  interesting,  as  showing  that  the 
writer,  whatever  may  have  been  his  subsequent  opinions,  was, 
while  in  college,  a  sharer  in  the  faith  of  his  fathers.  His  conclu 
sion  is,  that  the  accursed  Ham,  or  his  accursed  sons,  were  the 
inventors  of  idol  worship.  An  incidental  opinion  expressed 
in  this  piece  is,  that  atheism  is  more  odious  than  idolatry. 

It  is  unsafe  to  infer  the  character  of  a  writer  from  the  char 
acter  of  his  writings,  as  the  power  of  some  writers  consists  in 
an  ability  to  give  striking  expression  to  emotions  which  they 
merely  see  it  would  be  highly  becoming  in  them  to  feel.  But 
we  would  scarcely  believe  this  of  a  boy  of  fifteen.  So  far  as 
Burr's  youthful  essays  do  reveal  his  character,  they  seem  to 
show  that,  at  this  period  of  his  life,  he  possessor,  an  acute  in 
tellect,  an  independent  habit  of  thought,  and  an  ingenuous, 
amiable  disposition.  During  Burr's  last  wintjv;  in  college, 
there  occurred  one  of  those  periodical  excitement  uvith  regard 
to  religion  which  were  so  important  a  feature  in  the  early 
history  of  the  provinces ;  an  excitement  similar  to  that  which 
bad  diverted  Burr's  grandfather  from  natural  science  to  theol 
ogy,  and  won  his  father  from  the  enthusiastic  pursuit  of  clas 
sical  literature.  This  revival  was  one  of  more  than  ordinary 
intensity,  and  a  large  number  of  the  students  became  converts. 

3* 


58  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Burr,  then  very  idle,  and  devoted  to  such  pleasures  as  the 
rustic  neighborhood  afforded,  was  urged  both  by  the  profess 
ors  and  by  his  companions,  to  renounce  his  way  of  life  and  follow 
the  example  of  his  eminent  ancestors.  But  he  held  quietly 
aloof.  As  the  excitement  increased,  his  friends  redoubled 
their  efforts.  They  appealed  to  his  fears,  threatening  him  with 
all  the  terrific  penalties  of  the  law,  if  he,  descended  from  such 
illustrious  exemplars  of  the  faith,  he,  the  son  of  a  father  so 
eloquent  in  its  promulgation,  of  a  mother  who  had  so  longed 
and  importuned  for  his  conversion,  should  finally  become  a 
castaway.  Burr  confessed  that  he  was  moved  by  this  revival. 
He  respected  the  religion  of  his  mother ;  he  had  taken  for 
granted  the  creed  in  which  he  had  been  educated.  Therefore, 
though  he  was  repelled  by  the  wild  excitement  that  prevailed, 
and  disgusted  by  the  means  employed  to  excite  terror,  his 
mind  was  not  at  ease.  He  consulted  Dr.  Witherspoon  in  this 
perplexity.  The  clergymen  of  the  time  were  divided  in  opinion 
upon  the  subject  of  revivals  :  those  educated  in  the  old  country 
being  generally  opposed  to  them.  President  Witherspoon  was 
of  that  number,  and  he  accordingly  told  the  anxious  student 
that  the  raging  excitement  was  fanatical,  not  truly  religious, 
and  Burr  went  away  relieved, 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  if  thj  promoters  of  that  revival  had 
appealed  solely  to  his  sense  of  the  becoming  and  the  just, 
Aaron  Burr  might  have  been  won  to  their  views,  and  might 
have  lived  over  again,  on  a  greater  scale,  and  with  greater  re 
sults,  the  life  of  his  father.  But  the  attempt  to  strike  terror  in 
the  soul  of  one  who  never  knew  what  it  was  to  be  afraid,  was 
a  failure,  of  rxmrse. 

A  habit  formed  by  Burr,  at  college,  had  an  important  influ 
ence  upon  hia,  .fortunes  at  the  critical  point  of  his  career.  It 
was  the  hak  •-  of  writing  his  confidential  letters  in  cipher.  The 
practice  was  common  a'u  the  time.  The  letters  of  all  the  emi 
nent  men  of  the  revolutionary  period,  Washington,  Jefferson, 
Hamilton,  Adams,  and  the  re'St,  contained  evidence  of  an 
habitual  distrust  of  the  public  conveyance  of  letters.  This 
distrust  existed  before  tha  Revolution,  during  the  Revolution, 
and  after  the  Revolution  :  down,  in  fact,  to  the  time  when  tho 


THE     EDUCATION     OF      AARON     H  IT  R  R .  59 

mere  multitude  of  letters  was  their  best  protection.  The  fear 
was  not  so  much  that  letters  would  not  reach  their  destination, 
as  that  they  would  be  read  on  the  way.  Burr's  practice, 
therefore,  of  writing  in  cipher  to  his  sister  and  to  his  class 
mates,  was  in  conformity  with  the  feeling  and  habit  of  the 
time,  and  not  merely  an  evidence  of  a  peculiarly  secretive 
character.  But  he  was  secretive — often  absurdly  so — as  his 
adoption  of  this  custom  in  his  boyish  correspondence  might 
have  led  one  to  suspect. 

He  formed  friendships  in  college  that  ended  only  with  life. 
William  Patterson,  afterward  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States;  the  gallant  Colonel  Matthias  Ogden,  of 
New  Jersey;  Samuel  Spring,  who  became  a  distinguished 
divine,  and  \vho  was  the  father  of  Dr.  G.  Spring,  a  still  more 
eminent  theologian,  were  among  those  whom  he  loved  at  col 
lege,  and  who  loved  him  while  they  lived.  Samuel  Spring 
became  a  student  of  theology  at  Newport  before  Burr  grad 
uated,  and  he  wrote  to  his  friend  upon  the  charms  of  divinity, 
and  in  a  modest,  manly  way,  urged  him  to  fulfill  the  hopes  of 
his  parents  by  devoting  himself  to  the  same  pursuit. 

In  September,  1772,  when  he  wras  sixteen  years  of  age, 
Burr  graduated  at  the  College  of  New  Jersey  with  distinc 
tion.  He  delivered  an  oration  on  commencement-day  with 
considerable,  but  not  distinguished,  applause.  His  manner 
and  bearing  were  graceful.  The  matter  of  his  discourse  was 
good,  but  he  spoke  with  uneffeetive  rapidity,  and  with  an  em 
phasis  so  frequent  and  intense  as  to  partly  defeat  the  object  of 
emphasis.  Nevertheless,  his  friend  Patterson  was  of  opinion 
that,  if  Burr  was  not  the  best  of  the  speakers,  there  was  but 
one  who  excelled  him. 

He  continued  to  live  at  Princeton  for  several  months  after 
receiving  his  degree,  during  which  he  read  extensively,  re 
viewed  some  of  his  college  studies,  added  many  volumes  to 
his  collection  of  books,  took  part  in  the  exercises  of  the  Clio- 
Sophie  Society,  and  amused  himself  to  the  extent  afforded  by 
the  place  in  which  he  lived.  His  income  was  ample  for  the 
maintenance  of  a  young  man,  and  he  was  in  no  haste  to  choose 
a  profession.  In  the  spring  and  summer  of  1773,  he  was 


60  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUR  K. 

much  at  Elizabethtown.  One  of  his  favorite  pleasures  there 
was  boating,  an  amusement  for  which  the  neighboring  waters 
afford  facilities  perhaps  unrivaled  in  the  world.  Burr  knew 
every  inlet  and  islet  of  those  waters,  and  could  manage  a  boat 
with  much  skill.  The  experience  gained  in  his  aquatic  ex 
cursions  there  was  turned  by  him  to  excellent  account  on  sev 
eral  occasions  in  his  subsequent  career  of  adventure  and  vicis 
situde. 

A  year  of  busy  idleness  the  youth  passed  in  these  scenes 
before  he  began  to  think  seriously  of  the  future.  After  leav 
ing  college,  and  indeed  long  before,  he  was  quite  his  own  mas 
ter,  his  uncle  having  early  relinquished  his  endeavors  to  con 
trol  the  movements  of  a  ward  who  knew  how,  in  all  circum 
stances,  to  have  his  own  way.  But  a  profession  was  now  to 
be  chosen.  His  relations,  the  friends  of  his  father,  and  many 
in  whose  memory  the  mother  of  this  youth  was  still  most  fresh 
and  fragrant,  hoped,  expected,  that  he  would,  in  due  time,  be 
attracted  to  the  profession  which  so  many  of  his  ancestors  had 
adorned.  Not  wantonly,  nor  hastily  did  he  decide  to  disap 
point  these  expectations.  The  uneasiness  of  mind  which  had 
been  created  during  the  great  revival  at  Princeton,  had  been 
allayed,  but  not  removed,  by  his  conversation  with  Dr.  With- 
erspoon,  and  he  was  now  determined  upon  settling  his  theo- 
logic  difficulties  for  ever.  A  mind  so  active,  penetrating,  and 
fearless  as  his,  must  have  come  in  contact  with  the  skepti 
cism  that  was  then  the  rage  in  Europe,  and  which  had  capti 
vated  the  Jeffersons  and  Franklins  of  America.  Pie  could  not 
have  escaped  it,  for  it  pervaded  the  books  which  he  was  most 
sure  to  be  drawn  to.  He  resolved,  therefore,  instead  of  sub 
jecting  himself  to  be  tried  by  the  theology  of  the  day,  which 
was  what  his  pious  friends  desired,  to  put  that  theology  itself 
upon  trial. 

Dr.  Joseph  Bellamy,  of  Bethlehem,  Connecticut,  who  had 
studied  theology  under  Jonathan  Edwards,  was,  in  some  de 
gree,  the  inheritor  of  his  master's  preeminent  position  in  the 
clerical  world.  Great  was  his  fame  as  a  preacher.  His  pub 
lished  works  were  popular  in  his  life-time,  and  continued  to  be 
printed  many  years  after  his  death  ;  and  so  many  candidates 


THE     K  1>  I'  < :  A  T  I  O  N     OF     AARON     BURR.  61 

for  the  ministry  repaired  to  him  for  instruction  in  divinity, 
that  his  house  assumed  something  of  the  importance  of  a  theo 
logical  seminary.  To  this  learned  and  famous  doctor,  young 
Burr  addressed  himself,  and  requested  permission  to  reside  in 
his  school  while  he  was  employed  in  the  study  of  theology. 
With  the  joyful  consent  of  his  guardian,  and  to  the  great  sat 
isfaction  of  Doctor  Bellamy,  Burr,  in  the  autumn  of  1773, 
went  to  live  in  the  doctor's  family,  and  entered  at  once  with 
his  usual  ardor  upon  the  investigations  he  had  proposed  to 
himself.  Doctor  Bellamy,  it  appears,  was  one  of  the  gentle 
men  who  plumed  themselves  upon  their  skill  in  the  Socratic 
or  question-asking  method  of  argumentation  in  which  Frank 
lin,  among  many  others  of  the  time,  took  great  delight.  The 
object  of  the  honest  divine  was,  as  we  said,  to  prevent  his  pu 
pils  from  taking  any  dogma  for  granted,  or  from  accepting 
their  opinions  without  consideration  from  the  lips  of  their 
teacher.  Sometimes  he  would  exchange  with  one  of  them 
the  part  of  Socrates,  himself  playing  disciple,  and  submitting 
to  as  severe  a  course  of  questions  as  the  skill  of  the  young 
gentleman  enabled  him  to  devise. 

This  were  a  dangerous  game  to  play  with  a  lad  of  Burr's 
mettle.  When  both  Socrates  and  disciple  are  perfectly  agreed 
beforehand  as  to  the  conclusion  to  which  the  argument  is  to 
conduct  them ;  when,  in  a  word,  the  exercise  is  merely  play, 
it  may  be  amusing  and  satisfactory.  But  when  the  disciple 
has  begun  to  suspect  that  Socrates  is  behind  the  age,  inas 
much  as  the  choice  spirits  of  the  age  are  not  at  all  of  his  way 
of  thinking,  and  when  that  disciple,  beside  being  utterly  fear 
less  of  the  consequences  of  dissent,  possessed  a  remarkable 
address  and  imperturbable  coolness  in  arranging  his  questions ; 
in  such  circumstances,  Socrates  is  likely  to  lose  a  pupil.  Be 
tween  Dr.  Bellamy  and  Aaron  Burr,  precisely  the  same  catas 
trophe  occurred  as  came  to  pass  a  year  or  two  later  in  Ger 
many  between  young  Jean  Paul  and  the  Conrector  of  the  Hof 
Gymnasium. 

The  zealous  conrector,  as  we  read  in  Carlyle's  exquisite 
article  upon  Jean  Paul,  desirous  to  render  his  school  as  much 
like  a  university  as  possible,  had  public  disputations  in  the 


62  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

school  occasionally.  "  By  ill-luck  one  day,  the  worthy  presi 
dent  had  selected  some  church-article  for  the  theme  of  such  a 
disputation ;  one  boy  was  to  defend,  and  it  fell  to  Paul's  lot  to 
impugn  the  dogma ;  a  task  he  was  very  specially  qualified  to 
undertake.  Now,  honest  Paul  knew  nothing  of  the  limits  of 
this  game ;  never  dreamt  but  he  might  argue  with  his  whole 
strength,  to  whatever  results  it  might  lead.  In  a  few  rounds, 
accordingly,  his  antagonist  was  borne  out  of  the  ring,  as  good 
as  lifeless ;  and  the  conrector  himself,  seeing  the  danger,  had, 
as  it  were,  to  descend  from  his  presiding  chair,  and  clap  the 
gauntlets  on  his  own  more  experienced  hands.  But  Paul, 
nothing  daunted,  gave  him  also  a  Roland  for  an  Oliver ;  nay, 
as  it  became  more  and  more  manifest  to  all  eyes,  was  fast  re 
ducing  him  also  to  the  frightfullest  extremity.  The  conrec- 
tor's  tongue  threatened  cleaving  to  the  roof  of  his  mouth,  for 
his  brain  was  at  a  stand,  or  whirling  in  eddies,  only  his  gall 
was  in  active  play.  Nothing  remained  for  him  but  to  close 
the  debate  abruptly  by  a  '  Silence,  sirrah,  and  leave  the. 
room?  " 

All  over  the  world,  in  that  century  of  skepticism,  similar 
scenes  were  transpiring.  At  Oxford,  in  England,  as  Bentham 
records,  "  infidelity"  was  the  fashion  ;  there  were  Atheist's 
clubs  in  the  university.  A  few  years  later,  a  similar  state  of 
things  existed  at  Yale,  which  required  all  the  eloquence  and 
tact  of  the  able  President  D wight  to  suppress. 

A  few  months'  residence  with  Dr.  Bellamy  sufficed  for  Burr. 
We  soon  find  him  writing  to  his  friend  Ogden,  at  Elizabeth- 
town,  that  he  had  the  good  old  doctor  completely  under  his 
thumb!  Ogden  replies  that  he  is  glad  to  hear  it ;  and  pro 
ceeds  to  give  Burr  the  gossip  of  the  fashionable  society  at 
New  York.  In  the  summer  of  1774,  Burr  left  Dr.  Bellamy 
with  the  conviction,  to  use  his  own  language,  that  "  the  road 
to  heaven  was  open  to  all  alike."  In  other  words,  he  rejected 
the  gospel,  according  to  Jonathan  Edwards  ;  rejected  it,  as  he 
always  maintained,  after  a  calm  and  fall  investigation;  rejected 
it  completely  and  for  ever.  To  the  close  of  his  life,  he  avoided 
disputes  upon  questions  of  religion ;  and  when,  on  one  or  two 
occasions  only,  he  was  drawn  into  such  a  discussion,  he  re- 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  AARON  BURR.       6* 

preached  himself  for  his  folly  afterward.  Often  he  was  ad 
dressed  by  relatives,  anxious  to  see  him  treading  in  the  foot 
steps  of  his  father.  Often  letters  were  sent  him,  warning  him 
to  repent.  He  neither  resented  nor  regarded  these  well- 
meant  endeavors;  but  waived  them  aside  with  good-humored 
grace,  and  sometimes  even  with  tenderness. 

The  gospel  which  the  young  man  accepted,  lived  by  and 
died  in,  was  the  gospel  according  to  Philip  Dormer  Stanhope, 
Lord  Chesterfield ;  which,  from  Burr's  day  to  this,  has  been 
cultivated  Young  America's  usual  poor  recoil  from  the  Puri 
tanism  of  its  childhood.  Chesterfield  himself  was  not  a  more 
consummate  Chesterfieldian  than  Aaron  Burr.  The  intrepid 
ity,  the  self-possession,  the  consideration  for  others,  the  pur 
suit  of  knowledge,  which  Chesterfield  commends,  were  all 
illustrated  iii  the  character  of  the  young  American,  who  also 
availed  himself  of  the  license  which  that  perfect  man  of  the 
world  allowed  himself,  and  recommended  to  his  son. 

The  summer  of  1774  Burr  spent  at  Litchfield,  Connecticut, 
at  the  house  of  Mr.  Tappan  Reeve,  his  brother-in-law.  He 
had  decided  to  study  law,  but,  in  no  haste  to  begin,  he  passed 
some  months  in  reading,  riding,  hunting,  and  flirting.  Already, 
he  possessed  that  power  of  pleasing  the  fair  for  which  he  was 
afterward  noted,  and  already  officious  relations  began  to 
speculate  upon  him  as  a  subject  for  matrimony.  Uncle  Thad- 
deus  Burr,  as  we  learn  from  one  of  Aaron's  letters,  had  his  eye 
upon  a  young  lady,  whose  person  and  fortune  he  was  fond  of 
extolling  in  his  handsome  nephew's  hearing.  But  the  nephew 
was  deaf  and  dumb  on  those  occasions,  and  resolved,  at  length, 
to  be  round  with  Uncle  Thaddeus,  when  next  he  should  indulge 
in  these  broad  hints.  At  the  same  time,  the  young  beau  was 
all  gallantry  to  the  ladies,  who  evidently  occupied  themselves 
more  than  a  little  in  gossiping  about  him ;  but  he  seems  to 
have  distributed  his  attentions  so  equally  among  them  all,  that 
no  two  people  could  agree  on  the  same  lady  to  tease  him  with. 
One  lady,  he  tells  his  friend  Ogden,  had  actually  made  love  to 
him,  which,  he  says,  made  him  feel  foolish  enough.  His  let 
ters,  after  leaving  Dr.  Bellamy  and  theology,  contain  very 
frequent  allusions  to  '  the  girls.'  They  were  evidently,  during 


64  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

the  leisure  months  of  1774,  the  chief  subject  of  his  thoughts, 
and  one  of  the  most  frequent  objects  of  his  attention. 

Now,  too,  his  instinctive  love  of  intrigue  began  to  exhibit 
itself.  A  friend  of  his  received  a  letter  from  a  young  female 
relative,  which  Burr,  for  a  joke,  offered  to  answer,  and  did  an 
swer,  in  the  name  of  his  friend.  He  carried  on  a  correspond 
ence  with  the  girl  in  this  way,  but,  as  he  told  Ogden,  avoided 
scrupulously  to  draw  from,  her  any  thing  she  would  choose 
he  should  not  know.  "  I  would  suffer  crucifixion,"  he  said, 
"  rather  than  be  guilty  of  such  unparalleled  meanness."  A 
horror  of  meanness  is  frequently  expressed  in  Burr's  early  let 
ters.  "  My  idea  of  a  devil,"  he  once  observed,  "  is  composed 
more  of  malice  than  of  meanness."  There  are  hints  of  other 
intrigues  with  fair  ladies  in  these  joyous  letters,  but  so  vaguely 
expressed  as  to  convey  no  information  to  the  reader. 

The  impression  left  on  the  mind  of  any  candid  reader  of 
Burr's  correspondence  at  this  period,  is  favorable  to  him.  A 
gay,  handsome,  innocent,  honorable,  rollicking  young  man, 
high-spirited,  fond  of  the  girls,  an  enthusiastic  friend,  an  intel 
ligent  reader,  and  an  independent  thinker.  Every  body  liked 
him,  and  many  predicted  his  future  eminence.  Of  his  own  im 
mediate  circle  of  friends,  he  was  the  youngest,  but  it  is  evident 
that  they  all  unconsciously  regarded  him  as  a  kind  of  chief. 
They  speak  of  his  generous  heart,  and  his  excellent  judgment, 
and  betray  in  all  their  letters  to  him  a  friendship  of  the  warm 
est  character. 

As  the  winter  of  1774  drew  on,  these  happy  young  men 
were  drawn  from  the  light  pursuits  proper  to  their  age  by  the 
portentous  aspect  now  assumed  by  the  quarrel  between  the 
colonies  and  the  mother  country.  New  England  was  alive 
with  excitement.  Her  younger  spirits,  so  far  from  fearing, 
had  begun  to  desire  a  conflict  with  the  royal  troops.  Burr 
and  his  set  had  been  ardent  Whigs  from,  the  beginning  of  the 
dispute.  They  had  studied  the  subject  together,  arid  Burr,  in 
particular,  had  made  himself  master  of  the  law  of  the  case, 
and  renewed  with  enthusiasm  the  military  studies  which  bad 
always  interested  him.  As  early  as  August,  1774,  we  find  him 
eager  for  the  fray.  A  inob  had  lorn  down  the  house  of  a  man 


THE     EDUCATION     OP     AARON     BURR.  65 

V 

suspected  of  being  unfriendly  to  the  liberties  of  the  people, 
and  the  sheriif,  who  had  arrested  eight  of  the  ringleaders, 
brought  them  to  Litchtield,  where  Burr  was.  The  next  day, 
fifty  horsemen,  each  armed  with  a  white  club,  marched  into 
Litchfield  to  rescue  the  prisoners,  and  Burr  sallied  forth  to 
join  in  the  threatened  contest.  But,  to  his  boundless  disgust, 
the  horsemen  could  not  be  induced  to  make  the  attempt,  and 
to  crown  the  infamy  of  the  occasion,  he  says,  "the  above  men 
tioned  sneaks  all  gave  bonds  for  their  appearance  to  stand  a 
trial  at  the  pext  court  for  committing  a  riot."  From  the  man 
ner  in  which  Burr  narrates  this  incident,  it  is  certain  that  he 
was  ready  for  the  great  fight,  eight  months  before  the  first 
blood  was  shed. 

In  those  months,  he  began  the  study  of  the  law  under  Mr. 
Tappan  Reeve,  at  Litchfield,  and  had  made  some  slight  prog 
ress  therein  when  the  news  of  LEXINGTON,  the  news  that 
blood  had  been  shed,  electrified  the  thirteen  colonies,  and 
summoned  to  arms  their  gallant  spirits  of  every  degree. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    VOLUNTEER. 

His  QUALIFICATIONS  AS  A  SOLDIER  —  JOINS  THE  ARMY  AROUND  BOSTON  —  ARNOLD'S 
EXPEDITION  TO  QUEBEC  —  BURR'S  SECRET  MISSION  FROM  ARNOLD  ;ro  MONTGOMERY 
—  APPOINTED  AID  TO  GENERAL  MONTGOMERY  —  THE  ASSAULT  UPON  QUEBEC  — 
CAPTAIN  BURR  BEARS  OFF  THE  BODY  OF  HIS  GENERAL — APPOINTED  AID  TO  GENERAL 
"WASHINGTON  —  KEASONS  OF  HIS  DISCONTENT  IN  THAT  SITUATION. 

As  one  who  had  been  waiting  for  the  signal,  this  young 
student-at-law  threw  aside  his  books,  and  seized  the  sword,  on 
fire  to  join  the  patriot  forces  gathered  around  glorious  Boston. 

He  felt  that  he  was  formed  to  excel  as  a  soldier.  A  mere 
stripling  in  appearance,  with  a  stature  of  five  feet  six  inches,  a 
slender  form,  and  a  youthful  face,  he  yet  possessed  a  power 
of  prolonged  exertion,  and  a  capacity  for  enduring  privation, 
that  were  wonderful  in  a  youth  of  nineteen.  His  courage 
was  perfect — he  never  knew  fear  ;  even  his  nerves  could  not 
be  startled  by  any  kind  of  sudden  horror.  He  was  a  good 
horseman,  a  good  helmsman,  a  tolerable  fencer,  and  a  decent 
shot.  Moreover,  he  loved  the  military  art ;  knew  all  of  it 
that  could  be  learned  from  books,  and  more  highly  prized  the 
soldier's  glory  than  that  of  any  other  pursuit.  To  these  quali 
ties  he  added  a  mind  cultivated  and  most  fertile  in  those  sug 
gestions  for  which  the  exigencies  of  war  furnish  such  frequent 
occasions.  And  with  all  his  power  to  win  the  confiding  love 
of  equals  and  inferiors,  men  saw  in  his  face  and  bearing  what 
Kent  loved  in  Lear,  authority  ! 

No  period  of  Aaron  Burr's  life  is  better  known  than  the 
time  he  spent  in  the  revolutionary  army.  Two  or  three  times, 
in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  he  was  a  claimant  under  the  pen 
sion  and  compensation  acts  passed  for  the  benefit  of  the  sol 
diers  of  the  Revolution ;  and,  to  substantiate  his  claim,  his  fel 
low-soldiers  gave  written  and  sworn  testimony  respecting  his 


THEVOLUNTEEE.  07 

services,  some  of  them  narrating,  with  great  particularity, 
exploits  of  his  which  they  had  themselves  witnessed.  Much 
of  this  evidence  was  given  by  persons  well  known  for  their 
public  services,  and  of  veracity  beyond  question.  The  num 
ber,  the  coincidence,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  these  depositions, 
place  the  essential  truth  of  their  statements  beyond  reasonable 
doubt.  Burr,  too,  in  his  old  age,  loved  to  talk  over  those  bright 
years  of  his  youth,  and  some  of  the  incidents  about  to  be  re 
lated  were  derived  directly  from  friends  of  the  old  soldier,  to 
whom  he  used  to  tell  them.  He  was  proud  of  his  military  career. 
What  he  achieved  in  law  and  in  politics  were  as  nothing  in 
his  eyes  in  comparison  with  his  deeds  as  a  soldier  of  the  revo 
lutionary  army. 

On  hearing  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  he  wrote  imme 
diately  to  his  friend  Ogden,  urging  him  to  come  with  all  possi 
ble  rapidity  to  Litchfield,  and  they  would  then  together  start 
for  the  scene  of  war.  But  Ogden  replied  that  he  could  not 
in  such  haste  make  preparations  to  leave  home.  Burr  wrote 
again.  While  Ogden  seemed  still  undecided,  came  the  most 
thrilling  piece  of  news  that  breath  ever  uttered  on  this  conti 
nent — the  news  that  a  thousand  of  the  flower  of  the  British 
army  had  fallen  on  Bunker  Hill  under  the  fire  of  a  band  of 
rustic  patriots.  Burr  could  bear  inactivity  no  longer.  He 
mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  in  hot  haste  to  Elizabethtown  ; 
there  aided  Ogden  in  his  preparations  for  a  campaign  ;  and 
the  two  friends  then  made  their  way  to  the  camp  near  Boston. 
They  arrived  in  July,  1775,  only  a  few  days  after  General 
Washington  had  taken  the  command. 

The  scene  presented  to  the  eyes  of  the  commander-in-chief 
on  his  arrival  at  Cambridge  has  been  too  often  described  to 
require  more  than  an  allusion  here.  In  the  various  camps 
and  posts  around  the  city,  there  were  seventeen  thousand 
half-armed,  ill-clad,  undisciplined,  and  unorganized  troops, 
commanded  by  officers  who  were  either  ignorant  of  their  duty, 
or  reluctant  to  give  offense  by  performing  it.  The  health  of 
the  men  was  endangered  by  the  want  of  a  camp  police  to  en 
force  the  regulations,  without  which  large  bodies  of  men  can 
not  exist  together.  Burr  was  not  prepared  for  such  a  scene 


68  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

of  disorder,  and  still  less  for  the  inactivity  to  which  this  mot 
ley  host  was  condemned.  He,  and  thousands  of  others,  had 
rushed  to  the  seat  of  war  in  the  hope  that  Lexington  and 
Bunker  Hill  were  to  be  followed  up  by  affairs  still  more  deci 
sive  ;  and  this  nameless  boy,  of  course,  caught  no  whisper 
of  the  dreadful  secret,  confided  only  to  general  officers,  that 
there  was  not  powder  enough  in  the  whole  army  to  fight  an 
other  Bunker  Hill,  if  the  occasion  should  arise.  As  the  youth 
wandered  from  camp  to  camp,  he  became  a  prey  to  disappoint 
ment,  mortification,  and  disgust ;  and,  after  passing  a  month 
of  this  most  wearisome  idleness,  he  actually  fretted  himself 
into  a  kind  of  intermittent  fever,  and  was  confined  for  several 
days  sick  in  body  and  in  mind. 

One  day,  as  he  was  tossing  in  his  bed,  he  overheard  Ogden 
and  others  talking  in  the  next  room  of  an  expedition  that  was 
on  foot.  He  called  Ogden  to  his  bedside,  and  asked  what 
expedition  it  was  of  which  they  had  been  talking.  Ogden 
replied,  that  Colonel  Arnold  was  about  to  march  with  a  thou 
sand  volunteers  through  the  forests  of  Maine  to  attack  Que 
bec,  and  thus  complete  the  conquest  of  Canada  so  gloriously 
begun  by  General  Montgomery,  who  was  already  master  of 
Montreal.  Instantly  Burr  sat  up  in  bed,  and  declared  his  de 
termination  to  join  the  expedition  ;  and,  quietly  disregarding 
Ogden's  remonstrances,  began,  enfeebled  as  he  was,  to  dress 
himself.  All  his  friends  in  the  army  were  aghast  at  his  reso 
lution.  But  no  argument  and  no  persuasion  could  move  him 
when  his  mind  was  made  up.  Go  he  wouW.  Under  the 
stimulus  of  a  congenial  object,  his  health  improved,  and  in  a 
very  few  days  he  was  ready  to  proceed  to  the  rendezvous  at 
ISTewburyport,  distant  sixty  miles  from  Boston.  Ogden  and 
others  of  Burr's  acquaintance  were  conveyed  to  Newburyport 
in  carriages  ;  but  Burr,  accompanied  by  four  or  five  stout  fel 
lows  whom  he  had  equipped  at  his  own  expense,  shouldered 
his  knapsack  and  marched  the  whole  distance. 

In  the  mean  time,  his  Uncle  Timothy  had  heard  of  his  un 
manageable  ward's  intention,  and  loving  the  lad  none  the  less  for 
the  trouble  he  had  given  him,  dispatched  a  messenger,  post 
haste,  to  bring  the  fugitive  back,  peaceably  if  he  could,  forcibly 


THEVOLUNTEEB.  69 

if  he  must.  The  messenger  conveyed  to  Burr  a  letter  from 
his  uncle  commanding  his  return,  and  a  whole  Jbudget  of  epis 
tles  from  other  friends,  setting  forth  the  horror  of  the  contem 
plated  march,  and  imploring  him  to  give  it  up.  "  You  will 
die?  wrote  a  young  physician  of  his  acquaintance,  "  I  know 
you  will  die  in  the  undertaking  ;  it  is  impossible  for  you  to  en 
dure  the  fatigue."  Upon  reading  his  uncle's  peremptory  let 
ter,  he  looked  coolly  up  at  the  messenger,  and  said :  "  Suppose 
I  refuse  to  go,  how  do  you  expect  to  take  me  back  ?  If  you 
were  to  attempt  it  by  force,  I  would  have  you  hung  up  in  ten 
minutes."  The  messenger  paused  a  moment ;  then  gave  him 
a  second  letter  from  his  uncle,  upon  opening  which  Burr  dis 
covered  a  remittance  in  gold.  In  this  letter  his  uncle  used 
entreaties  only.  It  was  full  of  the  most  affectionate  and  en 
dearing  expressions,  depicted  the  inevitable  miseries  of  such 
a  march,  and  the  grief  that  would  afflict  his  family  if  he  should 
fall.  Burr  was  moved — his  feelings,  but  not  his  resolution. 
Tears  filled  his  eyes  as  he  read  this  letter,  but  he  could  not 
now  retire  from  a  scheme  in  which  his  heart,  and,  as  he  sup 
posed,  his  honor,  was  embarked.  He  told  his  uncle  so  in  re 
spectful  and  tender  language,  thanking  him  for  the  care  he 
had  taken  of  his  childhood,  and  explaining  why  he  could  not 
in  this  instance  comply  with  his  desire.  The  messenger  de 
parted,  and  the  young  soldier  rushed  upon  his  destiny. 

On  the  20th  of  September,  the  troops,  eleven  hundred  in 
number,  embarked  at  Newburyport,  in  eleven  transports  ;  and, 
sailing  to  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  found  provided  for 
them  there,  two  hundred  light  batteaux,  suitable  for  ascend 
ing  the  river.  In  a  few  days  the  little  army  had  gone  by  the 
last  outpost  of  civilization,  and  was  working  its  way  through 
a  wilderness  of  which  enough  still  exists  to  show  the  adven 
turous  tourist  what  it  must  have  been  before  the  foot  of  civil 
ized  man  had  trodden  it.  It  was  a  wonderful,  an  unparalleled 
march ;  one  that  American  troops,  native  to  the  wilderness, 
alone  could  have  achieved.  For  thirty-two  days  they  saw  no 
trace  of  the  presence  of  human  beings.  Not  once  or  twice 
merely,  but  thirty  times,  or  more,  the  boats,  with  all  their  con 
tents,  ammunition,  provisions,  and  sick  men,  had  to  be  carried 


70  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

by  main  strength,  around  rapids  and  falls,  over  high  and  pre 
cipitous  hills,  across  wide  marshes — until,  after  toil,  under 
which  a  tenth  of  the  army  sank,  and  from  which  another  tenth 
ran  away,  the  boats  were  launched  into  the  Dead  river,  where 
a  sudden  flood  dashed  to  pieces  many  of  the  boats,  and  de 
stroyed  one  half  of  the  provisions.  Then,  all  the  horrors  of 
starvation  threatened  the  devoted  band.  In  a  few  days  more, 
they  were  reduced  to  live  upon  dogs  and  reptiles;  and,  at 
length,  to  devour  the  leather  of  their  shoes  and  cartridge- 
boxes,  and  any  thing,  however  loathsome,  which  contained 
the  smallest  nutriment.  It  was  fifty  days  after  leaving  oSTew- 
buryport,  before  Arnold,  with  the  loss  of  exactly  half  his 
force,  saw  the  heights  of  Quebec.  He  had  brought  his  gallant 
army  six  hundred  miles  through  a  hideous  wilderness. 

The  student,  bred  in  comparative  luxury,  who  had  come 
from  a  sick  bed  to  encounter  these  fatigues  and  privations, 
bore  them  as  well  as  any  man  of  his  party.  During  the  first 
days  in  the  wilderness,  the  weather  was  the  most  delightful  of 
the  Indian  summer,  and  Burr,  with  his  friends  Ogden,  Wil 
kinson,  Samuel  Spring  (chaplain  to  the  corps),  Dearborn, 
Ward,  and  others,  sped  along  through  the  woods,  abreast  of 
the  boats,  merrily  enough.  Before  the  rains  set  in,  and  the 
provisions  ran  low,  he  had  more  than  regained  his  wonted 
vigor ;  and  in  the  trying  time  that  succeeded,  his  habit  ac 
quired  in  college,  of  living  upon  a  very  small  quantity  of  food, 
stood  him  in  good  stead.  His  hardihood  and  quick  helpful 
ness  attracted  general  admiration  among  the  troops.  His  skill 
in  the  management  of  a  boat  was  particularly  useful  in  shoot 
ing  the  rapids,  and  he  was  often  the  helmsman  of  the  boat  in 
the  van  of  his  division.  All  his  vigilance,  however,  did  not 
save  him,  one  bitterly  cold  day,  from  a  sad  mishap.  He  was 
running  some  rapids  in  the  Dead  river,  when  he  observed  the 
men  on  shore  making  violent  gestures,  but  for  what  purpose, 
neither  he  nor  his  crew  could  divine.  In  a  few  minutes  the 
rapids  became  swifter,  and  the  boat  was  precipitated  over  a 
fall  twenty  feet  high,.  One  poor  fellow  was  drowned,  half  the 
baggage  was  lost,  and  Burr  himself  reached  the  shore  only 
with  the  greatest  difficulty.  In  all  ways,  on  this  terrible  ex- 


THEVOLUNTEEK.  71 

peditiou,  as  his  companions  for  fifty  years  afterward  were  at  all 
times  delighted  to  testify,  he  bore  himself  like  a  man,  a  sol 
dier,  and  a  true  comrade.  It  was  very  hard  to  make  any  man 
think  ill  of  Aaron  Burr  who  was  with  him  then. 

Colonel  Arnold,  the  commander  of  the  expedition,  gave  him 
a  proof  of  his  confidence  by  intrusting  him  with  a  mission  of 
great  difficulty.  As  the  force  approached  Quebec,  it  became 
a  matter  of  the  first  importance  to  communicate  with  General 
Montgomery  at  Montreal ;  particularly  as  Arnold's  diminished 
numbers  might  render  it  impossible  for  him  to  act  against  the 
place  without  the  general's  cooperation.  To  Burr  was  con 
fided  the  task  of  conveying,  alone,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles  through  an  enemy's  country,  a  verbal  message  from 
Arnold,  informing  Montgomery  of  his  arrival,  and  of  his 
plans. 

In  performing  this  duty,  the  young  soldier  gave  the  first 
striking  proof  of  his  tact  and  address.  Knowing  that  the 
French  population  had  never  become  reconciled  to  British 
rule,  and  that  the  Catholic  clergy  especially  abhorred  it,  he 
assumed  the  garb  and  bearing  of  a  young  priest,  and  went 
directly  to  a  religious  house  near  the  camp,  and  sought  an 
interview  with  its  chief.  Burr's  Latin  was  still  fresh  in  his 
memory ;  and  as  he  luckily  knew  French  enough  to  enable  him 
to  pronounce  Latin  in  the  French  manner,  he  had  little  diffi 
culty  in  conversing  with  the  venerable  priest,  to  whose  presence 
he  was  conducted.  A  few  minutes  sufficed  to  show  the  young 
diplomatist  that  he  had  found  the  man  he  had  need  of,  and  he 
at  once  frankly  avowed  his  real  character,  and  asked  the  aid  of 
the  clerical  order  in  the  prosecution  of  his  journey.  The  priest 
gazed  at  the  stripling  with  astonishment.  He  thought  him  a 
boy,  and  told  him  it  was  impossible  for  one  of  his  tender  years 
to  perform  a  journey  so  long  and  so  beset  with  danger.  Find 
ing  that  the  purpose  of  the  young  gentleman  was  irrevocable, 
and  that  he  was  more  of  a  man  than  his  appearance  betokened, 
he  gave  him  a  trusty  guide,  and  one  of  the  rude  carriages  of 
the  country.  From  one  religious  family  to  another  the  guide 
conveyed  him  in  perfect  safety,  and  with  such  comfort  as  made 
the  journey  seem  a  holiday  excursion  compared  with  the  recent 


72  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURB. 

march  through  the  wilderness.  Only  once  was  his  progress 
interrupted.  At  Three  Rivers  the  guide  found  the  people 
excited  by  rumors  of  Arnold's  arrival,  and  the  authorities  on 
the  alert  to  prevent  communication  between  the  two  American 
commanders.  The  guide,  aware  that  his  neck  was  in  danger, 
refused  to  proceed  further,  and  urged  Burr  to  lay  by  till  the 
excitement  had  in  some  degree  subsided.  Concluding  that  to 
be  the  most  prudent  course,  he  was  concealed  for  three  days 
in  the  convent  at  Three  Rivers  ;  at  the  expiration  of  which 
the  guide  was  willing  to  go  forward.  They  reached  Mon 
treal  without  farther  detention  or  alarm.  Burr  repaired  at 
once  to  Montgomery's  head-quarters,  gave  the  information 
with  which  he  was  charged,  and  narrated  his  adventures. 
That  gallant  and  princely  Irishman  was  so  charmed  with 
Burr's  address  and  daring,  that  he  requested  him,  on  the  spot, 
to  accept  a  place  on  his  staff.  A  few  days  after,  Burr  was 
formally  announced  as  the  general's  aid-de-camp,  with  the 
rank  of  captain. 

It  was  now  near  the  end  of  November,  the  ground  was 
covered  with  snow,  and  the  severe  Canadian  winter  had  set  in 
with  its  usual  rigor.  But  Montgomery,  without  a  moment's 
hesitation,  and  with  only  the  delay  necessary  for  preparation, 
put  hinisejf  at  the  head  of  a  force  of  three  hundred  men,  and 
marched,  through  a  succession  of  blinding  snow  storms,  to 
join  Arnold's  troops  who  were  shivering  under  the  heights  of 
Quebec.  Arnold  had  already  made  an  attempt  upon  the  city, 
and  might  have  carried  it  and  won  undying  honors,  and  turned 
the  course  of  revolutionary  history,  but  for  the  treason  of  an 
Indian  to  whom  he  had  given  letters  for  General  Schuyler, 
but  who  conveyed  them  and  news  of  the  expedition,  to  the 
British  commandant ! 

Soon  after  Montgomery's  arrival,  a  council  of  war  was  held, 
at  which  Burr  and  Ogden  were  both  present,  and  it  was  de 
termined  to  make  an  attempt  to  take  the  place  by  assault.  To 
Captain  Burr,  at  his  own  request,  was  assigned  the  command 
of  a  forlorn  hope  of  forty  men,  whom  he  forthwith  selected, 
and  began  to  drill.  He  caused  ladders  to  be  made,  and  exer 
cised  his  men  in  using  them,  until,  burdened  with  all  their 


THE     V  O  L  U  N  T  K  I .  K  .  73 

equipments,  they  could  mount  the  ladders  with  great  agility 
in  the  darkest  night.  During  those  two  weeks  of  preparation, 
he  was  all  activity.  His  soul  was  in  arms.  Every  night,  when 
all  but  the  sentinels  slept,  he  was  under  those  heights  where  so 
much  glory  has  been  won,  familiarizing  his  eye  with  every 
feature  of  the  scene,  and  weighing  all  the  obstacles  to  the 
ascent.  Upon  the  plan  of  assault  originally  proposed,  parts  of 
which  Burr  had  himself  suggested,  and  for  the  execution  of 
which  he  had  made  his  surveys  and  preparations,  he  felt  con 
fident  of  success.  But  at  a  late  day,  that  plan,  for  reasons  not 
certainly  known,  was  changed  ;  a  circumstance  to  which  Burr 
always  attributed  the  disastrous  failure  of  the  assault. 

The  attack,  it  was  agreed  at  the  council  of  war,  should 
take  place  at  night,  and  in  a  snow-storm.  By  the  20th  of 
December  the  preparations  were  complete,  and  nightly  the 
little  army  awaited  the  signal,  and  the  sentinel  watched  the 
heavens  for  signs  of  the  gathering  storm.  The  weather  was 
bitterly  cold ;  the  small-pox  was  making  fearful  ravages  among 
the  troops;  there  was  no  hope  of  an  alleviation  to  their  suffer 
ings  but  in  capturing  the  fortress-crowned  heights  above 
them.  The  last  night  of  the  year  1775  had  come,  and  a  bril 
liant  moon,  when  the  patriot  army  retired  to  rest,  was  flood 
ing  with  light  the  fields  of  snow,  the  ice-batteries,  the  town, 
and  the  lofty  citadel.  No  one  expected  to  be  aroused  that 
night  by  the  familiar  signal.  But,  at  midnight,  the  heavens 
became  suddenly  overcast,  and  a  north-easterly  snow-storm,  of 
unusual  violence,  came  driving  over  the  scene.  The  general 
was  roused.  At  a  glance  he  saw  that  the  hour  had  come,  and 
gave  the  order  for  the  troops  to  get  under  arms.  Burr  as 
sisted  in  communicating  the  order  to  the  divisions,  and  soon 
had  his  storming-party  in  readiness  to  move.  By  personal  in 
spection,  by  the  touch  of  his  own  hand,  he  assured  himself 
that  the  men  under  his  immediate  direction  were  equipped  as 
he  had  determined  they  should  be  on  the  decisive  night.  By 
two  o'clock  the  men  had  been  carefully  inspected,  and  were 
ready  to  march  to  the  points  whence  they  were  to  assault  the 
town.  About  nine  hundred  men  answered  to  their  names 
that  morning  They  were  divided  into  four  parties,  only  two 

4 


74  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURR. 

of  which  were  designed  to  fight ;  the  others  were  to  distract 
the  garrison  by  feints  at  places  remote  from  the  scene  of  se 
rious  attack.  One  of  the  figting-parties  was  led  by  Arnold  ; 
the  other,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  Burr  and  others  of 
the  general's  family,  was  commanded  by  Montgomery,  whose 
towering  form  appeared  at  the  head  of  the  column.  At  four 
o'clock,  the  divisions  had  reached  their  designated  posts.  At 
five  the  signal  of  attack  was  given,  and  the  chilled  soldiers, 
impatient  to  move,  began  the  ascent  through  the  snow-drifts, 
and  in  the  teeth  of  the  storm. 

Captain  Burr  marched  side  by  side  with  his  genera]  at  the 
head  of  the  division,  as  it  hurried  along  the  St.  Lawrence  to 
the  defenses  under  Cape  Diamond.  These  were  well  known 
to  the  vigilant  aid- de-camp.  First,  the  attacking  party  came 
upon  a  row  of  pickets,  which  the  general,  with  his  own  hands, 
assisted  to  cut  away.  Pushing  on  through  the  snow  and 
darkness,  they  reached,  a  few  paces  beyond,  a  second  row  of 
pickets,  behind  which  wras  a  square,  two-story  block-house, 
loop-holed  above  for  musketry,  and  pierced  below  for  two 
twelve-pounders,  which,  charged  with  grape,  commanded  the 
narrow  gorge  up  which  an  enemy  must  advance.  It  was  not 
till  the  Americans  had  begun  to  remove  the  second  row  of 
pickets,  that  the  British  guard  became  aware  of  the  presence 
of  an  enemy.  Delivering  one  ineffectual  fire,  they  fled  to  the 
block-house,  and  communicating  their  terror  to  the  party 
within,  who  were  mostly  sailors  and  militia,  the  whole  body 
fled  without  once  discharging  the  cannon.  But  their  panic, 
unfortunately,  was  not  perceived  by  the  Americans,  and  a  de 
lay,  short  but  fatal,  occurred.  Masses  of  ice,  left  on  the  win 
ter  subsidence  of  the  river,  obstructed  the  ascent,  and  several 
minutes  elapsed  before  a  sufficient  number  of  men  could  clam 
ber  over  these  and  form  within  the  second  picket  to  attack 
the  block-house.  In  smoothing  the  pathway,  the  general  him 
self  tugged  at  the  great  blocks  of  ice  with  furious  energy.  At 
length,  two  hundred  men  were  formed  in  column.  The  gen 
eral  was  at  its  head,  as  before.  Burr  was  at  his  side.  Two 
other  aids,  an  orderly  sergeant,  and  a  French  guide,  corn- 
Dieted  the  group  in  advance.  "  Pusli  on,  brave  boys,  Quebec 


THE     VOLUNTEER.  75 

is  ours,"  cried  Montgomery,  as  the  column  began  to  move  up 
the  ascent.  On  they  marched  to  within  forty  paces  of  the 
block-house.  At  that  moment,  a  sailor  who  had  fled  from  his 
post,  surprised  that  the  Americans  did  not  advance,  ventured 
back  to  discover  the  reason.  Through  one  of  the  port-holes 
of  the  block-house  he  saw  the  advancing  party,  and  turned  to 
run  away  again  ;  but,  as  he  turned,  he  performed  an  act  which 
decided  the  fortunes  of  the  day,  and  gave  Canada  back  again 
to  Britain.  He  touched  off  one  of  those  grape-charged  can 
non. 

Forward  fell  the  majestic  form  of  Montgomery,  never  to 
rise  again.  Down  went  two  of  his  aids,  mortally  wounded. 
The  orderly  sergeant,  too,  never  saw  daylight  again.  Every 
man  that  marched  in  front  of  the  column,  except  Captain  Burr 
and  the  guide,  were  struck  down  to  death  by  the  discharge  of 
that  twelve-pounder.  The  day  was  just  dawning,  and  the  sol 
diers  were  soon  aware  of  the  whole  extent  of  the  catastrophe. 
The  column  halted  and  wavered.  The  command  fell  into 
incompetent  hands.  Priceless  minutes  were  lost  in  those  con 
sultations  by  which  cowardice  loves  to  hide  its  trepidation. 
At  that  critical  time,  when  all  but  the  staunchest  hearts  gave 
way,  Burr  was  as  cool,  as  determined,  as  eager  to  go  for 
ward,  as  at  the  most  exultant  moment  of  the  advance.  He 
was  vehement,  almost  to  the  point  of  mutiny,  in  urging  a  re 
newal  of  the  attack.  "  When  dismay  and  consternation  uni 
versally  prevailed,"  testifies  Captain  Richard  Platt,  who  com 
manded  a  New  York  company,  among  the  most  advanced  in 
the  column  of  attack,  "  Burr  animated  the  troops,  and  made 
many  efforts  to  lead  them  on,  and  stimulated  them  to  enter 
the  lower  town  ;  and  might  have  succeeded,  but  for  the  posi 
tive  order  of  the  commanding  officer  for  the  troops  to  retreat." 
There  was  small  need  of  order  to  that  effect.  The  enemy  re 
turned  to  the  block-house,  and  opened  fire  on  the  assailants. 
The  retreat  soon  became  a  precipitate  and  disorderly  flight. 

It  was  then  that  our  young  aid-de-camp  made  a  noble 
display  of  courage  and  fidelity ;  improving  the  opportunity 
which  the  brave  know  how  to  snatch  from  the  teeth  of  disas 
ter.  There  lay  the  body  of  his  general  in  its  snowy  shroud. 


76  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Down  the  steep,  over  the  blocks  of  ice  and  drifts  of  snow,  and 
along  the  river's  bank,  his  comrades  were  flying  in  disgraceful 
panic.  From  the  block-house,  the  enemy  were  beginning  to 
issue  in  pursuit.  The  faithful  aid,  a  boy  in  stature,  exerting  all 
his  strength,  lifted  the  general's  superbly-proportioned  body 
upon  his  shoulders,  and  ran  with  it  down  the  gorge,  up  to  his 
knees  in  snow,  the  enemy  only  forty  paces  behind  him.  Burr's 
gallantry  on  this  occasion,  too,  had  a  witness.  Samuel  Spring, 
his  college  friend,  the  chaplain  to  the  expeditionary  force,  was 
near  the  head  of  the  assaulting  column  on  this  eventful  morn 
ing^  and  was  one  of  the  last  to  leave  the  scene  of  action.  It 
was  his  friendly  eyes  that  saw  "  little  Burr,"  in  the  snowy  dim 
ness  of  the  dawn,  hurrying  away  before  the  enemy,  and  stag 
gering  under  his  glorious  load.  The  chances  of  war  separated 
those  two  friends  there  and  then.  From  that  hour,  for  -fifty 
years,  the  reverend  chaplain  never  saw  the  face  of  Aaron  Burr. 
But  the  picture  was  indelibly  imprinted  upon  his  memory,  and 
he  loved  the  lad  for  it  while  his  heart  beat  ;  and  he  would  testify 
his  lovev  after  that  lapse  of  time,  when  it  required  some  man 
liness  in  a  clergyman  even  to  accost  Aaron  Burr,  and  when 
Spring's  own  son,  more  worldly  wise,  besought  the  old  clergy 
man  not  to  see  the  man  who  had  "  lost  caste  /"  But  to  con 
clude  the  adventure.  "  Little  Burr"  could  not  long  sustain  the 
burden.  He  reeled  along  with  it  till  the  enemy  were  close 
behind  D  >m;  when,  to  avoid  capture,  he  was  compelled  to 
drop  the  body  in  the  snow  again,  and  hasten  after  the  flying 


B'irr's  "behavior  on  this  decisive  day  won  him  great  distinc- 
ticn,  ar.d  laid  the  foundation  of  his  fortune.  His  praises  were 
warmly  repeated  among  the  troops,  with  whom  he  had  before 
been  a  favorite.  His  extreme  youth,  his  singular  coolness  and 
tact,  the  eclat  attached  to  his  position  as  a  gentleman  volun 
teer,  his  quick  intelligence  and  courteous  manners  all  conspired 
to  win  the  regard  of  those  rustic  soldiers.  Fourteen  days 
after  the  assault,  the  news  of  its  failure  reached  the  lower 
provinces  of  New  England  and  struck  dismay  to  the  heart  of 
the  most  hopeful.  But  the  brilliant  deeds  of  valor  which  had 
marked  the  whole  course  of  the  expedition  were  a  consolation 


THE     VOLUNTEER.  77 

to  the  struggling  patriots,  who  listened  with  greedy  ears  to 
the  wondrous  story  ;  and  while  the  headlong  courage  and  in 
domitable  perseverance  of  Arnold,  the  chivalric  gallantry 
of  Montgomery,  the  desperate  bravery  of  Morgan,  all  had 
their  due  of  praise  and  reward,  the  romantic  exploits  of  the 
boy  aid-de-camp  who  bore  his  general's  body  from  the  enemy's 
fire  were  not  forgotten.  Ogden,  soon  after  the  action,  went 
home  with  dispatches,  and  told  his  friends,  told  Congress,  told 
General  Washington,  of  "  little  Burr's"  bravery  ;  and  back  to 
Quebec  came  a  budget  of  congratulatory  letters.  It  is  pleas 
ant  to  see  how  glad  and  proud  Burr's  young  friends  were  that 
he  had  won  distinction.  His  sister,  who  had  passed  many 
weeks  of  agonizing  suspense  without  any  news  of  him  what 
ever,  hearing  now,  at  once,  of  his  safety  and  his  glory,  was  in 
eastacies  of  pride  and  delight. 

The  American  forces  remained  about  Quebec  till  the  spring, 
annoying  the  garrison  as  best  they  could,  and  not  without 
hope  of  starving  it  into  a  surrender.  Arnold,  who  had  been 
wounded  in  the  assault,  was  again  the  officer  in  command,  and 
appointed  Burr  to  the  post  of  brigade-major.  Burr,  however, 
was  not  an  admirer  of  the  turbulent  and  daring  apothecary. 
Arnold  had  an  absurd  idea  of  taunting  and  defying  the  enemy 
by  parading  the  troops  in  sight  of  the  fortress,  and  by  sending 
letters  demanding  its  surrender,  practices  most  repugnant  to 
the  practical  mind  of  Burr.  A  letter  of  this  description  Ar 
nold  desired  Major  Burr  to  convey  to  the  British  commander. 
He  demanded  to  know  its  contents,  and  upon  Arnold's  object 
ing,  offered  to  resign  his  post,  but  refused,  point-blank,  to  car 
ry  a  letter  of  which  he  knew  not  the  purport.  Arnold  then 
showed  him  the  letter,  which  demanded  a  surrender  of  the 
fortress,  and  was  couched  in  what  Burr  deemed  most  arrogant 
and  insulting  language.  He  still  declined  to  be  the  bearer 
of  such  a  missive,  and  predicted  that  whoever  should  deliver 
it  would  meet  only  with  contempt  and  derision.  Arnold  sent 
it  by  another  officer,  who  was  treated  precisely  as  Burr  had 
anticipated.  *'•••• 

In  the  spring,  the  Americans  had  to  retreat  before  the  new 
army  under  Burgoyne.  They  remained  a  short  time  at  Mont- 


78  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

real,  where  Burr's  dislike  to  Arnold  increased  to  such  a  de 
gree  that  he  determined  to  leave  him  and  seek  more  active 
service  nearer  home.  Even  on  the  march  through  the  wilder 
ness,  he  thought  Arnold  had  not  shared  the  privations  of  the 
troops  as  he  ought ;  and  now,  when  the  resources  of  a  town 
wrere  at  his  command,  Burr  was  thoroughly  disgusted  with  the 
general's  all-exacting  meanness.  "  Arnold,"  Burr  used  to  say, 
"  is  a  perfect  madman  in  the  excitements  of  battle,  and  is  ready 
for  any  deeds  of  valor ;  but  he  has  not  a  particle  of  moral 
courage.  He  is  utterly  unprincipled,  and  has  no  love  of  coun 
try  or  self-respect  to  guide  him.  He  is  not  to  be  trusted  any 
where  but  under  the  eye  of  a  superior." 

On  reaching  the  river  Sorel,  Major  Burr  informed  Arnold 
of  his  determination  to  leave.  Arnold,  not  in  the  best  humor, 
objected.  With  the  utmost  suavity  of  manner,  Burr  said, 

"  Sir,  I  have  a  boat  in  readiness ;  I  have  employed  four  dis 
charged  soldiers  to  row  me,  and  I  start  from  such  a  point 
(naming  it)  at  six  o'clock  to-morrow  morning." 

Whereupon  Arnold  angrily  forbade  his  departure,  and  Burr, 
in  the  blandest  tone,  reiterated  his  determination.  In  the 
morning,  as  the  young  soldier  was  about  to  step  into  his  boat, 
he  saw  Arnold  approaching. 

"  Why,  Major  Burr,  you  are  not  going  ?"  said  he. 

"  I  am,  sir,"  was  the  reply. 

"  But,"  said  Arnold,  "  you  know  it  is  against  my  orders." 

"I  know,"  rejoined  Burr,  "that  you  have  the  power  to 
stop  me,  but  nothing  short  of  force  shall  do  it." 

Upon  this,  Arnold  changed  his  tone,  and  tried  to  persuade  his 
efficient  brigade-major  to  remain.  In  a  few  minutes,  Burr 
stepped  into  his  boat,  wished  the  general  good-by  and  good 
fortune,  and  was  rowed  away  without  hinderance.  As  a  volun 
teer,  who  had  remained  with  the  corps  as  long  as  there  was 
danger  to  be  faced  or  fatigue  to  be  undergone,  Burr,  discip 
linarian  as  he  was,  felt  that  he  had  a  right  to  leave.  Arnold's 
unwillingness  to  let  him  go  arose  from  the  fact  that  a  compe 
tent  brigade-major  relieves  a  general  from  all  the  details  of 
command  ;  as  much  so  as  a  good  mate  the  captain  of  a  ship. 
To  a  man  of  Arnold's  self-indulgent  habits,  an  officer  like 


THE     VOLUNTEER.  79 

Burr,  of  sleepless  vigilance,  and  of  activity  that  nothing 
could  tire,  was  a  most  important  acquisition. 

On  the  Sorel,  an  incident  occurred  which  frightened  Bun's 
oarsmen,  and  still  more  a  young  trader  with  whom  he  shared 
the  boat.  As  the  boat  rounded  a  point,  there  suddenly  came 
into  view  a  large  brick  house,  with  loopholes  for  the  discharge 
of  musketry,  and  an  Indian  warrior,  in  full  costume,  stand 
ing  at  the  door.  The  crew  were  for  instant  retreat,  but  Burr 
seeing  that  they  were  already  far  within  rifle-shot,  ordered 
them  to  go  on.  At  this,  the  passenger,  in  a  rage  of  terror,  at 
tempted  to  prevent  the  soldiers  from  rowing ;  but  Burr,  draw 
ing  a  pistol,  declared  he  would  shoot  him  if  he  interfered,  and 
directed  the  men  to  row  straight  toward  the  portentous  edifice. 

"  I  will  go  up  to  the  house,"  he  added,  "  and  we  shall  soon 
learn  who  they  are." 

Before  the  boat  reached  the  land,  the  Indians  came  swarm 
ing  from  the  house,  and  presented  an  appearance  as  alarming 
as  picturesque.  Burr  sprang  ashore,  walked  toward  them, 
and  soon  had  the  pleasure  of  learning  that  they  were  peace 
fully  disposed.  In  a  few  minutes  he  caused  to  be  brought  on 
shore  a  keg  of  whisky,  which  put  the  Indians  into  the  high 
est  good  humor,  and  they  parted  excellent  friends. 

On  reaching  Albany,  Burr  learned  that  his  services  in 
Canada  had  greatly  pleased  the  commander-in-chief.  Upon 
Ogden's  visit  to  Philadelphia  with  dispatches,  he  had  been  in 
formed  by  Mr.  Reed  that  there  was  a  vacancy  on  the  ftafFof 
General  Washington,  to  which  he  should  be  glad  to  recom 
mend  him.  Ogden  replied,  that  he  preferred  more  active  ser 
vice,  and  proceeded  to  use  all  his  eloquence  and  interest  in 
procuring  the  staff  appointment  for  his  friend  Burr.  To  Gen 
eral  Washington  himself  he  extolled  Burr's  gallantry  and 
talent  with  all  the  warmth  of  the  most  devoted  friendship, 
and  he  soon  had  the  delight  of  conveying  to  his  friend  a  mes 
sage  from  the  general. 

"  General  Washington,"  he  wrote,  "  desires  me  to  inform 
you  that  he  will  provide  for  you,  and  that  he  expects  you  will 
come  to  him  immediately,  and  stay  in  his  family.  You  will 


80  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

now  want  your  horse,"  added  Ogden ;  "  I  have  sold  him,  and 
spent  the  money,"  etc. 

The  letter,  of  which  this  is  a  part,  passed  Burr  on  his  way 
to  New  York ;  it  was  from  other  friends  that  he  first  heard  of 
General  Washington's  invitation.  So  long  a  period  had  elapsed 
since  he  had  heard  from  Ogden,  that  he  began  to  think  that 
gentleman  must  have  forgotten,  amid  the  multitude  of  his  new 
friends,  the  companion,  the  brother,  of  his  youth.  And  while 
Ogden  was  exulting  at  the  success  of  his  friendly  endeavors, 
Burr  was  lamenting  his  apparent  faithlessness  and  neglect. 
He  wrote  him  a  letter,  upbraiding  him  in  terms  amusing  for 
their  young-manish  severity  and  loftiness.  He  dealt  Romanly 
with  him. 

"  There  is  in  man,"  said  Burr,  "  a  certain  love  of  novelty ; 
a  fondness  of  variety  (useful  within  proper  limits),  which  in 
fluences  more  or  less  in  almost  every  act  of  life.  New  views, 
new  laws,  new  friends,  have  each  their  charm.  Truly  great 
must  be  the  soul,  and  firm  almost  beyond  the  weakness  of 
humanity,  that  can  withstand  the  smiles  of  fortune.  Success, 
promotion,  the  caresses  of  the  great,  and  the  flatteries  of  the 
low,  are  sometimes  fatal  to  the  noblest  minds.  The  volatile 
become  an  easy  prey.  The  fickle  heart,  tiptoe  with  joy,  as 
from  an  eminence,  views  with  contempt  its  former  joys,  con 
nections,  and  pursuits.  A  new  taste  contracted,  seeks  com 
panions  suited  to  itself.  But  pleasures  easiest  tasted,  though 
perhaps  at  first  of  higher  glee,  are  soonest  past,  and,  the  more 
they  are  relied  upon,  leave  the  severer  sting  behind.  One 
cloudy  day  despoils  the  glow-worm  of  all  its  glitter.  Should 
fortune  ever  frown  upon  you,  Matt.  ;  should  those  you  now 
call  friends  forsake  you ;  should  the  clouds  gather  force  on 
every  side,  and  threaten  to  burst  upon  you,  think  then  upon 
the  man  who  never  betrayed  you ;  rely  on  the  sincerity  you 
never  found  to  fail ;  and  if  my  heart,  my  life,  and  my  fortune 
can  assist  you,  it  is  yours." 

Upon  the  receipt  of  Ogden's  letter,  Burr  saw  his  error, 
and  all  was  well  again  between  the  two  friends.  Ogden,  in 
deed,  loved  Aaron  Burr  with  an  unusual  affection.  In  the 
very  letter  which  told  Burr  of  General  Washington's  favor, 


THE     VOLUNTEER.  81 

Ogden  mentioned  that  he  had  recently  gone  out  of  his  way 
in  the  hope  of  meeting  him,  and  declared  that  his  failure 
to  do  so  was  the  greatest  disappointment  he  had  ever  experi 
enced. 

In  May,  1776,  Major  Burr  reported  himself  in  New  York 
to  General  Washington,  who  at  once  invited  him  to  reside  in 
his  family  until  a  suitable  appointment  could  be  procured  for 
him.  The  commander-in-chief  was  residing  at  Richmond  Hill, 
then  about  two  miles  from  the  city,  on  the  banks  of  the  Hud 
son,  in  a  mansion  which  was  afterward  Burr's  own  country 
seat.  It  was  a  delightful  abode,  say  the  old  chroniclers ;  the 
grounds  extending  down  to  the  river,  and  the  neighborhood 
adorned  with  groves,  gardens,  ponds,  and  villas.* 

Burr,  with  alacrity,  accepted  General  Washington's  invita 
tion,  and  went  immediately  to  reside  at  head-quarters.  For 
about  six  weeks,  he  sat  at  the  general's  table,  occasionally 
rode  out  with  him,  and  performed  some  of  the  duties  of  aid- 
de-camp.  Long  before  the  expiration  of  even  that  short 
period,  he  became  so  disgusted  with  his  situation,  that  in  one 
of  his  letters  to  Governor  Hancock,  his  own  and  his  father's 
friend,  he  talked  seriously  of  retiring  from  the  Service.  Han 
cock  dissuaded  him,  and  offered  to  procure  him  the  appoint 
ment  of  aid  to  General  Putnam,  then  quartered  in  the 
city.  Burr  consented,  and  in  July  took  up  his  abode  with 
Putnam  at  the  corner  of  Broadway  and  the  Battery,  where 
also  Mrs.  Putnam  lived  and  kept  her  daughters  busy  spinning 
flax  to  help  supply  the  soldiers  with  shirts.  In  this  homely, 
noble  scene,  Burr  was  perfectly  contented ;  and  as  aid  to  the 
general  employed  in  fortifying  the  city,  he  found  the  active 
employment  he  had  desired.  "My  good  old  general,"  he 
was  wont  to  style  the  soft-hearted,  tough,  indomitable  wolf- 
killer. 

Of  the  minor  events  of  Burr's  life,  none  contributed  more 

*  The  site  of  the  old  mansion  is  now  the  corner  of  Charlton  and  Yarick 
streets.  Twenty  years  ago,  a  part  of  the  house  was  still  standing,  and  served 
as  a  low  drinking  shop.  The  vicinity,  so  enchanting  in  Burr's  day,  presents 
at  this  time  a  dreary  scene  of  shabby  ungentility,  as  passengers  by  the  Sixth 
Avenue  cars  have  an  opportunity  of  observing. 


82  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

to  the  odium  which  finally  gathered  round  his  name  than 
this  abrupt  departure  from  the  family  of  General  Washington. 
It  often  happens,  in  the  case  of  men  respecting  whom  the 
public  verdict  is,  upon  the  whole,  not  unjust,  that  many  of  the 
specifications  in  the  charge  against  them  are  unfounded.  Good 
men,  too,  are  praised  for  more  virtues  than  they  possess.  Now, 
nothing  could  have  been  more  natural,  or  more  proper,  than 
Burr's  discontent  as  a  member  of  Washington's  family.  The 
nature  of  the  duties  that  devolved  upon  the  general's  aides  dur 
ing  the  whole  of  the  war,  is  well  known.  Washington,  with  the 
affairs  of  a  continent  upon  his  shoulders,  was  burdened  with  a 
prodigious  correspondence.  The  enemy  was  the  least  of  his  per 
plexities.  In  managing  and  advising  Congress,  in  getting  the 
army  organized,  in  stirring  up  the  zeal  of  the  governors  and 
legislatures  of  the  States,  in  reconciling  the  perpetual  disputes 
about  rank,  his  time  and  mind  were  chiefly  employed.  His 
aides,  no  less  than  his  secretary,  were  often  confined  to  the 
desk  more  hours  a  day  than  bank  clerks.  Burr  was  the  most 
active  of  human  beings.  He  had  just  come  from  an  expedi 
tion  which  had  tasked  all  his  powers,  and  given  him  the  taste 
of  glory.  He  "was  in  the  midst  of  a  scene  calculated  to  arouse 
the  most  sluggish.  Staten  Island  was  dotted  all  over  with  the 
tents  of  the  enemy,  and  the  bay  was  whitened  with  the  sails 
of  the  most  imposing  fleet  these  shores  had  ever  beheld.  The 
patriot  force  was  straining  every  nerve  to  prepare  the  city  for 
the  expected  landing  of  the  enemy.  Ogden,  now  lieutenant- 
colonel,  with  his  regiment  of  Jersey  men,  was  in  active  service, 
and  told  Burr  he  was  going  to  do  honor  to  their  native  State. 
The  townspeople  were  in  dreadful  alarm.  When  the  British 
saluted  an  arriving  ship,  or  when  a  sloop  ran  past  General 
Putnam's  batteries,  cannonading  as  she  went,  women  and 
children,  as  Washington  himself  records,  ran  shrieking  into 
the  streets,  in  terror  of  a  bombardment.  Everywhere  were 
seen  the  sights,  and  heard  the  sounds,  that  appal  the  citizen 
and  animate  the  soldier.  It  was  in  such  circumstances,  that 
Burr,  the  electric  Burr,  the  born  soldier,  the  most  irrepressi 
ble  of  mortals,  found  himself  sinking  into  the  condition  of  a 
clerk  !  The  situation  was  intolerable  to  him ;  as  it  was,  after- 


THE     VOLUNTEER.  83 

ward,  to  Hamilton,*  who  liked  the  post  of  General  Washing 
ton's  aid  little  better  than  Burr  did.         ^ 

Hamilton,  however,  learned,  as  he  grew  older,  to  value 
correctly  the  character  of  the  commander-in-chief,  and  the 
immeasurable  services  which  his  caution  and  perseverance  had 
rendered  to  his  country  and  to  man.  Burr  never  did.  The 
prejudices  against  the  general,  imbibed  during  his  short  resi 
dence  with  him  at  Richmond  Hill,  were  strengthened  by  sub 
sequent  events  into  a  settled  dislike,  which  he  carried  with 
him  through  life.  He  thought  George  Washington  was  a  bad 
general,  and  an  honest,  weak  man.  He  said  he  knew  nothing 

*  Hamilton,  in  a  letter  to  General  Schuyler,  dated  February  18th,  1781, 
gives  the  following  account  of  his  break  with  General  Washington  :  "  Two 
days  ago,  the  general  and  I  passed  each  other  on  the  stairs ;  he  told  me  he 
wanted  to  speak  with  me ;  I  answered  that  I  would  wait  upon  him  immedi- 
ateL  I  went  below  and  delivered  Mr.  Tilghman  a  letter  to  be  sent  to  the 
commissary,  containing  an  order  of  a  pressing  and  interesting  nature.  Re 
turning  to  the  general,  I  was  stopped  on  the  way  by  the  Marquis  de  la  Fay- 
ette,  and  we  conversed  together,  about  a  minute,  on  a  matter  of  business. 
He  can  testify  how  impatient  I  was  to  get  back,  and  that  I  left  him  in  a  man 
ner  which,  but  for  our  intimacy,  would  have  been  more  than  abrupt.  In 
stead  of  finding  the  general,  as  is  usual,  in  his  room,  T  met  him  at  the  head 
of  the  stairs,  where,  accosting  me  in  an  angry  voice,  '  Colonel  Hamilton,' 
said  he,  '  you  have  kept  me  waiting  at  the  head  of  the  stairs  these  ten  min 
utes  ;  I  must  tell  you,  sir,  you  treat  me  with  disrespect.'  I  replied,  without 
petulancy,  but  with  decision,  '  I  am  not  conscious  of  it,  sir,  but  since  you  have 
thought  it  necessary  to  tell  me  so,  we  part.'  '  Very  well,  sir,'  said  he,  'if  it 
be  your  choice,'  or  something  to  that  effect,  and  we  separated.  I  sincerely 
believe  my  absence,  which  gave  so  much  umbrage,  did  not  last  two  minutes. 
In  less  than  an  hour  after,  Mr.  Tilghman  came  to  me,  in  the  general's  name, 
assuring  mo  of  his  confidence  in  my  ability,  Integrity,  usefulness,  etc.,  and  of 
his  desire,  hi  a  candid  conversation,  to  heal  a  difference  which  could  not  have 
happened  but  hi  a  moment  of  passion.  I  requested  Mr.  Tilghman  to  tell  him, 
first,  that  I  had  taken  my  resolution  in  a  manner  not  tp  be  revoked,"  etc.,  etc. 

Hamilton  proceeds  to  say  that  he  had  long  been  discontented  with  the 
situation  of  aid,  and  had  previously  determined  that  if  he  ever  did  have  a 
difference  with  General  Washington,  it  should  be  final.  He  then  adds : 
"  The  general  is  a  very  honest  man ;  his  competitors  have  slender  abilities 
and  less  integrity.  His  popularity  has  often  been  essential  to  the  safety  of 
America,  and  is  still  of  great  importance  to  it.  These  considerations  have 
influenced  my  past  conduct  respecting  him,  and  will  influence  my  future :  I 
think  it  necessary  he  should  be  supported." 


84  LIFEOFAAKONBUKB. 

of  scientific  warfare,  and  could  therefore  give  no  instruction 
of  any  value  to  a  young  soldier  burning  to  excel  in  his  profes 
sion.  He  thought  the  general  was  as  fond  of  adulation  as  he 
was  known  to  be  sensitive  to  censure,  and  that  no  officer 
could  stand  well  with  him.  who  did  not  play  the  part  of  his 
worshiper.  He  could  not  bear  near  his  person,  said  Burr,  a 
man  of  an  independent  habit  of  mind.  Washington's  want 
of  book-culture,  too,  would  naturally  surprise  a  youth  who 
was  born  and  reared  amid  books,  and  who  was,  to  the  last,  an 
eager  reader.  In  a  word,  Burr  saw  in  this  wise,  illustrious 
man,  only  the  thrifty  planter,  and  the  country  gentleman  ;  a 
good  soldier  enough  in  Indian  warfare,  but  quite  at  fault  in 
the  presence  of  a  civilized  enemy. 

The  general,  on  his  part,  seems  to  have  conceived  an  ill  im 
pression  of  Burr,  but  not  the  serious  distrust  of  after  years, 
when  Burr  was  his  political  opponent.  Burr  always  asserted 
that  it  was  not  an  amour,  nor  any  thing  of  that  nature,  but 
his  independent  manner  of  enforcing  opinions,  to  which  time 
added  the  sting  of  proved  correctness,  that  made  General 
Washington  his  enemy.  Burr,  for  example,  was  one  of  a 
considerable  number  of  officers  who  thought  that  New  York 
could  not  be  held,  and  that  to  burn  and  abandon  it  was  the 
best  way  to  frustrate  the  British  commander.  No  doubt  the 
old  young-man  expressed  this  opinion  with  a  confidence  to 
which  his  age  and  his  dimensions  gave  him  no  apparent  title. 
But,  at  twenty,  "  little  Burr"  had  been  a  man  for  some  years ; 
at  least  in  confidence  in  his  own  abilities. 

In  one  word,  there  was  an  antipathy  between  the  two  men ; 
each  lacking  qualities  which  the  other  highly  prized ;  each 
possessing  virtues  which  by  the  other  were  not  admired. 


CHAPTER 


AID-DE-CAHP    TO     GENERAL    PUTNAM. 

THE  RETREAT  FROM  LONG  ISLAND  —  BURR  SAVES  A  BRIGADE  —  His  AFFAIR  WITH  Miss 
MONCRIEFFK  —  HER  NARRATIVE. 

IT  was  the  fortune  of  Major  Burr,  while  serving  as  aid  to 
General  Putnam,  to  save  a  frightened  brigade,  and  to  win  a 
virgin  heart. 

During  the  disastrous  days  upon  Long  Island  which  pre 
ceded  the  famous  retreat  of  the  American  army,  General  Put 
nam  was  in  command,  and  his  aid-de-camp  was  in  the  thick  of 
events.  To  reach  the  scene  of  action,  and  to  begin  an  accu 
rate  survey  of  it,  were  simultaneous  occurrences  with  that 
intelligent  young  soldier.  He  rode  about  the  American  camp, 
and  visited  every  post  and  out-post.  He  informed  himself  of 
the  positions  and  strength  of  the  enemy.  He  discovered  that 
the  American  troops  had  as  yet  no  idea  of  standing  against 
the  British  in  open  fight  ;  that  Bunker  Hill  was  still  their  ideal 
of  a  battle,  and  breast-works  their  only  reliance.  His  report 
to  the  general  was  unfavorable  in  the  extreme,  and  he  was 
more  decided  than  ever  in  the  opinion  that  General  Washing 
ton's  true  plan  was,  by  retreating  from  the  coast,  to  draw  the 
British  army  away  from  their  ships,  which  were  an  immense 
support  to  them,  both  morally  and  otherwise.  He  was  utterly 
opposed  to  a  general  action,  for  the  reason  that  a  large  pro 
portion  of  the  new  troops,  he  was  certain,  would  not  stand 
more,  than  one  volley.  When  the  American  army  crossed  the 
East  river,  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  he  was  engaged 
during  the  whole  night  on  the  Brooklyn  side,  where  his  cool 
ness  and  activity  made  a  lasting  impression  upon  the  mind  of 
General  McDougal,  who  superintended  the  embarkation.  In 
later  campaigns,  Burr  served  under  that  general,  who  showed 


86  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

how  he  valued  Burr's  soldierly  qualities  by  the  use  he  made 
of  them. 

But  it  was  on  that  eventful  Sunday,  September  the  loth, 
1776,  when  the  British  landed  on  Manhattan  island,  and  the 
American  army  fled  before  them  to  Harlem,  that  Major  Burr 
most  distinguished  himself.  He  was  in  the  rear  of  the  retreat 
ing  troops  ;  as  was  also  Captain  Alexander  Hamilton,  with  his 
company  of  New  York  artillery.  Hamilton  lost  all  his  bag 
gage  and  one  gun  that  afternoon,  but  conducted  his  men  gal 
lantly  and  safely  away.  As  Major  Burr,  with  two  horsemen, 
was  riding  toward  Richmond  Hill,  on  his  way  to  Harlem,  he 
came  upon  a  small  sod-fort,  called  Bunker's  Hill,  nearly  on  the 
line  of  what  is  now  Grand-street.  To  his  astonishment  he 
found  that  a  great  part  of  an  American  brigade,  left  in  the 
city  by  one  of  the  numberless  mistakes  inevitable  on  such  a 
day,  had  taken  refuge  in  this  structure. 

The  British,  it  must  be  remembered,  landed  on  the  East 
river  side  of  the  island,  nearly  four  miles  above  the  Battery, 
with  the  intention  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Americans,  and 
General  Knox,  who  commanded  this  brigade,  supposed  that 
the  enemy  were  already  masters  of  the  island,  and  that  escape 
by  flight  was  impossible.  Major  Burr  rode  up  to  the  fort  and 
asked  who  commanded  there.  General  Knox  presenting  him 
self,  Burr  inquired  what  he  was  doing  there,  and  why  he  did 
not  retreat.  The  general  replied  that  the  enemy  were  already 
across  the  island,  and  that  he  meant  to  defend  the  fort.  Burr 
ridiculed  the  idea  of  defending  a  place  which  was  not  bomb 
proof,  and  which  contained  neither  water  nor  provisions.  With 
onte  howitzer,  he  exclaimed,  the  enemy  will  knock  it  to  pieces 
in  four  hours.  He  maintained  that  there  was  no  chance  but 
retreat,  and  urged  the  general  to  lead  out  his  men.  Knox 
declared  it  would  be  madness  to  attempt  it,  and  refused  to 
stir.  While  this  debate  was  waxing  warm,  the  officers  of  the 
brigade  gathered  round,  eager  to  hear  what  was  said.  To 
them  Burr  addressed  himself  with  the  vehemence  demanded 
by  the  occasion.  He  told  them  that  if  they  remained  where 
they  were  they  would  all  be  prisoners  before  night,  or  hung 
like  dogs.  He  said  it  was  better  for  half  the  corps  to  fall 


AID-DE-CAMP     TO     GENERAL     PUTNAM.  87 

fighting  its  way  through  the  enemy's  lines,  than  for  all  to  be 
taken  and  rot  in  a  dungeon.  He  added  that  he  knew  the 
roads  of  the  island  perfectly,  and  would  lead  them  safely  to 
the  main  body  of  the  army,  if  they  would  place  themselves 
under  his  direction.  The  men  agreed  to  follow  him,  and  they 
marched  out,  Burr  riding  in  advance,  on  the  side  where  an 
attack  was  to  be  feared,  and  returning  at  intervals  to  reassure 
the  terrified  troops.  When  they  had  gone  two  miles  on  their 
way,  firing  was  suddenly  heard  at  the  right.  Shouting  to  his 
men  to  follow  him,  Burr  galloped  directly  to  the  spot  whence 
the  tiring  had  issued,  and  soon  discovered  that  it  was  a  small 
advance-guard  of  the  enemy,  consisting  of  a  single  company, 
who,  on.  seeing  the  Americans,  fired  and  fled.  Burr  and  his 
two  horsemen  rode  furiously  after  them,  and  killed  several  of 
the  fugitives.  Galloping  back,  he  found  the  troops  had  taken 
a  wrong  road,  and  were  in  sore  trepidation.  He  guided  them 
now  through  a  wood,  riding  from  front  to  rear,  and  from  rear 
to  front,  encouraging  them  by  his  words,  and  still  more  by  his 
cool,  intrepid  demeanor.  With  the  loss  of  a  few  stragglers, 
for  the  march  was  of  the  swiftest,  he  led  the  brigade  to  the 
main  body.  He  was  ever  after  regarded  by  those  troops  as 
their  deliverer  from  British  prison-ships. 

This  brilliant  feat  of  the  young  aid-de-camp  became  the  talk 
of  the  army.  Soon  after,  on  the  surrender  of  Fort  Washing 
ton,  another  brigade  was,  by  a  similar  accident,  left  behind  ; 
and  of  2500  men  that  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  not 
500  survived  the  treatment  they  received  as  prisoners.  Ap 
plauded  by  his  comrades,  Burr  was  not  mentioned  in  the  dis 
patches  of  the  commander-in-chief ;  which,  then  and  always, 
he  regarded  as  an  intentional  slight. 

For  a  short  period  after  the  retreat,  he  was  comparatively 
at  leisure.  Among  his  letters,  there  is  one  written  at  this 
time  from  Kingsbridge  to  Mrs.  Timothy  Edwards,  the  aunt 
who  had  been  to  him  all  of  a  mother  that  any  but  a  mother 
can  be  to  a  child.  She  had  written  to  him  in  great  alarm,  on 
hearing  of  the  abandonment  of  New  York.  His  reply,  so 
modest,  so  tenderly  respectful,  so  sensible,  would  alone  make 
it  difficult  to  believe  that  at  this  time  Aaron  Burr  was  a  bad 


88  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

man,  whatever  he  may  afterward  have  become.  He  tells  his 
aunt  it  had  always  been  a  thing  conceded,  that  the  sea-ports 
of  America  were  at  the  discretion  of  the  tyrant  of  Great  Brit 
ain  ;  and  that  it  was  a  great  gain  for  the  American  army  to  be 
in  a  position  where,  to  attack  them,  the  British  must  leave  the 
immediate  support  of  their  ships.  Besides,  the  loss  of  the 
city  was  rousing  the  country  from  lethargy ;  more  eifectual 
measures  than  ever  were  in  contemplation  to  increase  the 
army  ;  and  a  committee  of  Congress  was  then  in  camp  to 
concert  those  measures  with  the  commander-in-chief.  "  I  do 
not  intend  by  this,  my  dear  aunt,"  he  continues,  "  to  deceive 
you  into  an  opinion  that  every  thing  is  -already  entirely 
secure  ;"  but  "  1  hope,  madam,  you  will  continue,  with  your 
usual  philosophy  and  resolution,  prepared  for  the  uncertain 
events  of  war,  not  anticipating  improbable  calamities."  And 
as  to  the  horrible  stories  in  circulation  about  the  barbarities  of 
the  Hessians,  "  most  of  them  are  incredible  and  false  ;  they  are 
fonder  of  plunder  than  blood,  and  are  more  the  engines  than 
the  authors  of  cruelty."  And  so  he  proceeds  to  calm  the 
apprehensions  of  the  good  lady,  writing  her  a  letter  which 
she  would  be  proud  to  hand  round  the  village,  and  which 
would  encourage  and  stimulate  the  friends  of  the  cause.  His 
own  exploits  during  the  late  battles  and  retreats  he  does  not 
allude  to. 

At  Kingsbridge,  about  the  date  of  this  letter,  Burr  was  en 
gaged  in  an  adventure  little  in  harmony  with  the  warlike 
scenes  around  him. 

The  breaking  out  of  the  revolutionary  war  found  a  number 
of  British  officers  domesticated  among  the  colonists,  and  con 
nected  with  them  by  marriage.  In  New  York  and  the  other 
garrisoned  towns,  officers  of  the  army  led  society,  as  military 
men  still  do  in  every  garrisoned  town  in  the  world.  When 
hostilities  began,  and  every  man  was  ordered  to  his  post,  some 
of  these  officers  left  their  families  residing  among  the  people  ; 
and  it  happened,  in  a  few  instances,  that  the  events  of  war 
carried  a  father  far  away  from  his  wife  and  children,  never 
to  rejoin  them.  The  future  Scott  of  America  will  know 
how  to  make  all  this  very  familiar  to  the  American  people 


A  ID- DE-CAMP     TO     GENERAL     PUTNAM.  89 

by  the  romantic  and  pathetic  fictions  which  it  will  suggest 
to  him. 

Margaret  Moncrieffe,  a  girl  of  fourteen,  but  a  woman  in  de 
velopment  and  appetite,  witty,  vivacious,  piquant  and  beauti 
ful,  had  been  left  at  Elizabethtown,  in  New  Jersey,  by  her 
father,  Major  Moncrieffe,  who  was  then  with  his  regiment  on 
Staten  Island,  and  of  course  cut  off  from  communication  with 
his  daughter.  Destitute  of  resources,  and  anxious  to  rejoin 
her  father,  she  wrote  to  General  Putnam  for  his  advice  and 
assistance.  General  Putnam  received  her  letter  in  New  York 
about  the  time  that  Major  Burr  joined  him,  and  his  reply  was 
prepared  for  his  signature  by  the  hand  of  his  new  aid-de-camp. 
The  good  old  general  declared  in  this  letter  that  he  was  her 
father's  enemy,  indeed,  as  an  officer,  but  as  a  man,  his  friend, 
and  ready  to  do  any  good  office  for  him  or  his.  He  invited 
her  to  come  and  reside  in  his  family  until  arrangements  could 
be  made  for  sending  her  to  Staten  Island.  She  consented,  an 
officer  was  sent  to  conduct  her  to  the  city,  and  she  was  at 
once  established  in  General  Putnam's  house.  There  she  met, 
and  became  intimate  with  Major  Burr. 

What  followed  from  their  intimacy  has  been  stated  variously 
by  those  who  have  written  of  it.  Mr.  Davis  more  than  in 
sinuates,  nay,  more  than  asserts,  that  Miss  Moncrieffe  was 
seduced  by  Burr,  and  that  to  him  is  to  be  attributed  her  sub 
sequent  career  of  sorrow  and  shame.  In  support  of  this  accu 
sation,  he  quotes  from  her  autobiography,  published  after  she 
had  been  the  mistress  of  half  a  dozen  of  the  notables  of  Lon 
don,  certain  passages  which,  taken  by  themselves,  do  certainly 
corroborate  the  charge.  Great  indeed  was  my  astonishment 
on  recurring  to  the  work  itself  (Memoirs  of  Mrs.  Goghlan)  to 
find  that  her  narrative,  read  in  connection,  not  only  affords  no 
support  to  Mr.  Davis's  insinuations,  but  explicitly,  and  twice, 
contradicts  them.  As  a  reply  to  Mr.  Davis's  garbled  extracts, 
here  follows  the  entire  passage  relating  to  her  connection  with 
the  American  army.  It  is  known  and  conceded  that  the  young 
officer  whom  she  extols  in  such  passionate  language,  and  whom 
she  miscalls  c  colonel,'  was  Major  Burr.  Thus  writes  Mrs. 
Coghlan,  nee  Moncrieffe : 


90  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BURR. 

"  When  I  arrived  in  Broadway  (a  street  so  called),  where 
General  Putnam  resided,  I  was  received  with  great  tender 
ness,  both  by  Mrs.  Putnam  and  her  daughters,  and  on  the  fol 
lowing  day  I  was  introduced  by  them  to  General  and  Mrs. 
Washington,  who  likewise'  made  it  their  study  to  show  me 
every  mark  of  regard ;  but  I  seldom  was  allowed  to  be  alone, 
although  sometimes,  indeed,  I  found  an  opportunity  to  escape 
to  the  gallery  on  the  top  of  the  house,  where  my  chief  delight 
was  to  view,  with  a  telescope,  our  fleet  and  army  on  Staten 
Island.  My  amusements  were  few ;  the  good  Mrs.  Putnam 
employed  me  and  her  daughters  constantly  to  spin  flax  for 
shirts  for  the  American  soldiers ;  indolence,  in  America,  being 
totally  discouraged ;  and  I  likewise  worked  for  General  Put 
nam,  who,  though  not  an  accomplished  muscadin,  like  our 
dilletantis  of  St.  James's-street,  was  certainly  one  of  the  best 
characters  in  the  world ;  his  heart  being  composed  of  those 
noble  materials  which  equally  command  respect  and  admira 
tion. 

"  One  day,  after  dinner,  the  Congress  was  the  toast ;  General 
Washington  viewed  me  very  attentively,  and  sarcastically 
said,  'Miss  Moncrieife,  you  don't  drink  your  wine.'  Embar 
rassed  by  this  reproof,  I  knew  not  how  to  act ;  at  last,  as  if  by 
a  secret  impulse,  I  addressed  myself  to  the  '  American  Com 
mander,'  and  taking  the  wine,  I  said,  '  General  Howe  is  the 
toast.'  Vexed  at  my  temerity,  the  whole  company,  especially 
General  Washington,  censured  me ;  when  my  good  friend, 
General  Putnam,  as  usual,  apologized,  and  assured  them  I  did 
not  mean  to  offend.  '  Besides,'  replied  he,  4  every  thing  said 
or  done  by  such  a  child  ought  rather  to  amuse  than  affront 
you.'  General  Washington,  piqued  at  this  observation,  then 
said,  '  Well,  miss,  I  will  overlook  your  indiscretion,  on  con 
dition  that  you  drink  my  health,  or  General  Putnam's,  the  first 
time  you  dine  at  Sir  William  Howe's  table,  on  the  other  side 
of  the  water.' 

"These  words  conveyed  to  me  a  flattering  hope  that  I 
should  once  more  see  my  father,  and  I  promised  General  Wash 
ington  to  do  any  thing  which  he  desired,  provided  he  would 
permit  me  to  return  to  him. 


AID-DE-CAMP     TO     GENERAL     PUTNAM.  91 

"  Not  long  after  this  circumstance,  a  flag  of  truce  arrived 
from  Staten  Island,  with  letters  from  Major  Monerieffe,  de 
manding  me,  for  they  now  considered  me  as  a  prisoner. 
General  Washington  would  not  acquiesce  in  this  demand,  say- 
ing  '  that  I  should  remain  a  hostage  for  my  father's  good  be 
havior.'  I  must  here  observe,  that  when  General  Washing 
ton  refused  to  deliver  me  up,  the  noble-minded  Putnam,  as  if 
it  were  by  instinct,  laid  his  hand  on  his  sword, .and,  with  a  vio 
lent  oath,  swore  '  that  my  father's  request  should  be  granted.' 
The  commander-in-chief,  whose  influence  governed  the  Con 
gress,  soon  prevailed  on  them  to  consider  me  as  a  person  whose 
situation  required  their  strict  attention ;  and,  that  I  might  not 
escape,  they  ordered  me  to  Kingsbridge,  where,  in  justice, 
I  must  say,  that  I  was  treated  with  the  utmost  tenderness. 
General  Mifflin  there  commanded.  His  lady  was  a  most  ac 
complished,  beautiful  woman,  a  Quaker.  And  here  my  heart 
received  its  first  impression — an  impression  that,  amid  the  sub 
sequent  shocks  which  it  has  received,  has  never  been  effaced, 
and  which  rendered  me  very  unfit  to  admit  the  embraces  of 
an  unfeeling,  brutish  husband. 

"  O,  may  these  pages  one  day  meet  the  eye  of  him  who 
subdued  my  virgin  heart,  whom  the  immutable,  unerring  laws 
of  nature  had  pointed  out  for  my  husband,  but  whose  sacred 
decree  the  barbarous  customs  of  society  fatally  violated.  To 
him  I  plighted  my  virgin  vow,  and  I  shall  never  cease  to 
lament  that  obedience  to  a  father  lell  it  incomplete.  When 
I  reflect  on  my  past  sufferings,  now  that,  alas  !  my  present  sor 
rows  press  heavily  upon  me,  I  can  not  refrain  from  expatiating 
a  little  on  the  inevitable  horrors  which  ever  attend  the  frus 
tration  of  natural  affections :  I  myself,  who,  unpitied  by  the 
world,  have  endured  every  calamity  that  human  nature  knows, 
am  a  melancholy  example  of  this  truth  ;  for  if  I  know  my  own 
heart,  it  is  far  better  calculated  for  the  purer  joys  of  domestic 
life,  than  for  the  hurricane  of  extravagance  and  dissipation  in 
which  I  have  been  wrecked. 

"  Why  is  the  will  of  nature  so  often  perverted  ?  Why  is 
social  happiness  for  ever  sacrificed  at  the  altar  of  prejudice  ? 
Avarice  has  usurped  the  throne  of  reason,  and  the  affections 


92  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

of  the  heart  are  not  consulted.  We  can  not  command  our  de 
sires,  and  when  the  object  of  our  being  is  nnattained,  misery 
must  be  necessarily  our  doom.  Let  this  truth,  therefore,  be 
for  ever  remembered  :  when  once  an  affection  has  rooted  itself 
in  a  tender,  constant  heart,  no  time,  no  circumstance  can 
eradicate  it.  Unfortunate,  then,  are  they  who  are  joined,  if 
their  hearts  are  not  matched  ! 

"  With  this  conqueror  of  my  soul,  how  happy  should  I  now 
have  been  !  What  storms  and  tempests  should  I  have  avoided 
(at  least  I  am  pleased  to  think  so)  if  I  had  been  allowed  to 
follow  the  bent  of  my  inclinations !  and  happier,  O,  ten  thou 
sand  times  happier  should  I  have  been  with  him,  in  the  wildest 
desert  of  our  native  country,  the  woods  affording  us  our  only 
shelter,  and  their  fruits  our  only  repast,  than  under  the  canopy 
of  costly  state,  with  all  the  refinements  and  embellishments  of 
courts,  with  the  royal  warrior  who  would  fain  have  proved 
himself  the  conqueror  of  France. 

"  My  conqueror  was  engaged  in  another  cause,  he  was  am 
bitious  to  obtain  other  laurels :  he  fought  to  liberate,  not  to 
enslave  nations.  He  was  a  colonel  in  the  American  army,  and 
high  in  the  estimation  of  his  country:  his  victories  were  never 
accompanied  with  one  gloomy,  relenting  thought ;  they  shone 
as  bright  as  the  cause  which  achieved  them  !  I  had  communi 
cated  by  letter  to  General  Putnam  the  proposals  of  this  gen 
tleman,  with  my  determination  to  accept  them,  and  I  was  em 
barrassed  by  the  answer  which  the  general  returned ;  he 
entreated  me  to  remember  that  the  person  in  question,  from 
his  political  principles,  was  extremely  obnoxious  to  my  father, 
and  concluded  by  observing,  *  that  I  surely  must  not  unite 
myself  with  a  man  who  would  not  hesitate  to  drench  his 
sword  in  the  blood  of  my  nearest  relation,  should  he  be  op 
posed  to  him  in  battle.'  Saying  this,  he  lamented  the  neces 
sity  of  giving  advice  contrary  to  his  own  sentiments,  since  in 
every  other  respect  he  considered  the  match  as  unexception 
able.  Nevertheless,  General  Putnam,  after  this  discovery, 
appeared,  in  all  his  visits  to  Kingsbridge,  extremely  reserved ; 
his  eyes  were  constantly  fixed  on  me ;  nor  did  he  ever  cease 
to  make  me  the  object  of  his  concern  to  Congress  ;  and,  after 


AID-DK-CAMP     TO     GENERAL     PUTNAM.  93 

various  applications,  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  leave  for  my 
departure ;  when,  in  order  that  I  should  go  to  Staten  Island 
with  the  respect  due  to  my  sex  and  family,  the  barge  belong 
ing  to  the  Continental  Congress  was  ordered,  with  twelve  oars, 
and  a  general  officer,  together  with  his  suite,  was  dispatched 
to  see  me  safe  across  the  bay  of  New  York.  The  day  was  so 
very  tempestuous,  that  I  was  half  drowned  with  the  waves 
dashing  against  me.  When  we  came  within  hail  of  the  Eagle 
man-of-war,  which  was  Lord  Howe's  ship,  a  flag  of  truce  was 
sent  to  meet  us :  the  officer  dispatched  on  this  occasion  was 
Lieutenant  Brown.  General  Knox  told  him  that  he  had  or 
ders  to  see  me  safe  to  head-quarters.  Lieutenant  Brown  re 
plied,  '  It  was  impossible,  as  no  person  from  the  enemy  could 
approach  nearer  the  English  fleet ;'  but  added,  'that  if  I  would 
place  myself  under  his  protection,  he  certainly  would  attend 
me  thither.'  I  then  entered  the  barge,  and  bidding  an  eternal 
farewell  to  my  dear  American  friends,  turned  MY  BACK  ON 

LIBERTY. 

"  We  first  rowed  alongside  the  Eagle,  and  Mr.  Brown  after 
ward  conveyed  me  to  head-quarters.  When  my  name  was 
announced,  the  British  commander-in -chief  sent  Colonel  Sheriff* 
(lately  made  a  general,  and  who,  during  my  father's  life-time, 
was  one  of  his  most  particular  friends ;  although,  alas !  the 
endearing  sentiment  of  friendship  now  seems  extinct  in  his 
breast,  as  far  as  the  unhappy  daughter  is  concerned)  with  an 
invitation  from  Sir  William  Howe  to  dinner,  which  was  neces 
sarily  accepted.  W^hen  introduced,  I  can  not  describe  the 
emotion  I  felt ;  so  sudden  the  transition  in  a  few  hours,  that  I 
was  ready  to  sink  into  earth  !  Judge  the  distress  of  a  girl 
not  fourteen,  obliged  to  encounter  the  curious,  inquisitive  eyes 
of  at  least  forty  or  fifty  people  who  were  at  dinner  with  the 
general.  Fatigued  with  their  fastidious  compliments,  I  could 
only  hear  the  buzz  among  them,  saying,  '  She  is  a  sweet  girl, 
she  is  divinely  handsome  ;'  although  it  was  some  relief  to  be 
placed  at  table  next  to  the  wife  of  Major  Montresor,  who 
had  known  me  from  my  infancy.  Owing  to  this  circumstance, 
I  recovered  a  degree  of  confidence  ;  but  being  unfortunately 
asked,  agreeably  to  military  etiquette,  for  a  toast,  I  gave 


94  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

*  General  Putnam.'  Colonel  Sheriff  said,  in  a  low  voice,  '  Yon 
must  not  give  him  here ;'  when  Sir  William  Howe  complai- 
santly  replied,  '  O !  by  all  means ;  if  he  be  the  lady's  sweet 
heart,  I  can  have  no  objection  to  drink  his  health.'  This 
involved  me  in  a  new  dilemma ;  I  wished  myself  a  thousand 
miles  distant,  and,  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  company,  I 
gave  to  the  general  a  letter  that  I  had  been  commissioned  to 
deliver  from  General  Putnam,  of  which  the  following  is  a 
copy.  (And  here  I  consider  myself  bound  to  apologize  for 
the  bad  spelling  of  my  most  excellent  republican  friend.  The 
bad  orthography  was  amply  compensated  by  the  magnanimity 
of  the  man  who  wrote  it)  : 

"'Grinrale  Putnam's  compliments  to  Major  Moncrieffe,  has 
made  him  a  present  of  a  fine  daughter,  if  he  don't  lick  her  he 
must  send  her  back  again,  and  he  will  previde  her  with  a  good 
twig  husband.' 

"  The  substitution  of  twig  for  whig  husband,  served  as  a 
fund  of  entertainment  to  the  whole  company." 

She  proceeds  to  record  the  history  of  her  marriage  with 
Mr.  Coghlan,  who,  she  says,  drove  her  into  the  arms  of  a 
paramour  by  the  brutality  of  his  conduct.  She  asserts  that 
she  had  led  a  strictly  virtuous  life  until,  after  being  forced 
into  a  marriage  with  a  man  she  loathed,  she  was  subjected  by 
him  to  harsh  and  cruel  treatment.  The  statements  of  a  woman 
notorious  for  her  vices  can  not,  of  course,  be  regarded  as  evi 
dence  ;  yet  it  seemed  just  to  the  memory  of  Burr  for  the 
reader  to  be  informed  that  the  story  of  her  seduction  by  him 
has  no  corroboration  in  her  own  narrative.  The  man  has 
enough  to  answer  for  without  having  the  ruin  of  this  girl  of 
fourteen  laid  to  his  charge.  Her  story,  it  must  be  admitted, 
is  not  very  probable.  Burr  was,  to  a  considerable  extent,  his 
general's  general ;  and  if  he  had  really  loved  Miss  Moncrieffe, 
and  she  him,  and  each  had  desired  marriage,  I  think  that  Gen 
eral  Putnam  could  have  been  easily  dissuaded  from  making 
any  serious  opposition  to  it. 

Perhaps,  if  the  young  lady  had  known  who  it  was  that 
caused  her  removal  from  the  city,  she  might  not  have  been  so 
easily  captivated.  According  to  a  story  told  by  the  late 


AID-DE-CAMP     TO     GENERAL     PUTNAM.  95 

Colonel  W.  L.  Stone  (author  of  the  Life  of  Brant),  it  was  no 
other  than  Burr  himself.  Before  her  arrival  at  General  Put 
nam's,  it  appears  that  Burr,  though  he  was  delighted  with  her 
wit  and  vivacity,  conceived  the  idea  that  she  might  be  a  British 
spy ;  and  as  he  was  looking  over  her  shoulder  one  day,  while 
she  was  painting  a  bouquet,  the  suspicion  darted  into  his  mind 
that  she  was  using  the  "  language  of  flowers"  for  the  purpose 
of  conveying  intelligence  to  the  enemy.  He  communicated 
his  suspicion  to  General  Washington,  who  thought  it  only 
prudent  to  remove  her  a  few  miles  further  inland,  to  the  quar 
ters  of  General  Mifflin  ;  where,  after  the  evacuation  of  the 
city,  Burr  met  her  again,  and,  as  she  says,  won  her  virgin  af 
fections.  Colonel  Stone  was  very  intimate  with  Burr  in  his 
latter  years,  and  had  long  conversations  with  him  about  revo 
lutionary  times.  He  may  have  derived  this  pretty  tale  from 
Burr  himself, 


CHAPTER    VII. 

HE    COMMANDS    A    REGIMENT. 

APPOINTED  A  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL  —  COMMANDS  A  KEGIMENT  —  CAPTURES  A  BRITISH 
PICKET  — FORMS  AN  ACQUAINTANCE  WITH  MRS.  THEODOSIA  PBEVOST  —  COMMANDS 
A  BRIGADE  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  MONMOUTH —  ANECDOTE. 

MAJOR  BURR  continued  to  serve  as  General  Putnam's  aid 
for  ten  months  after  the  retreat  from  New  York,  and  bore  his 
part  in  the  toils  and  dangers  of  that  dismal  period.  In  the 
spring  of  1777  a  new  army  was  to  be  raised,  but  he  had  no 
hopes  of  a  regimental  appointment  in  it.  In  March,  he  wrote 
to  his  friend  Ogden  that  he  had  not  the  least  expectation  of 
promotion  either  in  the  line  or  on  the  staff,  but  as  he  was 
"  very  happy  in  the  esteem  and  entire  confidence  of  his  good 
old  general,"  he  should  be  piqued  at  no  neglect,  unless  partic 
ularly  pointed,  or  where  silence  would  be  want  of  spirit.  It 
was  true,  he  said,  his  equals  and  even  inferiors  in  rank  had 
left  him ;  and  assurances  from  those  in  power  he  had  had,  un 
asked,  in  abundance ;  but  of  those  he  should  never  remind 
them.  We  were  not  to  be  the  judges  of  our  own  merit,  and 
he  was  content  to  contribute  his  mite  in  any  station.  From 
this  language  we  may  infer  that  he  thought  himself  an  ill-used 
aid-de-camp. 

In  July,  1777,  while  at  Peekskill  with  General  Putnam,  he 
was  notified  by  General  Washington  of  his  promotion  to  the 
rank  of  lieutenant-colonel.  He  was  the  youngest  man  who 
held  that  rank  in  the  revolutionary  army,  or  who  has  ever 
held  it  in  an  army  of  the  United  States ;  yet  he  thought  the 
promotion  unjustly  tardy.  In  his  letter  of  acknowledgment 
to  the  commauder-in-chief,  he  said  he  was  truly  sensible  of  the 
honor  done  him,  and  should  be  studious  to  comport  himself  in 


HE     COMMANDS     A      It  K  <i  I  M  E  N  T  .  97 

his  new  rank  so  as  to  secure  his  general's  esteem  ;  yet  he  was 
constrained  to  observe  that  the  late  date  of  his  appointment 
subjected  him  to  the  command  of  some  officers  who  were  his 
juniors  last  campaign  ;  and  he  should  like,  with  submission,  to 
know  whether  it  was  misconduct  in  him,  or  extraordinary 
merit  in  them,  which  had  given  them  the  preference1.  He 
wanted,  he  continued,  to  avoid  equally  the  character  of  tur- 
tmlent  or  passive,  but  as  a  decent  regard  to  rank  was  proper 
and  necessary,  he  hoped  the  concern  he  felt  was  excusable  in 
one  who  regarded  his  honor  next  to  the  welfare  of  his  coun 
try.  The  general's  reply  to  this  letter  has  not  been  preserved. 

With  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel,  Burr  soon  found  him 
self  the  sole  commander  of  his  regiment,  his  colonel  not  being 
a  fighting  man. 

To  the  strength  of  the  patriot  cause,  every  interest  of  the 
country  had  to  contribute  its  quota  ;  rich  men,  money  ;  influ 
ential  men,  weight  and  respectability  ;  efficient  men,  practical 
help.  Many  were,  therefore,  appointed  to  high  posts  in  the 
army  because  they  were  persons  of  importance  in  civil  life ; 
they  gave  their  names  to  the  cause.  Among  the  reasons 
which  made  Washington  the  most  complete  exemplification 
of  "  the  right  man  for  the  right  place,"  that  history  exhibits, 
one  was  that  he  was  a  great  Virginia  gentleman,  who  had 
vast  plantations,  hundreds  of  slaves,  a  tine  mansion,  and  rode 
about  in  a  chariot  and  six.  "  One  of  the  finest  fortunes  in 
America,"  John  Adams  exultingly  exclaims,  in  mentioning 
his  acceptance  of  the  command.  And  his  exultation  was  just ; 
for  such  things  have  not  merely  a  legitimate  influence  in  hu 
man  affairs,  but  the  fact  of  such  a  fortune  being  freely  risked 
in  the  cause,  showed  the  faith  the  owner  had  in  its  justice, 
importance,  and  chance  of  success. 

Colonel  Malcolm,  to  whose  regiment  Burr  was  appointed, 
had  been  a  leading  merchant  of  New  York,  and  was  a  man 
of  wealth  and  influential  connections.  At  the  time  of  Burr's 
appointment,  the  regiment,  such  as  it  was,  lay  on  the  Rarnapo, 
in  Orange  county,  New  Jersey,  whither  he  at  once  repaired, 
and  found  the  colonel  in  command.  Each  surprised  the 
other.  Malcolm  was  amazed  at  the  youthful  appearance  of 

5 


98  L  I  F  E     O  F     A  A  Jl  O  N     B  U  K  II . 

his  second  in  command,  and  began  to  fear  that  he  would  be 
continually  getting  him  and  the  regiment  into  trouble.  But 
over  the  Malcolms  of  the  world  nothing  was  easier  than  for 
Burr  to  gain  a  complete  ascendency  ;  and,  accordingly,  a 
very  few  days  sufficed  for  the  lieutenant-colonel  to  inspire 
his  chief  with  perfect  confidence  in  his  abilities.  Burr,  on  his 
part,  saw  that  Colonel  Malcolm  was  an  amiable  gentleman, 
and  no  soldier.  In  a  short  time,  the  colonel  removed  with* 
his  family  twenty  miles  from  where  the  regiment  lay,  leaving 
Burr  master  of  the  situation  ;  saying,  as  he  departed,  "  You 
shall  have  all  the  honor  of  disciplining  and  fighting  the  regi 
ment,  while  I  will  be  its  father."  He  was  as  good  as  his  word. 
During  the  whole  war  he  did  not  once  lead  the  regiment  into 
action,  nor  personally  command  it  more  than  four  weeks. 
From  the  day  he  joined  to  the  day  he  ceased  to  be  a  soldier, 
Burr  was,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  the  regiment's  chief 
officer. 

Enjoying  now  an  independent  command,  Colonel  Burr 
sprang  to  his  duties  with  an  ardor  that  soon  produced  sur 
prising  results.  The  regiment  was  in  a  condition  that  would 
have  been  ridiculous  if  the  cause  had  been  less  serious,  and  the 
enemy  more  remote.  The  men,  of  whom  there  were  about 
two  hundred  and  sixty,  were  of  good  material,  but  almost 
wholly  unacquainted  with  their  duty;  and  of  the  officers  an 
unusual  number  were  young  gentlemen  of  the  city,  members 
of  wealthy  families,  effeminate  in  character,  and  destitute  of 
the  faintest  intimation  of  military  knowledge.  These  were 
just  the  circumstances  to  call  into  exercise  the  strong  and 
shining  qualities  of  Colonel  Burr.  He  drew  tight  the  reins  of 
discipline  which  Malcolm  had  held  with  an  easy  hand.  Severe 
drills  and  rigorous  inspections  took  the  place  of  formal  ones. 
Discovering  at  a  glance  the  hopeless  inefficiency  of  many  of 
the  officers,  one  of  his  first  objects  was  to  get  rid  of  the  worst 
of  them.  After  some  preliminary  correspondence  with  Gen 
eral  Conway,  and  feeling  his  way  in  the  regiment,  he  took  the 
bold  step  of  ordering  several  of  the  officers  home,  on  the  sim 
ple  ground  of  their  utter  uselessness.  If  any  gentleman,  he 
told  them,  objected  to  his  dismissal,  he,  Colonel  Burr,  held 


HE     COMMANDS     A     REGIMENT.  99 

himself  personally  responsible  for  the  measure,  and  was  ready 
to  afford  any  satisfaction  that  might  be  demanded. 

He  had  read  his  men  correctly.  All  of  the  dismissed  sub 
mitted  to  his  decree  without  audible  murmur,  except  one,  who 
wrote  an  absurdly  defiant  reply  to  the  autocratic  colonel. 
Burr  was  as  civil  as  an  orange  to  the  offended  youth,  inform 
ing  him  with  elegant  brevity,  that  on  a  certain  day,  at  a  cer 
tain  hour,  he  should  be  at  the  village  nearest  the  young  gen 
tleman's  residence,  where,  at  the  tavern,  he  would  wait  any 
communication  he  might  be  pleased  to  send.  To  the  minute, 
Colonel  Burr  was  at  the  place.  No  one  was  there  to  meet 
him.  After  waiting  awhile,  he  walked  over  to  the  family  resi 
dence  of  the  dismissed,  where,  indeed,  he  was  well  known, 
and  had  often  been  a  guest.  The  ladies  of  the  family,  of 
whom  a  large  number  were  assembled,  received  him  with 
cordiality  and  distinction ;  the  young  officer,  too,  was  ex 
tremely  polite,  and  the  party  sat  down  to  dinner  as  though 
nothing  had  occurred.  The  colonel  conversed  with  his  usual 
gayety  and  spirit  until  the  conclusion  of  the  repast,  when  he 
struck  terror  to  the  party  by  blandly  requesting  the  young 
man,  whom  the  ladies  called  Neddy,  to  walk  out  with  him. 
They  had  not  gone  many  steps  from  the  house,  before  the  la 
dies,  in  a  body,  came  shrieking  after  them.  "  O,  Colonel  Burr, 
what  are  you  going  to  do  with  Neddy  ?"  cried  one  of  them. 
They  protested  that  he  had  meant  no  harm,  and  that  he  would 
never  write  so  any  more.  They  would  see  to  that  if  Colonel 
Burr  would  only  forgive  him.  The  colonel,  amused  at  the 
turn  the  affair  had  taken,  replied,  in  his  politest  manner,  that 
nothing  was  further  from  his  desire  than  to  harm  the  young 
gentleman ;  he  would  merely  take  occasion  to  advise  him  that 
when  next  he  felt  inclined  to  indite  a  swelling  letter  to  a  gen 
tleman,  he  should  submit  the  document  to  the  perusal  of  the 
ladies  before  sending  it.  With  this  admonition  the  colonel 
handed  Neddy  over  to  the  ladies,  bowed,  and  took  leave.  Burr 
used  to  say  that  this  incident  gave  no  incorrect  idea  of  the 
stuff  some  of  the  regimental  officers  were  made  of  at  the  be 
ginning  of  the  Revolution. 

Two  months  of  incessant  exertion  on  the  part  of  the  col- 


100  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

onel  brought  the  regiment  to  a  tolerable  state  of  discipline,  and 
increased  its  effective  force  to  over  three  hundred  men.  Burr 
was  soon  the  idol  of  his  troops,  for  he  knew  how  to  command 
them.  Exacting  the  most  prompt  and  implicit  obedience,  he 
commanded  only  what  was  right  and  necessary,  and  was 
prompt  to  notice  and  applaud  good  conduct.  Not  a  blow  was 
given  in  the  regiment  while  he  was  at  the  head  of  it,  though, 
at  that  time,  corporeal  punishment  was  a  custom  in  the  conti 
nental  army.  He  was  a  natural  commander.  Men  knew  by 
instinct  that  he  was  competent  to  direct  them  ;  they  followed 
eagerly  where  they  saw  him  lead,  and  bore  gladly  what  they 
saw  he  never  shrank  from  sharing  with  them.  His  eye  was 
everywhere.  The  sick  he  cared  for  with  the  tenderness  and 
constancy  of  a  brother,  often  assisting  them  with  his  own 
hands,  and  oftener  with  his  purse.  "  His  attention  and  care 
of  the  men,"  says  a  subaltern  of  the  regiment,  "  were  such  as 
I  never  saw,  nor  any  thing  approaching  it,  in  any  other  officer, 
though  I  served  under  many."  Such  wras  his  vigilance,  that 
some  of  his  men  thought  him  a  kind  of  necromancer,  or  magi 
cian,  who  could  see  one  sentinel  nod  and  another  prowling 
about  for  plunder,  when  he  was  fast  asleep  in  his  bed.  In  the 
course  of  a  campaign  or  two,  Malcolm's  regiment  was  one  of 
the  best  disciplined  in  the  army. 

In  September,  in  the  midst  of  his  drilling  and  recruiting,  a 
rumor  ran  through  the  neighborhood  that  the  British,  in  great 
force,  had  marched  out  of  New  York,  and  were  laying  waste 
the  lower  parts  of  Orange  county,  and  driving  off  the  cattle 
and  horses.  The  country  people  were  panic-stricken  and  made 
instant  preparations  for  flight.  The  rumor  proved  true,  and 
positive  intelligence  soon  reached  Colonel  Burr  that  the  ene 
my,  two  thousand  strong,  were  within  thirty  miles  of  him. 
To  order  out  his  whole  force,  to  detail  a  small  guard  for  his 
camp,  and  to  march  toward  the  enemy  with  the  rest,  was  the 
work  of  the  first  hour  of  the  afternoon ;  and  before  the  sun 
set,  he  had  reached  Paramus,  sixteen  miles  distant.  On  the 
march  he  was  met  by  an  express  from  General  Putnam,  advis 
ing  him  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  recommending 
him  to  retreat,  with  the  public  stores  in  his  keeping,  into  the 


H  B     COMMAND      A      K  K  C,  I  M  E  N  T.  101 

mountains.  Observing  that  he  would  never  run  away  from 
an  enemy  he  had  not  seen,  and  that  he  would  be  answerable 
for  the  public  stores  and  for  the  troops,  he  pushed  on  toward 
Paramus,  with  new  energy.  There  he  found  a  body  of  militia 
of  the  county,  that  had  rendezvoused  at  Paramus  on  the  first 
alarm,  and  were  making  confusion  worse  confounded  by  their 
ill-directed,  frantic  exertions.  Among  their  other  feats,  they 
had  pulled  down  most  of  the  fences  of  the  neighboring  farms 
with  a  vague  idea,  dear  to  the  minds  of  militia,  of  making 
breast-works  with  which  to  stay  the  conquering  progress  of 
the  enemy.  On  Burr's  arrival,  he  took  the  command  of  these 
disorderly  troops  ;  and  though,  as  one  of  them  afterward  said, 
he  seemed  but  a  boy,  yet  as  he  alone  appeared  to  know  what 
he  was  about,  they  obeyed  him  willingly.  His  own  men  he 
posted  in  a  strong  position,  and  took  the  usual  measures  to 
guard  against  surprise  during  the  night.  The  militia,  after 
first  directing  them  to  repair  the  damage  they  had  done,  he 
provided  for  in  a  similar  manner.  Then,  selecting  seventeen 
of  his  best  men,  he  started,  soon  after  dark,  and  marched  with 
all  the  rapidity  possible,  and  in  perfect  silence,  toward  the 
scene  of  the  enemy's  devastations.  He  was  determined  on 
seeing  for  himself  what  there  was  there  to  run  away  from. 

About  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  when  within  three  miles 
of  Hackensack,  he  received  certain  information  that  the  most 
advanced  of  the  enemy's  pickets  was  one  mile  distant.  His 
men,  who  had  marched  thirty  miles  since  leaving  camp,  were 
now  extremely  fatigued.  He  led  them  to  a  wood  near  by,  and 
ordered  them  to  lie  down  and  keep  perfectly  silent  until  he 
should  return.  In  a  few  minutes  the  whole  party  were  asleep 

Colonel  Burr  now  went  forward  alone  to  reconnoiter.  With 
the  stealthy  caution  of  an  Indian,  he  glided  toward  the  picket, 
and  saw  them  at  length,  lying  on  the  ground,  guarded  by  two 
sentinels.  He  was  near  enough  to  overhear  their  watchword. 
He  then  made  a  wide  detour,  and  ascertained  that  this  picket 
was  so  far  in  advance  of  the  main  body  as  to  be  out  of  hear 
ing.  In  making  these  observations,  and  thoroughly  satisfying 
himself  of  their  correctness,  the  greater  part  of  the  night 
passed,  and  before  he  again  reached  his  own  party,  it  was 


102  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURK. 

within  an  hour  of  daybreak.  He  now  quietly  and  quickly 
woke  his  men,  told  them  in  a  few  decided  words  that  he  was 
going  to  attack  the  enemy's  picket,  ordered  them  to  follow 
at  a  certain  distance,  and  forbade  any  man  to  speak,  on  pain 
of  instant  death.  The  little  column  pushed  forward  rapidly. 
So  accurately  had  the  colonel  noted  the  locality,  and  calculated 
the  positions  of  the  sentinels,  that  he  was  able  to  lead  his 
men  between  those  two  unsuspecting  individuals  at  the  mo 
ment  when  they  were  farthest  apart ;  and  he  was  almost  upon 
the  sleeping  picket  before  a  man  of  it  began  to  stir.  At  the 
distance  of  ten  yards,  Burr,  who  was  a  pace  or  two  in  ad 
vance,  was  challenged  by  a  sentinel,  whom  he  instantly  shot 
dead,  and  then  gave  the  word  for  the  attack.  With  fixed 
bayonets  his  men  rushed  upon  the  drowsy  foe,  who  were  made 
prisoners  before  they  were  completely  awake.  One  officer,  a 
sergeant,  a  corporal,  and  twenty-seven  privates  fell  into  their 
hands  on  this  occasion.  Only  one  of  the  picket,  beside  the 
sentinel,  made  any  resistance,  and  he  was  overpowered  after 
he  had  received  two  bayonet  wounds.  He  attempted  to  march 
away  with  his  comrades,  but,  after  going  a  short  distance, 
was  compelled  to  lie  down,  exhausted  and  fainting  from  loss 
of  blood. 

"Go  a  little  further,  my  good  fellow,"  said  Burr,  "and  we 
will  get  a  surgeon  for  you." 

"Ah,  sir,"  gasped  the  dying  veteran,  "all  the  doctors 
in  America  can  do  me  no  service,  for  I  am  a  dying  man ;  but 
it  grieves  me  sore  to  the  heart  to  think  I  have  served  my 
king  upward  of  twenty  years,  and  at  length  must  die  with  a 
charged  musket  in  my  hand." 

In  a  few  minutes,  surrounded  by  friends  and  foes  equally 
sympathizing,  the  old  soldier  breathed  his  last.  Of  the  attack 
ing  party  not  a  man  received  a  scratch. 

Instantly  Colonel  Burr,  with  the  instinct  of  a  true  soldier, 
set  about  turning  this  slight  and  easy  victory  to  the  greatest 
possible  advantage.  He  dispatched  an  express  from  the  very 
scene  of  his  exploit  to  the  main  body  of  his  troops  at  Para- 
mus,  ordering  them  to  march  toward  him  immediately,  with 
all  the  militia  of  the  district.  In  various  directions  he  dis- 


HE     COMMANDS     A     R  K  (1  1  M  K  N  T.  1 03 

patched  messengers  to  rally  the  country  to  his  support.  The 
news  of  the  night's  adventure,  magnified  into  a  splendid  vic 
tory  over  the  red  coats,  flew  like  the  wind,  and  displaced  the 
panic  of  the  day  before  by  its  natural  consequence,  an  all-defy 
ing  confidence.  At  that  time  the  patriots  stood  in  such  awe 
of  the  British  regulars  that  the  actual  killing  of  a  few,  and 
the  parade  of  a  few  more  as  prisoners,  were  events  of  a  most 
inspiring  nature,  calculated  to  call  forth  every  musket  of  the 
neighborhood  in  which  they  occurred.  Before  night,  Colonel 
Burr  found  himself  at  the  head  of  an  imposing  force,  with 
which  he  continued  to  make  such  terrible  demonstrations,  that 
the  enemy  retreated  with  precipitation,  leaving  behind  them 
the  cattle  they  had  collected.  All  night  Colonel  Burr  was  again 
on  the  alert,  arranging  his  miscellaneous  forces,  and  preparing 
to  march  on  the  morrow  in  pursuit.  But  in  the  morning,  came 
peremptory  orders  for  his  regiment  to  join  the  main  body  of 
the  army  in  Pennsylvania,  where  Washington  was  fighting 
hand  to  hand  with  the  British  for  the  possession  of  Philadel 
phia,  with  large  odds  against  him.  For  forty-eight  hours 
he  had  not  once  closed  his  eyes,  nor  scarcely  sat  down ; 
yet  nothing  but  the  arrival  of  these  orders  could  have  held 
him  back  from  an  impetuous  inarch  after  the  flying  enemy. 
For  fifty  years  the  events  of  these  exciting  days  and  nights 
were  narrated  in  the  country;  where,  to  the  last,  Colonel 
Burr  had  devoted  friends.  In  the  army  the  story  of  his  tak 
ing  off  the  picket  so  neatly  gave  him  new  popularity. 

In  all  his  busy  career,  Colonel  Burr  could  scarcely  ever  have 
been  more  absorbed  in  his  duties  than  while  thus  drilling  and 
fighting  his  regiment  in  Orange  county,  during  the  first  weeks 
of  his  exercising  independent  command.  Yet  it  was  there  and 
then  that  he  formed  an  acquaintance  with  a  lady  who,  if  we 
may  believe  a  lover's  language,  first  made  him  respect  the  in 
tellect  of  woman,  and  to  whom  he  owed  the  happiest  hours, 
the  happiest  years,  of  his  existence. 

At  Paramus,  sixteen  miles  from  where  his  regiment  lay, 
there  lived,  in  modest  elegance,  a  family  of  the  name  of  Pre- 
vost,  a  branch  of  a  family  distinguished  in  the  society  and  in 
the  annals  of  England.  Colonel  Prevost  was  with  his  regi- 


104  LIFE     O  F     A  A  K  O  N      I',  U  K  R . 

ment  in  the  West  Indies,  and  at  Paranms  lived  his  wife,  Theo- 
dosia  Prevost,  her  sister  Miss  De  Visme,  and  their  mother, 
Mrs.  De  Visme,  and  the  two  little  sons  of  Colonel  and  Mrs. 
Prevost.  The  ladies  were  accomplished  and  intelligent;  for 
a  long  time  their  house  had  been  the  center  of  the  most  ele 
gant  society  of  the  vicinity,  and  after  the  Revolution  had  be- 
guu,  officers  of  rank  in  the  American  army  still  visited  them. 
By  the  strict  law  o'f  the  state  they  would  have  been  compelled 
to  withdraw  to  the  British  army,  and  some  of  the  severer 
Whigs  wished  the  law  to  be  enforced  in  their  case,  as  it  had 
been  in  others.  But  these  ladies,  besides  being  beloved  in 
the  neighborhood,  guarded  their  conduct  with  so  much  tact 
that  no  very  serious  opposition  was  made  to  their  residence 
within  the  American  lines.  The  sudden  death  of  Colonel  Pre 
vost  in  the  West  Indies  gave  them  at  length  the  right  to 
embrace  either  party  in  the  great  dispute.  When  Colonel 
Burr  took  the  command  in  that  part  of  the  country,  the  Pre- 
vosts  held  their  old  position,  and  their  house  was  a  favorite 
resort  of  the  American  officers.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  his  ac 
quaintance  with  the  family  began  on  that  night  of  terror  when 
the  British  threatened  to  lay  waste  the  country,  and  the 
American  militia  attacked  the  farm  fences.  If  so,  the  young 
soldier  must  have  presented  himself  to  the  ladies  in  the  char 
acter  that  ladies  love,  that  of  a  hero  and  protector;  a  protec 
tor  from  the  ravages  of  troops  who  were  there  for  the  express 
purpose  of  plundering  and  destroying.  Be  that  as  it  may,  it 
is  certain  that  about  this  time  Mrs.  Prevost  and  Colonel  Burr 
conceived  for  each  ether  a  regard  which  rapidly  warmed  into 
an  ardent  passion. 

But  there  was  no  time  for  dalliance  now;  he  at  once  began 
his  march  across  New  Jersey,  using  all  his  usual  vigilance 
to  avoid  the  enemy,  who  were  known  to  be  in  motion,  but 
for  what  object  was  uncertain.  In  November,  1777,  he  joined 
the  main  army,  twenty  miles  above  Philadelphia,  and  after 
holding  a  position  in  advance  for  some  weeks,  went  into  winter 
quarters,  with  the  rest  of  the  troops,  at  Valley  Forge. 

There,  as  elsewhere,  his  relations  with  the  command  er-in- 
ohief  were  unfortunate.  He  planned  an  expedition  against  the 


HE     COMMANDS     A      REGIMENT.  105 

.British  posts  on  Staten  Island,  the  localities  and  inhabitants 
of  which  had  been  familiar  to  him  from  childhood.  He  pro 
posed  the  scheme  to  General  Washington,  and  asked  for  two 
hundred  men  of  his  own  regiment  as  a  nucleus,  relying  on  his 
ability  to  raise  the  country  in  case  he  should  appear  there 
with  a  respectable  body  of  troops.  General  Washington  re 
jected  the  proposal ;  and  when,  afterward,  he  acted  upon  the 
idea,  gave  the  command  of  the  expedition  to  Lord  Stirling, 
under  whom  it  proved  a  failure.  There,  too,  as  elsewhere, 
Colonel  Burr  contrived  to  distinguish  himself  in  circumstances 
that  gave  no  promise  of  an  opportunity.  The  American  army 
had  gone  into  winter  quarters  after  a  succession  of  discom 
fitures  ;  and  being  still  in  the  neighborhood  of  a  powerful  en 
emy,  and  far  less  able  to  cope  with  him  than  before,  they  were 
discouraged  and  nervous.  Ten  miles  from  the  town  of  hovels 
in  which  the  main  body  cowered,  shivered  and  starved  during 
that  dreadful  winter,  there  was  a  pass  called  the  Gulf,  from 
which  the  alarm  was  to  be  expected  if  the  British  army  should 
menace  an  attack.  A  strong  body  of  militia  was  stationed 
there  to  defend  the  pass  and  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
enemy.  These  militia  fancied  they  heard  the  tramp  of  British 
columns  in  every  nocturnal  noise,  and  were  continually  send 
ing  false  alarms  to  head-quarters,  which  obliged  the  general  to 
get  the  troops  under  arms,  and,  frequently,  to  keep  them  on 
the  alert  during  the  whole  night.  These  alarms,  it  was  soon 
found,  arose  from  the  want  of  a  proper  system  of  observation, 
and  from  a  general  looseness  of  discipline  in  the  corps.  In 
these  circumstances,  General  McDougal,  who  well  knew  the 
quality  of  Colonel  Burr  as  a  soldier,  recommended  General 
Washington  to  withdraw  from  the  guard  at  the  Gulf  all 
officers  superior  in  rank  to  Burr,  and  give  him  the  command 
of  the  post.  It  was  done. 

On  taking  the  command,  Colonel  Burr  proceeded  at  once  to 
put  in  force  a  system  of  the  most  rigorous  discipline.  He  was 
ubiquitous  as  usual ;  visiting  the  most  remote  sentinels  pre 
cisely  at  the  moment  when  he  was  least  expected,  and  when  his 
presence 'was  least  agreeable.  The  daily  drills  were  severe 
and  regular  ;  his  detection  of  offenders  magical  and  relentless. 

5* 


106  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

To  militiamen,  who  had  been  accustomed,  while  in  winter 
quarters,  to  lead  lives  of  perfect  idleness,  to  leave  camp  and 
return  to  it  almost  at  their  pleasure,  and  to  regard  all  persons 
possessing  property  calculated  to  solace  the  tedium  of  a  sol 
dier's  winter,  in  the  light  of  Tories,  whom  it  was  patriotism  to 
plunder,  Colonel  Burr's  system  was  insupportable.  The  bet 
ter  class  of  the  troops  saw  that  this  unaccustomed  rigor  was 
necessary ;  but  a  majority  were  exceedingly  discontented,  and 
finally  resolved,  at  any  cost,  to  rid  themselves  of  their  com 
mander.  Burr  was  informed  of  their  intention,  and  of  the  time 
when  he  was  to  receive  his  quietus.  That  evening,  before  or 
dering  out  the  detachment,  he  caused  every  cartridge  to  be 
withdrawn  from  the  muskets,  and  provided  himself  with  a 
well-sharpened  sword.  It  was  a  bright,  moonlight  evening,  and 
as  he  marched  along  the  line  he  looked  the  ringleaders  in  the 
face,  keenly  watching  for  the  tirst  offensive  movement.  At 
length  a  man  stepped  from  the  ranks,  leveled  his  musket  at 
him,  and  cried  out,  "  Now  is  your  time,  my  boys."  With  a 
quickness  and  self-possession  peculiarly  his  own,  Colonel  Burr 
raised  his  sword  and  struck  the  arm  of  the  mutineer  above  the 
elbow,  breaking  the  bone,  and  leaving  the  limb  hanging  by 
little  more  than  the  skin. 

"  Take  your  place  in  the  line,  sir,"  said  the  colonel,  quietly. 

The  man  obeyed.  In  a  few  minutes  the  corps  was  dismissed  ; 
the  man  went  to  bed ;  the  amputation  of  the  arm  was  com 
pleted  by  the  surgeon ;  and  no  more  was  heard  of  the  mutiny. 
While  Colonel  Burr  commanded  at  that  post,  the  army  slept 
in  their  huts  undisturbed.  There  was  not  one  false  alarm. 

It  was  during  this  winter  that  the  popularity  of  General 
Gates,  and  the  discontents  of  some  officers  nearer  the  person 
of  General  Washington,  gave  rise  to  the  well-known  cabal  to 
supplant  the  commander-in-chief.  During  the  previous  autumn, 
while  Washington  had  lost  Philadelphia,  and  experienced  lit 
tle  but  disaster,  the  fortune  of  war,  rather  than  his  own  gene 
ralship,  had  given  Gates  the  glory  of  Burgoyne's  surrender, 
an  event  which  electrified  the  world,  and  raised  General  Gates 
to  a  popularity  disproportioned  to  his  merits.  Colonel  Burr 
was  too  young  an  officer  to  take  a  leading  part  in  the  move- 


HE     C  0  M  M  A  N  D  S     A     REGIMENT.  107 

incuts  against  General  Washington  ;  but  it  appears  to  have  had 
his  sympathy.  His  dislike  to  the  general  was  rooted  ;  and  the 
general,  though  he  trusted  and  valued  Colonel  Burr  as  an 
officer,  is  said,  even  at  this  time,  to  have  distrusted  him  as  a 
man. 

With  the  commencement  of  active  operations  in  the  spring, 
these  intrigues  ceased ;  and  the  murmurs  against  the  com- 
mamler-in-chief  were  soon  drowned  in  the  applause  which  re 
warded  his  partial  success  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth.  In  that 
Met  ion  Colonel  Burr  commanded,  in  the  absence  of  his  seniors, 
one  of  the  brigades  of  Lord  Stirling's  division,  the  brigade 
consisting  of  his  own  regiment,  and  parts  of  two  others.  On 
this  occasion,  his  activity  and  vigilance,  his  long-continued  ex 
ertions  during  three  of  the  hottest  days  and  nights  of  summer, 
came  near  proving  fatal  to  him.  All  through  the  sultry  night 
that  preceded  the  battle,  he  was  on  the  alert,  surveying  the 
ground  and  preparing  for  the  fight. 

From  before  the  dawn  of  the  eventful  day  until  late  in  the 
evening,  his  men  were  under  arms,  either  engaged  or  waiting 
orders,  exposed  to  a  sun  so  powerful  as  to  be  only  less  fatal 
than  the  enemy's  fire.  Toward  noon,  while  Stirling  was  thun 
dering  away  with  his  artillery  at  the  enemy,  Colonel  Burr 
perceived  a  detachment  of  the  British  issuing  opposite  him 
from  the  wood  which  hemmed  in  the  small  marshy  plain  in 
which  the  battle  was  fought.  Before  him  was  a  morass  over 
which  a  bridge  had  been  thrown  to  the  solid  ground  beyond. 
Eager  for  a  share  in  the  glory  of  the  day,  he  instantly  gave 
the  word  for  his  brigade  to  cross  this  bridge,  and  march  to 
ward  the  approaching  enemy.  When  about  half  his  force  had 
crossed,  and  were  within  the  enemy's  fire,  one  of  General 
Washington's  aids  galloped  up  to  Colonel  Burr  and  ordered 
him  to  halt  his  men,  and  hold  them  where  they  were  until  fur 
ther  orders.  Burr  remonstrated  vehemently.  He  said  it  was 
madness  to  halt  with  his  force  so  divided  that  it  could  not  be 
formed,  and  though  within  range  of  the  enemy's,  artillery 
could  make  no  effectual  resistance.  The  aid-de-camp  replied 
that  the  order  was  peremptory  and  must  be  obeyed,  then 
rode  away,  leaving  Colonel  Burr  in  a  position  most  distressing. 


108  LI  F  K     O  F      A  A  R  O  N     B  U  R  B. 

The  cannon-balls  soon  began  to  roar  above  the  heads  of  his 
men,  and  to  strike  with  threatening  proximity.  Soon  Colonel 
Burr  saw  brave  men  begin  to  fall  about  him,  in  consequence, 
as  he  thought,  of  blundering  generalship ;  and  his  feelings 
toward  the  commander-in-chief  were  deeply  embittered.  In 
a  few  minutes  Colonel  Dummer,  second  in  comand  to  Burr, 
was  killed  ;  and,  soon  after,  at  a  moment  when  Colonel  Burr 
had  by  chance  thrown  his  leg  forward,  a  ball  struck  his  horse 
on  the  saddle-girth,  killed  the  animal  instantly,  and  tumbled 
his  rider  headlong  on  the  ground.  Burr  was  up  again  in  a 
moment  uninjured.  As  no  further  orders  arrived,  the  men  who 
had  crossed  the  bridge  rejoined  their  comrades ;  and  what 
their  commander  had  fondly  hoped  would  have  been  a  glorious 
and  successful  charge  resulted  in  confusion,  demoralization, 
and  loss.  Smarting  under  this  disappointment,  it  is  not  sur 
prising  that  Burr  should  have  warmly  taken  the  side  of  Gen 
eral  Lee  in  the  contest  which  ensued  between  that  officer  and 
General  Washington.  It  was  in  a  letter  to  Burr  that  Lee 
made  the  remark  frequently  quoted,  that  he  was  going  to 
resign  his  commission,  retire  to  Virginia,  and  learn  to  hoe 
tobacco,  "  which  I  find,"  said  the  irate  and  sarcastic  general, 
"  is  the  best  school  to  form  a  consummate  general." 

It  was  late  in  the  night  after  the  battle,  before  Colonel  Burr 
threw  himself  upon  the  ground  to  sleep.  What  with  the  heat, 
and  with  his  labors,  which  had  been  unremitted  for  forty  hours, 
he  was  completely  exhausted,  and  he  sank  into  so  profound  a 
sleep  that  he  had  lain  for  some  hours  in  the  morning  sun  be 
fore  he  awoke.  The  effect  of  this  exposure  was  extremely 
injurious.  On  getting  up  he  could  scarcely  walk,  so  stiffened 
were  his  limbs ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  day  worse  symptoms 
appeared.  His  constitution  did  not  recover  from  the  effects' 
of  those  days  and  nights  at  Monmouth  for  more  than  five 
years,  the  disease  having  finally  taken  the  form  of  chronic 
diarrhea,  from  which  his  abstemiousness  in  diet  at  length,  but 
very  gradually,  relieved  him.  During  the  rest  of  the  Mon 
mouth  campaign,  it  was  with  difficulty  and  pain  that  he  per 
formed  the  duties  of  his  command. 

Immediately  after  the  battle,  he  was  dispatched  by  General 


HE     COMMANDS      A      H  E  (i  I  M  K  N  T .  109 

Washington  to  move  about  in  the  vicinity  of  New  York,  to 
procure  information  respecting  the  motions  and  intentions  of 
the  enemy ;  which  latter  it  was  of  the  first  importance  to  as 
certain.  He  was  desired  "  to  send  one,  two,  or  three  trusty 
persons  over  to  the  city  to  get  the  reports,  the  newspapers, 
and  the  truth,  if  they  can,"  and  "  to  employ  three,  four  or 
more  persons  to  go  to  Bergen  Heights,  Weehawk,  Hoebuck, 
or  any  other  heights  thereabout,  convenient  to  observe  the 
motions  of  the  enemy's  shipping/'  This  commission  he  exe 
cuted  to  the  satisfaction  of  General  Washington,  and,  return 
ing  after  an  absence  of  some  weeks  to  the  main  body,  was 
ordered  to  march  with  his  regiment  to  West  Point,  "  with  all 
convenient  dispatch,  marching  ten  miles  a  day,  as  water  and 
ground  will  permit."  The  regiment,  however,  marched  with 
out  its  commanding  officer,  as  he  was  selected  by  General 
Washington  to  perform  the  delicate  duty  of  conducting  cer 
tain  influential  Tories  within  the  British  lines.  That  done,  he 
proceeded  to  West  Point,  his  health  being  then  completely 
broken. 

Finding  himself  in  the  autumn  quite  unfit  for  duty,  he  took 
a  short  leave,  and  spent  a  few  weeks  at  his  old  home  in  Eliza- 
bethtown,  greatly  to  the  improvement  of  his  health.  Assured 
that  nothing  but  some  months  of  repose  would  place  him  be 
yond  the  danger  of  relapse,  he  applied  to  General  Washing 
ton  for  leave  "  to  retire  from  pay  and  duty"  till  the  next  cam 
paign.  "  My  anxiety  to  be  out  of  pay,"  said  he,  "  arises  in  no 
measure  from  intention  or  wish  to  avoid  any  requisite  service. 
But  too  great  a  regard  to  malicious  surmises,  and  a  delicacy 
perhaps  censurable,  might  otherwise  hurry  me  unnecessarily 
into  service,  to  the  prejudice  of  my  health,  and  without  any 
advantage  to  the  public."  General  Washington  replied  that 
this  was  carrying  delicacy  a  little  too  far ;  it  was  not  custom 
ary,  and  it  would  be  unjust ;  and,  therefore,  while  he  had  the 
leave  asked  for,  his  pay  would  be  continued.  Upon  the  re 
ceipt  of  the  general's  reply,  Colonel  Burr  repaired  forthwith 
to  West  Point,  being  unwilling  to  accept  a  furlough  unless  his 
pay  was  intermitted. 

During  part  of  the  winter  he  was  the  officer  in  command  of 


110  LIFE     OF     AARON      BURR. 

that  important  post.  He  was  now  twenty-three  years  old,  but 
the  youthfulness  of  his  appearance  still  gave  rise  to  ludicrous 
incidents.  One  day,  while  he  was  at  West  Point,  a  farmer 
came  to  the  works,  and  asked  to  see  Colonel  Burr.  An  or 
derly  sergeant  conducted  him  to  the  apartment  where  Colonel 
Burr  was. 

"  Sir,"  said  the  farmer,  "  I  wish  to  see  Colonel  Burr,  as  I 
have  something  to  say  to  him." 

"  You  may  proceed,"  was  the  reply,  "  I  am  Colonel  Burr." 

The  countryman  looked  incredulous,  and  said,  "  I  suppose 
you  are  Colonel  Burr's  son." 

The  sentinel  at  the  door  overheard  this  colloquy,  and  Burr 
thus  acquired  the  nickname  in  the  regiment  of  Colonel 
son. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE    WESTCHESTER   LINES. 

CONDITION  OF  THE  COUNTRY  BEFORE  COLONEL  BITER  TOOK  TUB  COMMAND  —  SUPPRESS 
ES  PLUNDERING  —  His  HABITS  AS  A  SOLDIER  —  DESTROYS  THE  BLOCK  FORT  — 
LOVE  ADVENTURE  BY  NIGHT  —  RESIGNS  HIS  COMMISSION  —  TESTIMONY  OF  THE 
MEN  WHOM  HE  COMMANDED  —  ANECDOTES — INTERVIEW  WITH  MRS.  ARNOLD  AT 
PARAMCS — EFFECTS  OF  THE  WAR  UPON  HIS  CHARACTER  AND  FORTUNE. 

IN  January,  1779,  Colonel  Burr  was  appointed  to  a  post  of 
greater  importance  and  difficulty  than  any  he  had  previously 
held,  and  one  in  which  he  acquired  his  greatest  distinction  as 
a  soldier.  He  was  placed  in  command  of  the  "  lines"  in  West- 
chester  county,  New  York,  a  region  lying  between  the  posts  of 
the  British  at  Kingsbridge,  and  those  of  the  Americans  fifteen 
or  twenty  miles  above  them. 

This  district  of  country,  from  the  day  the  British  were  mas 
ters  of  the  city  of  New  York,  was  more  exposed  to  the  worst 
ravages  of  war  than  any  other  portion  of  the  United  States. 
A  gentleman  who  lived  in  it  during  the  first  five  years  of  the 
contest,  says  that  the  county  was  u  a  scene  of  the  deepest  dis 
tress.  From  the  Croton  to  Kingsbridge  every  species  of  rap 
ine  and  lawless  violence  prevailed.  No  man  went  to  his  bed 
but  under  the  apprehension  of  having  his  house  plundered  or 
burned,  and  himself  or  family  massacred  before  morning.  Some, 
under  the  character  of  Whigs,  plundered  the  Tories  ;  while 
others,  of  the  latter  description,  plundered  the  Whigs.  Par 
ties  of  marauders,  assuming  either  character  or  none,  as 
suited  their  convenience,  indiscriminately  assailed  both  Whigs 
and  Tories.  So  little  vigilance  was  used  on  our  part,  that  em 
issaries  and  spies  of  the  enemy  passed  and  repassed  without  in 
terruption."  What  added  to  the  evil  was,  that  the  lower  part 
of  the  county  contained  a  large  number  of  houses  of  consider 
able  pretension,  the  residences  of  wealthy  farmers  or  wealthier 


112  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUKR. 

citizens.      The  region  was  one  to   reward   enterprising  ma 
rauders. 

Colonel  Burr  entered  upon  the  command  of  the  "  lines" 
on  the  13th  of  January ;  his  head-quarters  being  at  White 
Plains,  twenty-seven  miles  above  the  city.  His  line  of  posts 
extended  from  the  Hudson  to  the  Sound,  fourteen  miles; 
White  Plains  being  midway  between  the  two  waters.  His 
great  objects  were  to  prevent  unlicensed  communication  with 
the  enemy,  to  keep  their  spies  from  reaching  the  upper  coun 
try,  and  to  put  a  stop  to  the  scenes  of  robbery  and  bloodshed 
for  which  the  region  wras  notorious. 

The  very  morning  on  which  he  assumed  the  command,  an 
occurrence  took  place  which  let  him  into  the  secret  of  the 
disorders.  On  his  arrival  in  camp,  a  few  days  before,  he  had 
discovered  that  of  all  the  duties  devolving  on  the  force  about 
to  be  under  his  command,  the  one  most  in  favor  with  officers 
and  with  privates,  with  regulars  and  with  militia,  was  scout 
ing  •  and  that  an  expedition  of  the  kind  was  then  on  foot,  to 
be  led  by  Colonel  Littlefield,  Burr's  predecessor.  Not  wish 
ing  to  begin  his  reign  with  an  ungracious  act  of  authority,  he 
did  not  countermand  the  proposed  excursion,  though  its  advis- 
ableness  was  by  no  means  apparent  to  him.  On  the  contrary, 
he  thought  it  ill-advised,  and  unnecessary.  Nevertheless,  on 
the  very  evening  before  he  entered  formally  upon  the  duties 
of  the  station,  Colonel  Littlefield,  with  his  scouting  party  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  set  out  from  White  Plains,  with 
the  ostensible  object  of  wratching  the  enemy's  movements  in 
the  neighborhood  of  New  Rochelle.  Colonel  Burr  was  most 
strenuous  in  urging  Littlefield  to  respect  the  property  of 
friend  and  foe.  The  party  were  gone  all  night.  In  the  morn 
ing,  to  the  equal  astonishment  and  disgust  of  Colonel  Burr, 
the  troops  came  straggling  in  loaded  with  plunder,  and  lead 
ing  horses  with  mountains  of  bedding,  blankets,  and  clothing 
on  their  backs.  Officers  and  men  seemed  equally  concerned 
in  the  robberies.  Before  the  party  had  been  in  an  hour, 
fanners  from  New  Rochelle  came  into  camp  complaining 
piteously  of  the  plunder  of  their  houses  and  stables,  asserting 
their  friendliness  to  the  patriotic  cause,  and  imploring  Colonel 


T  H  K     W  K  S  T  0  II  K  S  T  K  II      L  I  N  K  S  .  11 '\ 

Burr  to  restore  their  property.  "  Sir,"  wrote  that  officer  in 
his  report  to  General  McDougal,  "till  now,  I  never  wished 
for  arbitrary  power ;  I  could  gibbet  half  a  do/.en  good  Whigs 
with  all  the  venom  of  an  inveterate  Tory  !" 

Colonel  Burr's  resolution  was  instantly  taken.  The  plunder, 
as  it  came  in,  was  deposited  by  the  plunderers  in  a  certain 
spot,  to  await  an  equitable  division  among  the  zealous  party. 
Burr  seized  the  whole  of  it,  and  proceeded  immediately  to 
take  measures  for  its  restoration.  He  took  so  decided  a  stand 
on  the  occasion,  and  made  it  so  evident  that  he  was  in  earnest, 
and  that  he  was  a  man  to  be  obeyed,  that  this  affair,  appa 
rently  inauspicious,  was  the  beginning  of  a  new  order  of  things 
in  the  Westchester  lines.  For  the  time,  however,  he  was 
utterly  disgusted ;  particularly  when  he  found  that  the  offi 
cers,  nearly  to  a  man,  secretly  or  openly  favored  the  system 
of  plunder.  "  Truly  an  ominous  commencement,"  he  wrote 
to  his  general.  "  Is  this  the  jyromised  protection  f  I  read  in 
the  face  of  every  child  I  pass  ;  for  the  whole  honor  of  the  ex 
pedition  redounds  to  me.  I  now  perceive,"  he  added,  "from 
whence  arose  the  ardor  for  scouting."  The  old  general  ap 
proved  his  conduct,  but  advised  him  to  deal  tenderly  with  the 
plunderers,  "as  they  are  brave,  and  are  very  sore  by  the  plun 
dering  of  the  Tories." 

Burr  began  that  very  day  to  set  on  foot  a  new  system.  He 
rode  to  every  post  before  night  set  in,  and  announced  his  de 
termination  to  protect  all  the  peaceable  inhabitants  of  the 
county,  whether  Whig  or  Tory,  and  to  punish  all  marauders 
with  the  utmost  severity  of  military  law.  Any  officer  who  so 
much  as  connived  at  robbery  he  would  send  up  to  the  general's 
quarters  with  a  file  of  men,  the  hour  the  crime  was  discovered. 
He  began,  immediately,  to  make  out  a  list  of  all  the  inhabit 
ants  of  the  district,  and  divided  them  into  classes,  Tories, 
Whigs,  timid  Whigs,  spies,  horse-thieves,  and  others,  designat 
ing  each  by  certain  secret  marks  opposite  his  name.  He  also 
made  the  outline  of  a  map,  on  which,  as  his  knowledge  of  the 
country  increased,  he  marked  the  roads,  swamps,  creeks,  woods, 
hiding  places  and  by-paths,  which  might  be  made  available 
by  disatfected  persons  in  escaping  pursuit,  or  evading  ob- 


114  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

servation.  He  organized  the  respectable  young  men  of  the 
county  into  a  corps  of  horsemen,  to  serve  without  pay,  and  on 
special  services  when  summoned,  and  in  transmitting  intelli 
gence.  So  complete  and  efficient  a  system  of  videttes,  patrols, 
and  signals  was  established,  that  nothing  of  the  slightest  im 
portance  could  take  place  in  any  part  of  the  county  without 
immediate  information  of  it  being  dispatched  to  head-quarters. 
To  prevent  the  intrusion  of  the  enemy's  spies,  who  had  fre 
quently  come  to  head-quarters  on  frivolous  pretexts,  he  would 
not  allow  any  one  who  lived  below  his  line  of  posts  to  pass 
them,  but  appointed  a  few  well-known  persons  to  receive  their 
communications  and  complaints,  and  forward  them  to  head 
quarters.  Another  advantage  of  this  regulation  was,  that  it 
diminished  the  number  of  vexatious  applications  for  redress,  of 
slight  or  imaginary  grievances,  with  which  previous  command 
ers  had  been  beset. 

Colonel  Burr  soon  had  an  opportunity  of  showing  the 
troops  and  the  people  that  he  would  be  as  strict  in  enforcing 
his  regulations  as  he  was  ingenious  in  devising  them.  A  few 
days  after  the  affair  of  the  scouters,  the  house  of  one  Gedney 
was  robbed  by  night,  and  the  family  insulted  and  alarmed. 
The  next  morning,  a  son  of  Gedney,  disregarding  the  rule 
that  no  one  from  below  might  go  direct  to  head-quarters,  made 
his  way,  by  secret  paths,  to  Colonel  Burr,  and  laid  before  him 
his  complaint.  Burr's  first  act  was  to  order  the  young  man 
into  confinement  for  breaking  the  rule;  which  done,  he  bent 
all  his  energies  and  all  the  resources  of  his  system  to  the  de 
tection  of  the  plunderers.  He  rode  over  to  the  plundered 
house,  where  he  learned  that  the  marauders,  having  worn 
disguises,  had  not  been  recognized  by  Gedney  or  his  family. 
By  what  means  he  detected  them  was  unknown ;  but  before 
twenty-four  hours  had  elapsed,  every  man  of  the  party  had 
been  secured,  and  a  great  part  of  the  stolen  property  recov 
ered.  Upon  referring  to  his  register,  Colonel  Burr  found  that 
Gedney  was  a  Tory  ;  but  he  was  known  to  have  taken  no  active 
part  against  the  patriots ;  and  Burr  had  promised  that  all  such 
should  be  protected.  He  therefore  caused  the  robbers  to  be 
drawn  up  in  presence  of  the  troops,  laden  with  their  booty, 


THE     WESTCHESTER    LINES.  115 

and  then  had  them  conducted  by  a  company  of  soldiers  to 
Gedney's  house.  There,  he  required  them,  first,  to  restore 
the  stolen  goods ;  next,  to  pay  in  money  for  such  as  had  been 
lost  or  damaged ;  thirdly,  he  compelled  each  man  to  present 
Gedney  with  a  sum  of  money,  as  a  compensation  for  his  fright 
and  loss  of  time  ;  fourthly,  he  had  each  robber  tied  up  and 
flogged  ten  lashes ;  lastly,  he  made  each  of  them  ask  pardon 
of  the  old  man,  and  promise  good  behavior  in  future.  All 
these  things  were  done  with  the  utmost  deliberation  and  ex 
actness,  and  the  effects  produced  by  them  were  magical.  Not 
^another  house  was  plundered,  not  another  family  was  alarmed, 
while  Colonel  Burr  commanded  in  the  Westchester  lines.  The 
mystery  and  swiftness  of  the  detection,  the  rigor  and  fairness 
with  which  the  marauders  were  treated,  overawed  the  men 
whom  three  campaigns  of  lawless  warfare  had  corrupted,  and 
restored  confidence  to  the  people  who  had  passed  their  lives 
in  terror. 

That  Colonel  Burr  was  a  wizard  or  necromancer,  and  could 
tell  a  thief  by  looking  into  his  face,  was  the  firm  belief  of  a 
large  number  of  his  men  ;  an  opinion  which  received  frequent 
confirmation  from  the  remarkable  talent  he  possessed  for  hold 
ing  his  tongue  till  the  moment  arrived  for  speaking.  Among 
other  incidents,  the  following  was  adduced  as  a  proof  of  his 
supernatural  powers.  On  the  day  of  his  arrival  in  camp,  be 
fore  he  had  assumed  the  command,  and  before  he  had  estab 
lished  any  means  of  procuring  intelligence,  he  visited  all  the 
posts,  and  took  a  wide  survey  of  the  country.  On  his  return, 
he  said  to  a  lieutenant  whom  he  knew,  "  Drake,  that  post  on 
the  North  river  will  be  attacked  before  morning;  neither 
officers  nor  men  know  any  thing  of  their  duty  ;  you  must  go 
and  take  charge  of  it ;  keep  your  eyes  open,  or  you  will  have 
your  throat  cut."  Lieutenant  Drake  went,  and  the  event  proved 
as  Burr  had  predicted.  The  fort  was  attacked  that  night  by 
a  company  of  horse,  whom  Drake  repulsed,  with  loss  to  them 
and  honor  to  himself.  When  he  returned  next  morning  to 
head-quarters,  bearing  with  him  the  trophies  of  war,  and  told 
his  story  to  his  comrades,  every  one  wonderingly  asked,  how 
could  Burr  know  that  f 


116  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

The  habits  of  the  man,  too,  were  the  theme  of  admiration 
among  the  troops.  His  diet  was  simple  and  spare  in  the  ex 
treme  ;  he  slept  as  lightly  as  a  hare,  and  a  wonderfully  short 
time.  He  would  throw  himself  upon  a  couch  of  buffalo  skins, 
all  accoutered  as  he  was,  sometimes  without  even  taking  oif  his 
boots,  and  after  sleeping  an  hour  or  two,  would  spring  up, 
perfectly  awake  in  a  moment,  and,  calling  two  or  three  of  his 
trusty  horsemen,  mount  and  ride  from  post  to  post,  visiting 
every  guard  and  sentinel  of  his  command,  and  returning  at 
daylight  to  snatch  another  hour  of  sleep.  During  the  whole 
of  that  winter,  with  the  exception  of  two  nights,  when  he  was% 
very  differently  employed,  he  rode  from  sixteen  to  twenty- 
four  miles  every  night,  between  midnight  and  daylight,  chang 
ing  his  route  continually,  so  that  he  was  always  expected  at 
all  points;  and  if  at  any  time  he  was  less  expected  than  at  any 
other,  then,  of  all  other  times,  he  was  sure  to  present  himself. 
He  thus  at  every  station  exerted  the  spell  of  his  personal  pres 
ence,  and  every  man  acted  as  under  the  eye  of  his  commander. 
While  requiring  from  officers  and  men  an  amount  of  duty  and 
an  exact  obedience  to  which  they  had  never  before  been  ac 
customed,  he  was  not  less  particular  in  attending  to  their 
health,  comfort,  and  pleasure.  Their  clothing,  food,  lodgings, 
and  medicines,  were  objects  of  his  thoughtful  care,  and  he 
even  contrived  games  for  the  amusement  of  the  men  when  off 
duty. 

Men  treated  justly,  and  commanded  ably,  never  behave  in 
any  but  one  way,  and  that  is  gloriously  well.  The  troops 
under  command  of  Colonel  Burr  did  so.  They  caught  his 
spirit,  and  seconded  his  endeavors  with  enthusiasm.  During 
the  first  weeks  of  his  command,  there  were  several  contests 
with  gangs  of  horse-thieves  and  other  robbers,  in  which  the 
troops  fought  with  Burr's  own  intrepidity.  Once,  in  that 
winter,  Governor  Tryon  came  out  of  New  York  with  two 
thousand  men  for  the  purpose  of  driving  off  cattle,  and  of 
destroying  certain  salt-works  in  Westchester  county,  on  the 
shore  of  Long  Island  Sound.  Burr  received  instant  informa 
tion  of  this  formidable  movement,  and  sent  word  to  General 
Putnam,  who  was  then  nearer  the  enemy  than  himself,  that  if 


THE     W  E  S  T  C  II  ESTER     LINES.  117 

he  would  keep  them  at  bay  for  a  few  hours,  he  would  himself 
fall  upon  their  rear  and  give  a  good  account  of  them.  Burr 
set  out  immediately  with  all  his  force,  regular  and  irregular, 
and  marched  toward  the  Sound.  On  the  way  he  received  from 
General  Putnam  the  information  that  Tryon  had  turned  off 
toward  Connecticut ;  which  induced  Colonel  Burr  to  change 
the  direction  of  his  march.  A  few  hours  later,  he  learned 
that  this  information  was  erroneous,  when  he  again  altered 
his  course,  and  marched  with  such  rapidity  that  he  got  within 
cannon-shot  of  Governor  Tryon's  rear  before  night.  The 
British,  now  thoroughly  frightened,  made  off  with  such  celer 
ity  as  to  escape  Burr's  exhausted  force,  leaving  all  their  cattle 
and  plunder  behind  them,  and  a  large  number  of  stragglers. 

Soon  after  this  affair,  the  British  erected  a  block  fort  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  county,  which  Colonel  Burr  resolved  to 
destroy.  This  fort  was  in  the  enemy's  country,  within  a  few 
miles  of  a  post  where  some  thousands  of  the  British  troops 
were  quartered ;  and  it  was  therefore  necessary  to  effect  its 
destruction  with  little  noise,  and  with  great  dispatch.  Ac 
cording  to  his  custom,  Colonel  Burr  began  by  personally  and 
thoroughly  inspecting  the  edifice,  and  the  country  adjacent ; 
noting  accurately  the  distances,  and  measuring  with  his  eye  the 
height  of  the  port-holes.  Hand-gi  enades,  rolls  of  port-fire, 
canteens  filled  with  inflammable  materials,  and  short  ladders, 
were  next  provided  ;  and  a  number  of  men,  volunteers,  were 
carefully  instructed  in  the  use  of  those  agents  of  destruction. 
Forty  volunteers  were  to  form  the  party  of  attack,  twenty  of 
whom  carried  the  inflammables  and  the  ladders.  Early  in  the 
evening  the  expedition  left  camp,  and  reached  a  place  one  mile 
from  the  fort  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Here  the 
party  halted.  Colonel  Burr  now  disposed  of  his  men  so  as  to 
cut  off  the  escape  of  the  garrison,  and  ordered  Captain  Black, 
with  the  party  of  volunteers,  to  advance  silently  and  swiftly 
to  the  fort,  disregarding  the  challenge  of  the  sentinels,  to 
place  the  ladders,  and  throw  into  each  port-hole  a  mass  of  the 
combustibles  with  a  slow  match  attached.  The  plan  succeeded 
to  admiration.  Before  the  garrison  was  awake,  the  fort  was 
on  fire  past  extinguishing.  Hand-grenades  wrere  then  thrown 


118  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

into  the  upper  port-holes,  which  drove  the  troops  below.  In 
a  very  few  minutes  they  were  glad  enough  to  escape  from  the 
burning  house  and  surrender.  The  fort  was  completely  de 
stroyed,  and  Colonel  Burr  reached  camp  soon  after  daybreak, 
with  a  long  file  of  prisoners,  and  without  the  loss  of  a  single 
man  of  his  own  party.  The  success  of  this  little  enterprise, 
and  its  audacity,  gave  new  eclat  to  the  name  of  the  officer 
who  planned  it. 

Colonel  Burr's  night  rides  have  been  mentioned  above,  and 
an  allusion  made  to  the  fact  that  on  two  nights  of  the  winter 
he  was  otherwise  engaged.  The  story  of  his  adventures  on 
those  nights  he  used  to  tell  with  peculiar  pleasure,  and  it  is 
surprising  that  so  singular  a  narrative  should  not  have  been 
given  to  the  public  by  some  of  the  collectors  of  revolutionary 
incidents.  The  tale  strikingly  exemplifies  Burr's  executive 
talent. 

Over  the  Hudson  river,  fifteen  miles  or  more  from  the 
shore,  lived  the  beautiful  and  charming  Mrs.  Prevost.  From 
his  outpost  on  the  Hudson,  Colonel  Burr  could  see  the  hills 
among  which  nestled  the  home  of  this  beloved  family,  but  be 
tween  them  rolled  a  river,  two  miles  wide,  and  infested  with 
the  gun-boats  and  sloops  of  the  enemy,  while  beyond  it 
stretched  an  expanse  of  country,  held  sometimes  by  one 
party,  sometimes  by  the  other,  but  either  of  whom  would 
prevent  or  delay  the  progress  of  a  soldier  bound  on  an  errand 
of  love.  The  duties  of  Burr's  command,  too,  were  onerous 
and  incessant.  By  day,  he  was  an  autocratic  magistrate,  hear 
ing  complaints,  deciding  disputes,  writing  reports,  inspecting 
troops,  sending  off  prisoners,  purchasing  supplies.  We  see 
him  sending  up  a  number  of  prisoners  handcuffed  in  couples 
and,  as  they  start,  the  guard  being  greatly  outnumbered  by 
them,  he  sends  a  sergeant  along  the  line  to  cut  the  strings  of 
their  breeches,  which  obliged  them  to  employ  their  other  hand 
in  holding  up  that  important  garment.  Again,  he  writes  to 
the  general,  "  There  are  a  number  of  women  here  of  bad  char 
acter,  who  are  continually  running  to  New  York  and  back 
again ;  if  they  were  men,  I  should  flog  them  without  mercy." 
Then,  he  is  scouring  the  country,  far  and  near,  for  shoes,  for 


THE     W'ESTCHKSTEU     LINES.  119 

molasses,  for  wheat,  for  rum ;  which  last,  he  tells  the  general 
he  can  buy  at  White  Plains  at  twenty  dollars  a  gallon.  By 
night  he  was  riding  among  his  posts  and  sentinels,  knowing 
well  that  only  vigilance  like  his  kept  the  guards  from  being 
surprised ;  as  was  sufficiently  proved  when  that  vigilance  was 
withdrawn. 

Yet  in  spite  of  these  difficulties,  he  contrived  twice  during 
the  winter  to  visit  Paramus.  In  achieving  these  visits,  he 
equaled  Leander  in  daring,  and  surpassed  him  so  much  in  in 
genuity  as  to  get  over  his  Hellespont  with  a  dry  over-coat, 
and  to  go  glowing,  instead  of  dripping,  into  the  arms  of  his 
Hero.  Six  of  his  trustiest  troopers,  men  whom  he  knew  were 
devoted  to  him,  he  sent  early  in  the  evening  to  a  place  on  the 
banks  of  the  Hudson,  since  and  for  ever  made  classic  ground 
by  the  residence  of  Washington  Irving.  Under  the  lofty  bank 
of  the  river,  there  he  had  caused  an  ample  barge  to  be  moored, 
well  furnished  with  blankets  and  buffalo  skins.  Earlier  by 
some  hours  than  usual,  Burr  left  his  quarters  at  White  Plains, 
mounted  on  a  small,  swift  horse,  and  galloped  rapidly  to  the 
river  side,  visiting  posts  and  sentries  as  he  went.  His  perfect 
manner  of  procuring  intelligence  had  made  him  certain  that 
nothing  requiring  his  presence  would  occur  before  morning, 
yet  he  provided  for  every  probability  and  possibility  of  dan 
ger,  and  for  any  unforeseen  delay  that  might  occur  in  his  re 
turn.  At  nine  in  the  evening,  his  faithful  troopers  at  the  barge 
heard  the  clattering  of  hoofs,  and  in  a  moment  their  command 
er  stood  in  their  midst,  bridle  in  hand.  Instantly,  and  with 
out  the  interchange  of  a  syllable,  the  girth  was  unloosened, 
ropes  were  adjusted  about  the  body  of  the  panting  steed,  and, 
by  the  method  well  known  to  farriers,  the  animal  was  gently 
thrown  and  bound  ;  then  lifted  by  main  strength  and  placed 
on  the  bed  provided  for  him  in  the  boat.  Burr  stepped 
aboard ;  the  men  plied  the  muffled  oars  with  a  will ;  and, 
within  half  an  hour,  the  boat  grazed  the  opposite  shore.  In 
the  same  silence,  and  with  the  same  celerity,  as  before,  the 
horse  was  lifted  out,  unbound,  and  got  upon  his  feet.  A  little 
rubbing  and  walking  up  and  down  restored  the  animal  to  his 
wonted  condition.  The  boat  was  drawn  snugly  up  on  the 


120  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

shore ;  the  men  laid  down  in  the  bottom  of  it  to  sleep  ;  while 
Burr  mounted  and  rode  rapidly  away  up  the  hill  toward  the 
home  of  his  heart.  Before  midnight,  he  was  there.  Two  hours 
of  bliss  flew  fast — how  swiftly,  lovers  know.  Then  again 
to  horse.  About  four  in  the  morning,  he  was  with  his  faithful 
crew  on  the  river's  bank,  when  the  poor  nag  was  astonished 
once  more  in  the  manner  just  described,  and  the  party  re- 
crossed  the  river.  Arrived  on  the  other  side,  Colonel  Burr 
mounted,  rode  over  to  camp,  which  was  seven  miles  from  the 
river,  challenging  sentinels,  visiting  posts,  and  comporting  him 
so  exactly  in  his  usual  manner,  that  not  the  slightest  suspicion 
arose  of  the  singular  way  in  which  he  had  passed  the  night.  A 
little  before  daylight,  quite  in  his  accustomed  style,  he  gave  up 
his  horse  and  threw  himself  upon  his  couch.  Except  the  two  or 
three  individuals  to  whom  the  secret  was  necessarily  confided, 
not  a  man  even  of  those  who  had  aided  him,  knew  the  object 
of  that  night  excursion.  Twice,  as  before  stated,  he  visited 
Mrs.  Prevost  in  the  same  manner,  and  with  equal  success, 
while  he  commanded  the  lines  of  Westchester. 

But  no  constitution  could  long  bear  such  exhausting  efforts, 
and  Burr's  was  seriously  impaired  when  he  began  them.  As 
the  spring  drew  on,  the  attacks  of  his  disease  became  more  fre 
quent,  and  he  was  compelled  to  the  conclusion  that  only  a  very 
long  period  of  repose  could  render  him  fit  for  the  duties  of 
a  campaign.  On  the  10th  of  March,  1779,  he  wrote  to  Gen 
eral  Washington  resigning  his  commission,  giving  as  the  rea 
son,  his  physical  inability  to  perform  the  duties  of  his  com 
mand.  General  Washington,  in  accepting  his  resignation, 
observed  that  "he  not  only  regretted  the  loss  of  a  good 
officer,  but  the  cause  which  made  his  resignation  necessary." 
And  so,  after  four  years  of  active  service,  Colonel  Burr  ceased 
to  belong  to  the  army. 

What  occurred  in  Westchester  after  his  retirement  shows 
in  a  striking  light  the  value  of  his  services  there.  Samuel 
Young,  who  lived  in  the  county  during  the  war,  and  was  one 
of  Burr's  troop  of  irregular  horse,  and  after  the  peace  held  the 
office  of  surrogate,  writes  with  more  minuteness  on  this  point 
than  any  other  of  Burr's  fellow-soldiers.  He  says  that  during 


THE     WESTC II  ESTER     LINES.  121 

the  period  of  Burr's  command,  only  two  attempts  were  made 
by  the  enemy  to  surprise  our  guards,  in  both  of  which  they 
were  defeated  ;  but  after  he  left,  Colonel  Thompson,  "  a  man 
of  approved  bravery,"  succeeded,  and,  in  open  day,  the  enemy 
surprised  him  at  head-quarters,  took  him  prisoner,  killed  or 
captured  all  his  men,  except  about  thirty,  who  ran  away. 
Soon  after,  Mr.  Young's  father's  house  was  burned  by  a  party 
of  the  enemy ;  and,  ere  long,  the  American  lines  were  moved 
twenty  miles  beyond  those  which  Burr  had  so  completely  de 
fended.  And  even  there  the  posts  were  not  safe  from  sur 
prise.  The  next  year  Colonel  Green,  who  then  commanded  in 
Uhe  lines,  and  had  his  head-quarters  near  the  Croton  river, 
was  attacked  and  killed,  together  with  his  second  in  com 
mand,  and  a  large  number  of  officers  and  men. 

Mr.  Young  concludes  a  long  narrative  of  Colonel  Burr's 
achievements  in  Westchester  county,  in  the  following  words : 
"  Having  perused  what  I  have  written,  it  does  not  appear  to 
me  that  I  have  conveyed  any  adequate  idea  of  Burr's  military 
character.  It  may  be  aided  a  little  by  reviewing  the  effects 
he  produced.  The  troops  of  which  he  took  command  were, 
at  the  time  he  took  the  command,  undisciplined,  negligent, 
and  discontented.  Desertions  were  frequent.  In  a  few  days 
these  very  men  were  transformed  into  brave  and  honest  de 
fenders  ;  orderly,  contented,  and  cheerful ;  confident  in  their 
own  courage,  and  loving  to  adoration  their  commander,  whom 
every  man  considered  as  his  personal  friend.  It  was  thought 
a  severe  punishment,  as  well  as  disgrace,  to  be  sent  up  to  the 
camp,  where  they  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  lounge  and  eat 
their  rations.  During  the  whole  of  this  command  there  was 
not  a  single  desertion,  not  a  single  death  by  sickness,  not 
one  made  prisoner  by  the  enemy ;  for  Burr  had  taught  us 
that  a  soldier  with  arms  in  his  hands  ought  never,  under  any 
circumstances,  to  surrender  ;  no  matter  if  he  was  opposed  to 
thousands,  it  was  his  duty  to  fight.  After  the  first  ten  days 
there  was  not  a  single  instance  of  robbery.  The  whole  coun 
try  under  his  command  enjoyed  security.  The  inhabitants, 
to  express  their  gratitude,  frequently  brought  presents  of  such 
articles  as  the  country  afforded  ;  but  Colonel  Burr  would  ac- 


122  LIFE     OF     A  All  UN     BUKK. 

cept  no  present.  He  fixed  reasonable  prices,  and  paid  in  cash 
for  every  thing  that  was  received,  and  sometimes,  I  know,  that 
these  payments  were  made  with  his  own  money.  Whether 
these  advances  were  repaid,  I  know  not.  Colonel  Simcoe,  one 
of  the  most  daring  and  active  partisans  in  the  British  army, 
was,  with  Colonels  Emerick  and  Delancey,  opposed  to  Burr  on 
the  lines,  yet  they  were  completely  held  in  check.  But  per 
haps  the  highest  eulogy  on  Colonel  Burr  is,  that  no  man  could 
be  found  capable  of  executing  his  plans,  though  the  example 
was  before  them.  When  Burr  left  the  lines  a  sadness  over 
spread  the  country,  and  the  most  gloomy  forebodings  were  too 
soon  fulfilled." 

Richard  Platt,  who  was  adjutant-general  to  General  McDou- 
gal  at  the  time,  speaks  of  Colonel  Burr's  conduct  in  similar 
terms.  The  officers,  the  soldiers,  and  the  inhabitants,  he  says, 
though  all  unknown  to  Colonel  Burr  before,  "  were  inspired 
with  confidence  by  a  system  of  consummate  skill,  astonishing 
vigilance,  and  extreme  activity,  which,  in  like  manner,  made 
such  an  impression  on  the  enemy,  that  after  an  unsuccessful 
attack  on  one  of  his  advanced  posts,  he  never  made  any  other 
attack  on  our  lines  during  the  winter.  His  humanity,  and 
constant  regard  to  the  security  of  the  property  and  persons  of 
the  inhabitants  from  injury  and  insult,  were  not  less  conspicu 
ous  than  his  military  skill.  No  man  was  insulted  or  disturbed. 
The  health  of  the  troops  was  perfect.  Not  a  desertion  during 
the  whole  period  of  his  command,  nor  a  man  made  prisoner, 
although  the  colonel  was  constantly  making  prisoners.  A 
country,  which  for  three  years  before  had  been  a  scene  of  rob 
bery,  cruelty,  and  murder,  became  at  once  the  abode  of  secu 
rity  arid  peace.  Though  his 'powers  were  despotic,  they  were 
exercised  only  for  the  peace,  the  security,  and  the  protection 
of  the  surrounding  country  and  its  inhabitants." 

Colonel  Burr  had  not  yet  done  with  war.  In  June,  when 
a  large  force  of  British  troops  seemed  to  threaten  West  Point, 
Colonel  Burr  was  at  Newburg,  a  guest  of  General  McDou- 
gal,  who  was  in  great  alarm  because  of  his  repeated  failures  to 
get  word  to  General  Washington  of  the  movements  of  the  en 
emy.  The  English  general  had  stationed  troops  and  Tories  in 


THE     WESTCIIESTEll     LINES.  123 

the  passes  of  the  mountains,  who  captured  or  killed  the  mes 
sengers.  In  these  circumstances,  General  McDougal,  who 
well  knew  Burr's  ability,  requested  him,  as  a  personal  favor, 
to  undertake  the  mission.  Colonel  Burr,  sick  as  he  was,  and 
dangerous  as  was  the  errand,  consented,  and  succeeded.  He 
carried  no  written  dispatch,  but  gave  General  Washington  a 
verbal  account  of  the  critical  position  of  affairs,  which  induced 
him  to  march  forthwith  toward  the  Highlands. 

In  making  the  journey  across  Orange  county,  he  had  a 
ludicrous  contest  with  a  mule,  which  he  was  fond  of  describ 
ing  for  the  amusement  of  children  ever  after.  The  country 
had  been  swept  of  its  horses,  and  arriving  at  the  Townsend 
iron  works  with  his  horse  completely  worn  out,  he  could  pro 
cure  no  substitute  but  a  half-broken  mule  called  "  Independ 
ence,"  notorious  for  its  obstinate  and  vicious  disposition.  There 
was  no  choice  but  to  attempt  this  animal ;  and,  accordingly, 
Burr,  in  the  presence  of  a  number  of  the  country  people, 
mounted,  and  urged  him  onward.  The  mule  was  true  to  his 
name,  and  would  not  move.  The  rider  whipped  and  spurred, 
the  by-standers  pulled  and  shouted,  the  mule  kicked  and 
reared.  After  a  minute  or  two  of  these  proceedings,  the  in 
furiated  beast  bolted  from  the  crowd,  and  ran  up  a  steep 
bank,  and  reached  the  top  before  his  rider  could  stop  him. 
On  arriving  there,  Burr  managed  to  turn  him  round,  and  was 
trying  every  argument  to  induce  him  to  descend,  when  the 
mule  appeared  suddenly  to  conceive  an  idea.  About  half  way 
down  the  hill  there  was  a  platform,  with  a  large  opening  in  it, 
through  which  charcoal  was  accustomed  to  be  "  shot,"  a  pro 
digious  heap  of  which  had  accumulated  below  on  the  side  of 
the  hill.  The  mule,  with  malice  in  his  mind,  made  for  this 
aperture,  and  leaped  through  it  upon  the  coal.  But  the  rider 
was  not  to  be  thrown  so  easily  ;  and  down  the  mountain  of 
charcoal,  the  mule  and  the  man  slowly  slid  together,  amid 
clouds  of  dust,  and  the  laughter  of  the  crowd.  When  they 
reached  the  bottom,  the  animal  showed  signs  of  being  more 
tractable,  and,  after  being  led  a  mile  or  two,  went  perfectly 
well ;  and  was  ever  after  a  tolerably  behaved  mule. 

journey  cost  him  dear.     He  went  immediately  after  to 


124  LIFEOFAABONBUBB. 

Connecticut,  where,  at  New  Haven,  he  was  compelled  to  take 
to  his  bed,  and  spend  some  days  in  complete  quiet.  While 
still  extremely  debilitated,  he  heard  of  the  landing  of  two 
thousand  of  the  enemy's  troops,  one  thousand  at  East  Haven, 
and  the  others  at  West  Haven.  Governor  Tryon,  Burr's  old 
acquaintance,  commanded  the  force  which  landed  at  East 
Haven,  where  he  distinguished  himself,  in  his  usual  style,  by 
setting  the  town  on  fire  and  allowing  his  men  to  commit  dis 
graceful  excesses.  The  people  of  New  Haven  were  in  dread 
ful  alarm.  The  women  and  children  were  hurried  from  the 
town.  The  roads  leading  to  the  country  were  crowded  with 
fugitives  and  vehicles,  hastily  loaded  with  household  goods. 
Hearing  that  the  enemy  were  actually  approaching,  Colonel 
Burr  rose  from  his  bed,  dressed  himself,  and  proceeded  to  a 
part  of  the  town  where  he  was  informed  the  militia  of  the 
place  had  assembled.  Finding  them  panic-stricken  and  about 
to  fly,  he  addressed  them,  and  offered  to  lead  them  against 
the  enemy ;  but  terror  possessed  their  souls,  and  in  a  few 
minutes  the  whole  body  melted  away  and  vanished  from  the 
scene.  He  was  then  told  that  the  students  of  Yale  College 
had  organized  themselves  into  military  companies,  and  were 
now  drawn  up  on  the  College  green.  He  galloped  to  the  spot, 
and  reining  up  his  horse  in  front  of  the  youthful  corps,  he  told 
them  who  he  was,  urged  them  to  set  an  example,  to  march 
out  against  the  ruthless  foe,  and  defend  the  rights  of  which 
they  would  soon  become  the  inheritors,  or  the  loss  of  which  it 
would  soon  be  theirs  to  deplore.  The  exploits  of  Aaron  Burr 
were  familiar  at  least  to  every  young  man  in  New  England ; 
and  when,  at  the  conclusion  of  his  speech,  Colonel  Burr  asked 
them  to  receive  him  as  their  leader,  and,  under  his  command, 
attack  the  enemy,  there  wras  no  hesitation  or  faltering  among 
them.  They  marched  into  the  town,  where  they  were  joined 
by  a  small  body  of  militia,  and  then  advanced  boldly  toward 
the  enemy.  On  coming  near  them,  some  shots  were  ex 
changed,  and  Governor  Tryon,  not  knowing  how  great  a  force 
might  be  opposed  to  him,  halted,  and  then  fell  back  a  little  to 
wait  for  his  artillery.  Colonel  Burr  thus  kept  him  from  ad 
vancing  for  three  or  four  priceless  hours,  during  which  all  the 


THE    WESTC  HESTER     LINES.  125 

women  and  children,  the  sick,  and  immense  quantities  of  valu 
able  property  were  removed  to  places  of  safety.  When,  at 
length,  Tryon,  with  all  his  force,  began  again  to  move  toward 
the  town,  Burr  led  off  his  regiment  of  boys  in  excellent  order. 
The  old  soldier  delighted  to  tell  this  little  story.  He  was  a 
lover  of  young  life,  and  proud  of  the  confidence  which  the 
young  ever  reposed  in  him.  Nothing  in  his  military  career 
gave  him  such  pleasure  to  look  back  upon  as  this  compara 
tively  trivial  incident. 

The  excitement  of  this  adventure  sustained  him  while  it 
lasted,  but  he  dismounted  from  his  horse  only  to  go  again  to 
his  bed.  During  the  succeeding  autumn  and  winter  he  did 
little  but  take  care  of  his  shattered  constitution,  and  form 
plans  for  the  prosecution  of  his  legal  studies. 

In  the  summer  of  1780  he  was  in  New  Jersey  once  more, 
and  making  such  frequent  visits  to  the  house  of  Mrs.  Prevost, 
as  to  excite  a  general  belief  among  his  friends  that  he  was 
paying  his  court  to  the  sister  of  that  lady,  Miss  De  Visme. 
Colonel  Troup,  as  we  read  in  one  of  his  letters,  tells  Burr  in 
June  of  this  year,  that  the  Miss  Livingstons  had  inquired 
about  him  in  a  very  friendly  manner,  and  since  he  had  been 
with  them,  he  had  had  an  opportunity  of  removing  the  sus 
picion  they  had  of  his  courting  Miss  Visme.  "  They  believe 
nothing  of  it  now,"  adds  Colonel  Troup,  "  and  attribute  your 
visits  to  Paramus  to  motives  of  friendship  for  Mrs.  Prevost 
and  the  family.  Wherever  I  am,  and  can  with  propriety,  you 
may  be  sure  I  shall  represent  this  matter  in  its  true  light." 
From  this  it  would  appear  that  Colonel  Burr  had  not  yet  con 
fided  his  real  object  to  his  friends,  of  whom  Colonel  Troup 
was  then  one  of  the  most  intimate ;  and  remained  such, 
through  all  vicissitudes,  for  nearly  seventy  years. 

In  September,  it  was  Colonel  Burr's  fortune  to  witness  at 
the  house  of  Mrs.  Prevost  a  memorable  scene. 

The  news  of  Arnold's  treason  was  flying  in  awful  whispers 
over  the  country.  Soon  after  the  first  shock  of  the  discovery, 
came  touching  descriptions  of  Mrs.  Arnold's  grief  at  her  hus 
band's  crime,  of  which,  it  was  universally  believed,  she  had 
been  ignorant  up  to  the  moment  of  his  flight  from  West 


126  LIFE     OP     AAKON     SURE. 

Point.  The  historic  reader  is  familiar  with  Hamilton's  high- 
flown  narrative  of  the  scene  which  transpired  under  his  own 
eyes. 

"  Arnold,  a  moment  before  setting  out,"  wrote  Hamilton  to 
Colonel  Laurcns,  "  went  into  Mrs.  Arnold's  apartment,  and 
informed  her  that  some  transactions  had  just  come  to  light 
which  must  for  ever  banish  him  from  his  country.  She  fell 
into  a  swoon  at  this  declaration ;  and  he  left  her  in  it  to  con 
sult  his  own  safety,  till  the  servants,  alarmed  at  her  cries, 
came  to  her  relief.  She  remained  frantic  all  day ;  accusing 
every  one  who  approached  her  with  an  intention  to  murder 
her  child  (an  infant  in  her  arms)  ;  and  exhibiting  every  other 
mark  of  the  most  genuine  and  agonizing  distress.  Exhausted 
by  the  fatigue  and  tumult  of  her  spirits,  her  frenzy  subsided 
toward  evening,  and  she  sank  into  all  the  sadness  of  affliction. 
It  was  impossible  not  to  have  been  touched  with  her  situation. 
Every  thing  aflecting  in  female  tears,  or  in  the  misfortunes  of 
beauty  ;  every  thing  pathetic  in  the  wounded  tenderness  of  a 
wife,  or  in  the  apprehensive  fondness  of  a  mother ;  and,  till  I 
have  reason  to  change  the  opinion,  every  thing  amiable  in  the 
suiferings  of  innocence ;  conspired  to  make  her  an  object  of 
sympathy  to  all  who  were  present.  She  experienced  the  most 
delicate  attention,  and  every  friendly  office,  till  her  departure 
for  Philadelphia." 

This  was  the  romantic  falsehood  of  the  affair.  It  was  fitted 
to  deceive  the  good-hearted  Hamilton,  who  was  then  himself 
a  lover,  and  therefore  full  of  tenderness  for  all  women ;  and 
the  story  was  one  which  a  young  gentleman  of  a  rhetorical 
turn,  and  who  indeed  owred  his  advancement  to  "  the  flowers 
of  his  pen,"  would  delight  to  tell.  It  fell  to  Burr's  lot  to  be 
come  acquainted  with  the  repulsive  truth.  He  was  sitting  one 
evening  with  Mrs.  Prevost,  when  the  approach  of  a  party  of 
horse  was  heard,  and  soon  after,  a  lady  vailed,  and  attired  in 
a  riding-habit,  burst  into  the  room,  and  hurrying  toward  Mrs. 
Prevost,  was  on  the  point  of  addressing  her.  Seeing  a  gen 
tleman  present  whom,  in  the  dim  light  of  the  apartment,  she 
did  not  recognize,  she  paused,  and  asked  in  an  anxious  tone, 

"  Am  I  safe  ?     Is  this  gentleman  a  friend  ?" 


THE     WESTCHESTKE     LINES.  127 

"  Oh,  yes,"  was  Mrs.  Prevost's  reply,  "  he  is  ray  most  partic 
ular  friend,  Colonel  Burr." 

"Thank  God !"  exclaimed  Mrs.  Arnold,  for  she  it  was; 
"I've  been  playing  the  hypocrite,  and  I'm  tired  of  it." 

She  then  gave  an  account  of  the  way  she  had  deceived 
General  Washington,  Colonel  Hamilton,  and  the  other  Amer 
ican  officers,  who,  she  said,  believed  her  innocent  of  the  trea 
son,  and  had  given  her  an  escort  of  horse  from  West  Point. 
She  made  no  scruple  of  confessing  the  part  she  had  borne  in 
the  negotiations  with  the  British  general,  and  declared  it  was 
she  who  had  induced  her  husband  to  do  what  he  had  done. 
She  passed  the  night  at  Paramus,  taking  care  to  resume  her 
acting  of  the  outraged  and  frantic  woman,  whenever  strangers 
were  present.  Colonel  Burr's  relations  with  the  Shippen 
family,  of  which  Mrs.  Arnold  was  a  member,  had  been  of  the 
most  intimate  character  from  childhood.  They  had  been  his 
father's  friends  ;  and  the  orphan  boy  had  been  taken  from  his 
mother's  grave  to  their  home  in  Philadelphia.  He  stood 
toward  this  fascinating,  false-hearted  woman  almost  in  the 
light  of  a  younger  brother,  and  he  kept  her  secret  until  she 
was  past  being  harmed  by  the  telling  of  it. 

With  this  scene  the  history  of  Colonel  Burr's  military 
career  may  fitly  close.  He  had  borne  well  his  part  in  the 
revolutionary  struggle.  That  combination  of  qualities  and  de 
fects  which  fits  a  man  to  be  a  successful  military  commander, 
he  possessed  in  a  more  remarkable  degree,  perhaps,  than  any 
other  American  who  has  won  distinction  in  war.  If  he  had 
been  as  much  in  the  eye  of  Napoleon  as  he  was  in  Washing 
ton's,  the  emperor  would  have  made  a  marshal  of  him,  and  he 
would  have  shared  with  Napoleon  his  splendid  immortality. 
But  for  that,  as  for  so  much  else,  Aaron  Burr  had  the  misfor 
tune  to  be  born  on  the  wrong  continent. 

During  the  four  years  of  his  connection  with  the  army,  his 
fortune  was  greatly  impaired.  Every  officer  who  had  any 
thing  to  lose,  suifered  in  his  circumstances  in  the  Revolution, 
and  Burr  more  than  most.  He  had  the  popular  and  fatal 
vice  of  improvidence.  At  the  age  when  Washington  was 
earning  three  guineas  a  day  in  the  woods,  glad  of  the  oppor- 


128  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BTJKR. 

tunity  to  do  so,  and  rather  proud  of  the  fact  than  otherwise, 
Burr  was  spending,  with  inconsiderate  generosity,  the  capital 
of  his  patrimony.  With  amazing  talents  for  gaining  money, 
he  had  an  equally  wonderful  facility  for  getting  rid  of  it.  It 
slipped  through  his  fingers  ;  it  ran  out  of  his  pocket ;  it  would 
not  stay  with  him.  To  see  a  fellow-soldier  in  distress,  and  to 
empty  his  purse  for  his  relief,  were  simultaneous  actions  with 
him. 

Nor  did  he  spare  expense  in  forwarding  any  scheme  of  his 
own,  whether  of  pleasure  or  advantage.  From  his  corre 
spondence  at  this  time,  it  is  plain  that  he  was  a  frequent 
lender  of  money  to  embarrassed  friends.  Colonel  Troup  tells 
him  on  one  occasion  that  he  had  received  from  Mr.  Edwards 
a  thousand  pounds  of  Burr's  money,  a  part  of  which,  says 
Troup,  I  shall  take  the  liberty  of  borrowing,  and  send  the 
rest  to  the  owner.  Ogden,  as  we  have  seen,  sells  Burr's  horse, 
and  writes  to  him  that  he  can  not  send  him  the  proceeds,  for 
the  excellent  reason  that  he  has  spent  them.  These  are  fair 
examples  of  Burr's  looseness  in  affairs  pecuniary.  It  is  a 
pleasant  way  enough  while  the  money  lasts ;  but  it  never  does 
last.  No  fortune  can  stand  the  drain  of  an  uncalculating  im 
providence.  And  a  worse  feature  of  the  case  is,  that  a  man 
who  is  careless  of  meum  is  in  frightful  danger  of  losing  some 
portion  of  his  regard  for  tuum,  also.  "The  worth  and  dignity 
of  gold,"  was  one  of  the  regenerating  phrases  with  which 
Goethe  set  right  his  age.  The  strong,  slow  characters  that 
support  the  social  fabric,  know  its  truth  by  an  instinct  which 
they  too  often  want  who  adorn,  and  cheer,  who  move  and  ad 
vance  the  race. 

Generous  we  may  truly  call  Colonel  Burr.  But  there  is  a 
nobler  generosity  than  that  exercised  by  him  ;  it  is  allied  with 
frugality,  and  becomes  possible  through  frugality.  Burr  was, 
at  all  periods  of  his  life,  extremely  liable  to  be  imposed  upon, 
His  feelings  were  easily  moved ;  his  acuteness  utterly  failed 
him  the  moment  his  tenderness  was  awakened ;  and  he  gave 
freely  of  what  he  never  really  felt  the  value  to  relieve  dis 
tresses  which  he  could  not  witness  without  pain. 

Another  tendency  of  his  nature  was  strengthened  by  the 


THE     WESTCHESTEB     LINES.  129 

war.  It  is  the  soldier's  art  to  instantly  adapt  means  to  ends ; 
it  is  his  duty,  by  all  means,  to  gain  his  ends.  His  object,  the 
destruction  of  the  enemy,  is  simple,  obvious,  unmistakable ; 
and,  in  compassing  it,  he  not  merely  may,  but  must,  be  deaf 
to  the  cry  of  anguish.  He  is  not  merely  released  from  the 
moral  restraints  of  peace,  but  he  is  obliged  to  trample  them 
under  foot.  He  destroys  without  compunction ;  he  kills  with 
out  compassion.  His  mind  is  fixed  upon  his  object  /  he  burns 
merely  to  succeed.  Victory  alone,  victory  always,  is  accepted 
as  proof  of  his  ability.  But  in  peace  it  is  not  always  glorious 
to  succeed  ;  for  then  we  estimate  success  chiefly  by  the  means 
used  to  attain  it. 

Aaron  Burr,  like  his  father  before  him,  was  a  man  who  had 
by  nature  a  marvelous  faculty  of  bringing  things  to  pass.  He 
saw  his  object  with  eagle  clearness  and  he  had  a  wonderful 
intuitive  sense  of  the  means,  and  all  the  means,  and,  particu 
larly,  the  readiest  means,  by  which  that  object  could  be 
reached.  This  faculty  will  be  abundantly  exemplified  by-and- 
by.  It  is  alluded  to  here,  merely  for  the  purpose  of  suggest 
ing  that  four  years  of  a  soldier's  life  may  have  had  the  two 
fold  effect,  first,  of  intensifying  his  perception  of  objects  to  be 
gained,  and,  secondly,  of  diminishing  his  scrupulousness  with 
regard  to  the  use  of  means. 


CHAPTER     IX. 

ADMISSION    TO    THE    BAR,     AND    MARRIAGE. 

THE  AMERICAN  BAR  BEFORE  THE  REVOLUTION — BURK  BESUMES  HIS  LEGAL  STUDIES — His 
CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  MRS.  PREVOST — ADMISSION  TO  THE  BAR — CHARACTER  OK  MRS. 
PREVOST— THEIR  MARRIAGE— REMOVAL  TO  NEW  YORK. 

NEXT  to  war,  the  law  had  been,  from  an  early  period  in 
the  history  of  the  colonies,  the  favorite  profession  with  their 
young  men  of  spirit.  John  Adams,  in  1756,  when  he  had 
just  begun  his  legal  studies,  writes  to  a  friend  in  justification 
of  the  choice  he  had  made  of  a  profession.  One  of  his  reasons 
was,  that  "  the  students  in  the  law  are  very  numerous,  and 
some  of  them  youths  of  which  no  country,  no  age,  would 
need  to  be  ashamed.  And  if,"  he  adds,  "  I  can  gain  the  honor 
of  treading  in  the  rear,  and  silently  admiring  the  noble  air 
and  gallant  achievements  of  the  foremost  rank,  I  shall  think 
myself  worthy  of  a  louder  triumph  than  if  I  had  headed  the 
whole  army  of  orthodox  ministers."  After  the  termination  of 
the  old  French  war,  the  law  began  to  be  a  lucrative  profes 
sion  also.  Joseph  Reed,  of  Philadelphia,  writing  in  1767, 
when  he  had  been  but  two  years  at  the  bar,  mentioned 
that  his  professional  income  was  a  thousand  pounds  a  year. 
He  was,  no  doubt,  unusually  fortunate.  But,  at  that  time, 
there  were  not  many  occupations  carried  on  in  the  colonies,  in 
the  exercise  of  which,  a  young  man  of  two  years'  standing, 
could  have  earned  so  much. 

The  legal  system,  was,  of  course,  in  all  respects,  that  of  the 
mother  country.  The  wig  and  gown  were  worn  by  lawyers 
and  judges ;  and  much  is  implied  in  that  trivial  circumstance. 
Young  men  of  fortune  thought  their  studies  incomplete  until 
they  had  resided  two  years  at  one  of  the  Inns  of  Court 
in  London.  In  the  Temple  Church  may  still  be  seen,  or 


ADMISSION     TO     THE     BAR,     AND     MARRIAGE.       131 

^ 

might,  a  few  years  ago,  some  tablets  erected  to  the  memory 
of  American  students  who  died  while  pursuing  their  studies 
in  London  before  the  Revolution.  If  Aaron  Burr  had  come 
upon  the  stage  of  action  a  few  years  earlier,  it  is  likely  enough 
that,  with  his  pecuniary  means,  he  would  have  sought,  by  such 
a  residence  abroad,  to  have  hastened  his  ascent  to  the  highest 
walks  of  the  profession  at  home.  For  it  was  a  great  thing, 
and  an  honorable,  in  those  days,  even  to  have  seen  the  coun 
try  which  the  colonists  were  proud  to  call  their  own. 

For  eighteen  months  after  leaving  the  army,  Colonel  Burr 
was  an  invalid,  and  he  did  little  but  visit  his  friends,  read 
French,  write  letters,  and  wait  upon  Mrs.  Prevost.  In  the 
autumn  of  1780,  his  health  having  greatly  improved,  he  be 
gan  to  study  law  in  earnest,  under  Judge  Patterson,  of  New 
Jersey.  Judge  Patterson  was  a  thorough  lawyer,  and  desired 
to  make  his  pupils  such,  by  grounding  them  well  in  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  law,  and  not  till  afterward  instructing  them  in 
the  practice.  Burr  desired  to  reverse  this  order,  and  acquire 
the  practice  first.  There  were  reasons  why  lie  wished  to 
hurry  into  the  practice  of  his  profession  :  he  was  in  love  ;  his 
purse  needed  replenishing,  or  would  soon  need  it ;  and  it  was 
certain,  that  if  the  independence  of  the  colonies  were  secured, 
of  which  there  seemed  little  doubt,  Whig  lawyers  would  mo 
nopolize  the  business  of  the  profession,  and  the  offices  to  which 
the  profession  leads.  With  the  intention  of  attempting  a  short 
cut  to  the  bar,  he  left  the  office  of  the  methodical  Patterson 
in  the  spring  of  1781,  and  went  to  reside  at  Haverstraw,  in 
New  York,  with  Thomas  Smith,  a  city  practitioner  of  note, 
but  now  suspended  from  business  by  the  war.  Mr.  Smith  had 
a  good  library,  and  plenty  of  leisure.  With  him  Burr  made  a 
peculiar  and  characteristic  arrangement.  For  a  certain  sum, 
the  lawyer  agreed  to  devote  a  specified  time  to  his  pupil  every 
day,  and  to  answer  any  questions  he  might  propose.  Burr 
now  read  law,  literally,  day  and  night,  sometimes  spending 
twenty  hours  at  his  books  out  of  the  twenty-four;  taking 
notes  as  he  read ;  reserving  doubtful  points  to  be  elucidated 
by  his  instructor,  and  endeavoring,  in  all  ways,  to  acquire  the 
familiar  use  of  the  weapons  with  which  lawyers  war  with  one 


132  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUKE. 

another  and  with  justice.  To  become  expert,  not  profound, 
was  the  object  of  his  immediate  exertions.  Of  such  students 
it  may  be  observed,  that  having  become  proficient  in  the  prac 
tice,  they  are  never  drawn  to  meditate  deeply  upon  the 
theory  of  their  profession. 

His  letters,  during  the  year,  show  that  his  favorite  authors 
then  were  Chesterfield,  Voltaire,  and  Rousseau.  There  was 
much  studying  of  French  in  Burr's  circle.  The  family  of  Mrs. 
Prevost  was  of  Swiss  origin,  and  French  had  been  their  na 
tive  language.  The  "  Hermitage,"  the  family  seat  of  the  De 
Visme's,  where  Mrs.  Prevost  now  resided,  had  a  considerable 
library  of  French  books,  which  nourished  Burr's  French  tastes, 
and  introduced  to  his  notice  several  authors  of  whom  he  had 
been  ignorant.  In  his  letters  to  Mrs.  Prevost,  his  favorite 
authors  were  frequently  the  theme  of  remark  ;  to  which  she, 
as  often,  gracefully  replies.  She  says  on  one  occasion,  that 
his  favorable  opinion  of  Voltaire  pleased  her,  because  it  showed 
that  he  had  a  mind  of  his  own.  "  The  English,"  said  she, 
"from  national  jealousy  and  envy  to  the  French,  detract 
him;  but,  without  being  his  disciple,  we  may  do  justice  to  his 
merit,  and  admire  him  as  a  judicious  and  ingenious  author." 
In  another  letter,  she  extols  religion,  and  declares  that  "  worlds 
should  not  purchase  the  little  she  possessed."  To  something 
Burr  had  said  about  Chesterfield,  she  replied,  that  the  indulg 
ence  which  he  applauded  in  that  author  was  the  only  part  of 
his  writings  she  thought  reprehensible,  but  that  only  when  all 
the  world  turn  envoys,  will  Chesterfield  be  their  proper  guide. 
In  one  letter,  she  tells  him,  that  their  being  the  subject  of 
much  inquiry,  conjecture,  and  calumny  was  no  more  than  they 
ought  to  expect :  "  My  attention  to  you,"  she  adds,  "  wTas 
even  pointed  enough  to  attract  the  observation  of  all  who 
visited  the  house ;  but  your  esteem  more  than  compensated 
for  the  worst  they  could  say." 

Burr's  reply  to  this  letter  is  characteristic.  He  tells  her 
that  the  calumniator  shall  one  day  repent  his  insolence  and  in 
the  mean  time,  they  must  be  more  cautious  in  preserving  ap 
pearances.  "  Suaviter  in  modo^fortiter  in  re,  is  a  maxim,"  he 
says,  "  which  would  bear  sheets  of  comment  and  days  of  re- 


ADMISSION     TO     THE    BAR,     AND     MARRIAGE.       133 

flection."  They  must  not  mind  these  trifles.  "  That  mind,"  he 
adds,  "  is  truly  great  which  can  bear  with  equanimity  the 
trifling  and  unavoidable  vexations  of  life,  and  be  affected  only 
by  those  events  which  determine  our  substantial  bliss.  Every 
period,  and  every  situation  has  a  portion  of  those  trifling 
crosses ;  and  those  who  expect  to  avoid  them  all,  or  conquer 
them  all,  must  be  wretched  without  respite."  This  train  of 
remark  was  habitual  with  Colonel  Burr  all  his  days.  To  pre 
sent  ii  panoply  of  steel  to  the  minor  shafts  of  misfortune,  to  be 
quick  to  discern  the  event  of  real  importance,  to  be  neither 
elated  nor  depressed  by  whatever  might  occur,  to  bound 
lightly  up  after  the  farthest  fall,  to  acquire  every  kind  of  de 
gree  of  self-control,  were  what  he  chiefly  enjoined  upon  his 
children,  his  pupils,  and  his  protegees.  Self-control,  Burr 
would  say,  was  the  means  of  selt-indiilgence,  and  the  con 
dition  of  controlling  others. 

After  reading  law  for  six  months  at  Haverstraw,  he  thought 
himself  competent  to  practice ;  an  opinion  to  which  an  event 
of  the  time  probably  contributed.  In  November  of  this  year, 
the  legislature  of  New  York  passed  an  act  disqualifying  all 
the  Tory  lawyers  from  practicing  in  the  courts  of  that  State. 
Burr  no  sooner  heard  of  this  than  he  resolved  to  make  an 
effort  to  realize  part  of  its  benefits  himself,  and,  *a  few  days 
after,  he  was  in  Albany  for  the  purpose  of  applying  for  ad 
mission  to  the  bar.  But  difiiculties  arose.  The  rule  of  the 
court  was,  that  candidates  must  have  spent  three  years  in  the 
study  of  the  law  before  admission,  and  Colonel  Burr  could 
scarcely  pretend  to  more  than  one  year's  study.  Nor  could 
he  find  a  lawyer  in  the  State  willing  to  make  a  motion  for  the 
court  to  set  aside  the  rule.  In  these  circumstances,  the  can 
didate  undertook  the  management  of  the  case  himself.  Hav 
ing  first  conciliated  the  good  will  of  the  judge  in  private,  and 
made  him  acquainted  with  the  grounds  of  his  application,  he  ap 
peared  in  court  at  the  proper  time,  made  the  requisite  motion, 
and  gave  the  reasons  why  he  thought  it  should  be  granted. 
He  said  that  he  had  begun  his  studies  before  the  Revolution, 
and  should  long  since  have  been  entitled  to  admission  to  the 
bar,  but  for  the  service  he  had  rendered  as  a  soldier.  "  No 


134  LII?E     OF     AARON     BURR. 

rule,"  he  observed,  "could  be  intended  to  injure  one  whose  only 
misfortune  is  having  sacrificed  his  time,  his  constitution,  and 
his  fortune  to  his  country."  The  court  decided  that  the  rule 
with  regard  to  the  period  of  study  might,  for  the  reasons 
given,  be  dispensed  with,  provided  the  candidate  could  show 
that  he  possessed  the  requisite  knowledge.  The  examining 
counsel,  as  may  be  imagined,  gave  him  no  indulgence.  They 
wished  his  failure.  But  after  an  examination,  prolonged,  criti 
cal,  and  severe,  which  he  passed  triumphantly,  he  was  licensed 
as  an  attorney.  This  event  occurred  on  the  19th  of  January, 
1782.  On  the  17th  of  April  following,  he  was  admitted  as 
counselor.  He  was  then  twenty-six  years  of  age. 

He  took  an  office  in  Albany,  began  the  practice  of  the  law, 
and  seems  almost  immediately  to  have  been  immersed  in  busi 
ness.  He  had  acquired  celebrity  in  the  State  as  a  soldier,  and 
no  man  of  his  years  had  a  wider  circle  of  acquaintance  among 
the  class  who  indulge  in  profitable  suits  at  law.  The  old  Tory 
lawyers,  who  had  enjoyed  all  the  best  business,  before  the 
Revolution,  were  now  thrown  out  of  the  ranks  of  the  profes 
sion  by  an  act  of  the  legislature,  and  Whig  lawyers  of  any 
standing  or  promise  were,  at  the  moment,  extremely  few. 
Burr's  engaging  manner,  distinguished  origin,  indefatigable 
devotion  to  business,  and  honorable  fame,  would,  in  any  circum 
stances,  have  rendered  his  advancement  in  the  profession  cer 
tain  and  rapid.  But  in  the  actual  state  of  things,  they  obtained 
for  him  in  a  very  few  months  as  profitable  a  business  as  was 
enjoyed  by  any  lawyer  in  the  State.  Before  he  had  been  in 
practice  three  months,  he  felt  so  sure  of  his  position  and  so 
satisfied  with  his  prospects,  that  there  seemed  no  longer  any 
necessity  for  delaying  his  marriage. 

That  Colonel  Burr,  the  most  rising  young  man  in  the  State 
of  New  York,  handsome,  fascinating,  well-born,  and  famous, 
whose  addresses  few  maidens  in  the  country  would  have  been 
inclined  to  repulse,  should  have  chosen  to  marry  a  widow  ten 
years  older  than  himself,  with  two  rollicking  boys  (one  of 
them  eleven  years  old),  with  precarious  health,  and  no  great 
estate,  was  a  circumstance  which  seems  to  have  been  incom 
prehensible  to  his  friends  at  the  time,  as  it  has  since  proved  a 


ADMISSION     TO     THE     BAB,     AND     MAKRIAGB.       135 

puzzle  to  the  writers  of  biographical  gossip.  Upon  the  theory 
that  Burr  was  the  artful  devil  he  has  been  said  to  be,  all 
whose  ends  and  aims  were  his  own  advancement,  no  man  can 
explain  such  a  marriage.  Before  the  Revolution  he  had  re 
fused,  point-blank,  to  address  a  young  lady  of  fortune,  whom 
his  uncle,  Thaddeus  Burr,  incessantly  urged  upon  his  atten 
tion.  During  the  Revolution  he  was  on  terms  of  intimacy 
with  all  the  great  families  of  the  State — the  Clintons,  the  Liv 
ingstons,  the  Schuylers,  the  Van  Rensselaers,  and  the  rest ; 
alliance  with  either  of  whom  gave  a  young  man  of  only  aver 
age  abilities,  immense  advantages  in  a  State  which  was,  to  a 
singular  extent,  under  the  dominion  of  great  families.  But  no 
considerations  of  this  kind  could  break  the  spell  which  drew 
him,  with  mysterious  power,  to  the  cottage  at  remote  and 
rural  Paramus. 

The  lady  was  not  beautiful.  Besides  being  past  her  prime, 
she  was  slightly  disfigured  by  a  scar  on  her  forehead.  It  was 
the  graceful  and  winning  manners  of  Mrs.  Prevost  that  first 
captivated  the  mind  of  Colonel  Burr.  She  was,  indeed,  in  all 
respects,  an  estimable  lady,  affectionate,  accomplished,  well- 
versed  in  literature,  and  as  much  given  to  the  practice  as 
averse  to  the  profession  of  piety.  But  it  was  in  her  character 
of  LADY  and  woman  of  the  world  that  she  proved  so  irresist- 
ably  pleasing  to  him  on  their  first  acquaintance.  He  used,  in 
after  years,  to  say,  that  in  style  and  manners,  she  was  without 
a  peer  among  all  the  women  he  had  known,  and  that  if  his 
own  manners  were  in  any  respects  superior  to  those  of  men  in 
general,  it  was  owing  to  the  insensible  influence  of  hers.  The 
reader  may,  perhaps,  have  observed  that  young  men  of  spirit 
and  intelligence,  who  have  been  brought  up  in  the  severe,  un 
gracious  way  of  the  stricter  Puritans,  are  sometimes  too  keenly 
susceptible  of  the  charm  of  manner,  and  are  apt  to  attach  to  it 
an  excessive  importance. 

But  a  more  lasting  charm  of  this  lady  was  her  cultivated 
mind.  Burr  was  a  lover  of  books,  a  lover  of  pictures,  a  lover 
of  every  thing  which  distinguishes  man  from  the  Puritan  ;  and 
it  was  rare,  indeed,  in  those  days,  to  find  a  lady  in  America 
who  had  the  kind  of  culture  which  sympathizes  with  such 


136  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

tastes.  In  Europe,  women  were  only  beginning  to  emerge 
from  the  gross  ignorance  which  was  thought  to  be  their  proper 
condition  ;  and  in  America,  if  they  were  not  ignorant,  few 
had  the  knowledge  interesting  to  a  man  like  Burr.  Among 
his  own  female  relatives  there  was  penetrating  and  brilliant  in 
tellect  enough ;  but  how  perverted,  how  repressed !  Some  of 
the  most  renowned  ladies  of  the  time,  with  a  thousand  virtues, 
scarcely  ever  looked  into  a  book.  Mrs.  Putnam  was  mighty 
at  the  spinning-wheel ;  Mrs.  Washington  (as  we  lately  learn 
from  Mrs.  Kirkland's  pleasant  pages)  was  a  devotee  of  the 
knitting-needle  ;  and  the  wife  of  another  famous  general  was 
not  a  little  proud  of  her  patchwork  quilts.  Burr  had  met  few 
ladies,  in  his  earlier  life,  who,  like  Mrs.  Prevost,  were  familiar 
with  the  most  recent  expressions  of  European  intellect,  who 
could  talk  intelligently  with  him  about  Voltaire*,  Rousseau, 
and  Chesterfield,  and  could  appreciate  those  authors  with 
out  becoming  their  disciples.  It  was  not  mere  compliment, 
when  Burr  told  Mrs.  Prevost  that  it  was  from  knowing  her 
that  he  had  first  learned  to  believe  in  the  understanding  of 
woman. 

The  two  sons  of  Mrs.  Prevost,  so  far  from  being  regarded 
by  Colonel  Burr  as  an  obstacle  to  his  marriage,  were  really 
an  inducement  to  it.  He  inherited  his  father's  passion  for 
training  the  young.  He  was  not  merely  fond  of  children,  but 
took  the  liveliest  possible  interest  in  their  education.  There 
was  no  period  in  all  his  long  life  when  he  had  not  a  protege 
under  training.  His  system  of  education  was,  indeed,  with 
all  its  merits,  and  with  all  the  pains  he  bestowed  in  applying 
it,  fatally  deceptive  ;  as  was  his  own  system  of  life.  But  that 
he  took  a  most  real  and  ardent  interest  and  delight  in  the  de 
velopment  of  the  youthful  character,  and  spared  no  pains  in 
promoting  what  he  thought  to  be  the  right  education  of  his 
proteges,  there  can  be  no  doubt  whatever.  With  a  Saxon 
moral  character,  Aaron  Burr  might  have  been  a  schoolmaster 
of  unheard-of  excellence  —  such  as  the  world  waits  for. 
Nothing,  indeed,  was  more  natural  to  him  than  the  tone  of 
the  instructor.  Some  months  before  he  was  married  he  con- 


ADMISSION     TO     THE     BAR,     AND     MARRIAGE.       137 

eludes  one  of  his  letters  to  Mrs.  Prevost  in  language  which 
illustrates  what  I  mean : 

"  You  wrote  me  too  much  by  Dom.  I  hope  it  was  not  from 
a  fear  that  I  should  be  dissatisiied  with  less.  It  is,  I  confess, 
rather  singular  to  find  fault  with  the  quantity,  when  matter 
and  manner  are  so  delightful.  You  must,  however,  deal  less 
in  sentiments,  and  more  in  ideas.  Indeed,  in  the  letter  in  an 
swer  to  my  last,  you  will  need  to  be  particularly  attentive  to 
this  injunction.  I  think  constantly  of  the  approaching  change 
in  our  affairs,  and  what  it  demands.  Do  not  let  us,  like  chil 
dren,  be  so  taken  with  the  prospect  as  to  lose  sight  of  the 
means.  Remember  to  write  me  facts  and  ideas,  and  don't 
torment  me  with  compliments,  or  yourself  with  sentiments  to 
which  I  am  already  no  stranger.  Write  but  little,  and  very 
little  at  once." 

In  another  letter  he  recommends  her  to  buy  one  of  the  new 
Franklin  stoves,  and  suggests  the  room  in  which  it  should  be 
placed.  After  enlarging,  in  a  style  not  common  in  love  let 
ters,  upon  the  various  good  qualities  of  the  stoves,  and  tell 
ing  her  that,  as  her  little  boy  would  be  certain  to  burn  him 
self  at  least  once  with  it,  it  might  be  best  to  teach  him  the 
danger  by  slightly  burning  him,  he  concludes  as  follows  : 

"  I  confess  I  have  still  some  transient  distrusts  that  you  set 
too  little  value  on  your  own  life  and  comfort.  Remember,  it 
is  not  yours  alone  ;  but  your  letters  shall  convince  me.  I 
waive  the  subject.  I  am  not  certain  I  shall  be  regularly  punc 
tual  in  writing  you  in  this  manner  every  day  when  I  get  at 
business ;  but  I  shall,  if  possible,  devote  one  quarter  of  an 
hour  a  day  to  you.  In  return,  I  demand  one  half  of  an  hour 
every  day  from  you ;  more  I  forbid,  unless  on  special  occasions. 
This  half  hour  is  to  be  mine,  to  be  invariably  at  the  same 
time,  and,  for  that  purpose,  fixed  at  an  hour  least  liable  to 
interruption,  and  as  you  -shall  find  most  convenient.  Mine 
can  not  be  so  regular,  as  I  only  indulge  myself  in  it  when  I 
am  fatigued  with  business.  The  children  will  have  each  their 
sheet,  and,  at  the  given  hour,  write,  if  but  a  single  word. 
Burr,  at  this  half  hour,  is  to  be  a  kind  of  watchword." 

While  Burr  was  preparing  for  his  examination,  his  slave 


138  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Carlos  was  going  very  frequently  between  Paramus  and  Al 
bany,  bearing  letters  and  gifts.  His  letters  were  mostly  in 
the  decisive,  commanding  manner  of  the  extracts  just  given, 
though  sufficiently  tender  and  considerate.  A  notorious  ca 
lumniator  has  recently,  in  a  work  of  great  pretensions,  insin 
uated  that  Colonel  Burr,  during  this  winter  in  Albany,  lived 
on  terms  of  scandalous  intimacy  with  his  landlady.  The  state 
ment  is  false.  Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Albany,  Burr  was 
called  upon  by  Mr.  Yan  Rensselaer,  the  head  of  the  distin 
guished  family  of  that  name.  The  two  young  men  soon  be 
came  intimate.  Van  Rensselaer  was  dissatisfied  with  Burr's 
lodgings,  and  in  a  spirit  of  friendliness  and  hospitality  offered 
to  find  him  better.  Burr  soon  wrote  to  Mrs.  Prevost  that 
Van  Rensselaer  had  succeeded  perfectly  to  his  wish.  "  I  am 
with  two  maiden  aunts  of  his,"  he  said,  "  obliging  and  (in 
credible  !)  good-natured,  the  very  paragons  of  neatness.  Not 
an  article  of  furniture,  even  to  a  tea-kettle,  that  would  soil  a 
muslin  handkerchief.  I  have  two  upper  rooms."  In  these 
apartments  it  was  that  he  daily  wrote  such  words  as  the  fol 
lowing  to  a  lady  with  whom  he  was  anticipating  a  speedy 
marriage  :  "  Though  I  write  very  little,  it  is  still  half  my 
business ;  for  whenever  I  find  myself  either  at  a  loss  what  to 
do,  or  any  how  discomposed  or  dull,  I  fly  to  these  sheets, 
and  even  if  I  do  not  write,  I  ponder  upon  it,  and  in  this 
way  sacrifice  many  hours  without  reflecting  that  time  passes 
away." 

On  the  2d  of  July,  1782,  by  the  Rev.  David  Bogart,  of  the 
Reformed  Dutch  church,  Aaron  Burr  and  Theodosia  Prevost 
were  married.  They  were  forthwith  established  in  an  ample 
residence  at  Albany,  where  Colonel  Burr  relieved  the  monot 
ony  of  business  by  assisting  in  the  education  of  the  two  boys. 
One  of  the  first  uses  he  made  of  his  new  dignity  of  house 
holder  was  to  give  a  temporary  home  to  a  friend  who  was  in 
love,  and  had  a  project  of  marriage  which  it  was  necessary 
for  some  reason  to  conceal.  That  friend  was  the  well-known 
Major  Popham,  who  was  married  at  Colonel  Burr's  house,  and 
who,  fifty-four  years  after,  held  the  pall  which  covered  Burr's 
remains  as  they  were  borne  to  the  grave. 


ADMISSION     TO     THE     BAK,     ANDMAllEIAGE.       139 

Carlos  made  no  more  hurried  journeys  to  Paramus.  The 
charm  of  the  "  Hermitage"  had  departed  from  it.  It  may  in 
terest  some  readers  to  learn  that  traditions  of  the  old  house, 
and  of  the  family  who  inherited  it,  still  exist  in  the  vicinity. 
Some  of  the  walls  of  the  house  are  standing,  and  serve  as  part 
of  a  modern  structure.  Some  relics  of  its  elegant  contents,  a 
picture,  among  other  things,  adorn  a  neighboring  tavern. 
Stories  of  the  grand  company  that  used  to  assemble  at  the 
Hermitage  are  vaguely  told  by  the  older  inhabitants ;  and 
descendants  of  Mrs.  Prevost  reside  a  few  miles  from  the  old 
estate,  in  an  elegant  abode,  which  contains  interesting  memo 
rials  of  the  olden  time. 

At  Albany,  in  the  first  year  of  his  marriage,  was  boi*n  Col 
onel  Burr's  only  legitimate  child,  a  daughter,  whom  he  named 
Theodosia.  She  had  a  joyful  welcome  into  the  world,  the 
beautiful  child  who  was  to  have  so  terrible  an  exit  from  it. 
A  father,  ever  fond,  if  not  ever  wise,  received  to  his  arms  the 
infant  who  was  to  be  to  him  so  much  more  than  a  daughter, 
when  her  indomitable  fidelity  was  all  that  linked  him  to  the 
family  of  man. 

Colonel  Burr  practiced  law  in  Albany  for  more  than  eight 
een  months,  with  the  greatest  success  possible  in  the  circum 
stances  of  the  time.  As  soon  as  peace  was  declared,  he  made 
arrangements  for  removing  to  New  York.  A  house  was  hired 
for  him  in  Maiden  Lane,  at  two  hundred  pounds  a  year,  the 
"  rent  to  commence  when  the  troops  leave  the  city."  That 
event,  as  New  Yorkers  are  still  annually  reminded  by  parades 
and  festivities,  occurred  on  the  25th  of  November,  1783  ;  soon 
after  which  date  Colonel  Burr  removed  his  family  to  the  city 
and  began  his  career  as  a  New  York  lawyer. 

The  preparatory  period  of  Colonel  Burr's  life  was  now  com 
pletely  past.  As  a  finished  man  and  practiced  lawyer  he  en 
ters  upon  the  new  scene  to  contend  with  his  equals  for  the 
honors  of  his  profession  and  the  prizes  of  society.  Up  to  the 
present  time  his  character  and  conduct  have  appeared  only 
in  an  honorable  light,  because  only  the  qualities  in  which  he 
really  excelled  have  been  exhibited — his  courage,  his  activity, 
his  generosity,  his  address.  John  Adams  testifies  of  him  that 


140  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUKE. 

he  came  out  of  the  revolutionary  war  "  with  the  character  of 
a  knight,  without  fear,  and  an  able  officer,"  and  the  fact  that 
so  many  excellent  and  discerning  gentlemen  admired  and 
loved  him,  and  that  so  many  amiable  ladies  were  his  friends, 
is  confirmatory  of  the  assertion.  I  am  convinced  that  society 
had  nothing  serious  to  charge  him  with  up  to  the  time  of  his 
joining  the  bar  of  this  city.  I  am  sure  he  had  not  been 
"  profligate."  The  probabilities  are  in  favor  of  the  opinion 
that  he  had  not  yet  had  one  amour  of  a  criminal  kind,  nor  in 
curred  an  obligation  which  he  had  not  discharged. 

It  is  important  to  bear  this  in  mind,  for  the  instructive  and 
impressive  moral  of  his  story  depends  upon  its  truth.  They 
who  describe  good  men  to  be  faultless,  and  bad  men  as  devils, 
rob  mankind  of  the  benefit  of  their  example.  The  good  ex 
ample  discourages,  and  the  bad  one  does  not  alarm  us.  We 
despair  of  imitating  the  one,  and  are  not  in  the  least  afraid  of 
coming  to  resemble  the  other.  But  when  a  good  man  is  truly 
delineated,  every  one  sees  the  simplicity  and  attainableness  of 
goodness,  and  how  many  faults  a  man  may  have,  and  yet  his 
character  be  essentially  just  and  noble.  How  encouraging 
this  to  a  youth  who  has  sense  enough  to  be  conscious  of  his 
faults,  and  who  aspires  to  emulate  the  sublime  characters  of 
history.  So  of  bad  men.  When  their  characters  are  truly 
drawn,  we  are  more  likely  to  be  surprised  at  the  number  of 
good  qualities  they  possessed,  than  horrified  at  their  bad  ones. 
And  this  is,  in  truth,  of  all  the  facts  in  the  case,  the  most  ap 
palling  !  That  a  man  may  be  so  good,  and  yet  not  GOOD  ; 
that  he  may  come  so  near  excellence,  and  yet  so  fatally  miss 
it ;  that  he  may  be  so  little  removed  in  moral  quality  from 
many  who  pass  the  ordeal  of  life  witlUittle  reproach,  and  yet 
incur  so  deep  a  damnation — these  are  the  facts^vhich  move 
and  scare  us  when  we  know  aright  and  fully  the  men  who 
figure  in  history  as  atrocious  characters.  Carlyle's  delinea 
tion  of  Robespierre  is  the  finest  example,  perhaps,  of  this  cor 
rect  portrayal  of  a  bad  man's  character  that  has  been  given  to 
the  world.  The  frightened  reader,  as  he  closes  the  awful 
story,  has  no  maledictions  for  the  wretched  tyrant ;  but  sigh 
ing,  says,  "  7J  loo,  might  have  been  a  JRobespierrc." 


ADMISSION     TO     THE     IJAK,     AND     M  A  B  R  I  A  G  E  .       141 

Youth  is  the  lovely  robe  beneath  which  the  character  is 
concealed  while  it  forms ;  or  it  is  the  flower  wMch  precedes 
the  fruit,  and  which  is  often  as  beautiful  on  the  tree  that  is 
going  to  bear  ill  fruit,  or  none,  as  upon  that  which  will  yellow 
the  plain  with  its  abundant  golden  showers. 


CHAPTEE    X. 

AT    THE     NEW    YORK    BAR. 

NEW  YORK  IN  1783 — JOHN  ADAMS'S  IMPRESSIONS  OF  THE  CITY  —  THE  DIFFERENT 
KINDS  OF  LAWYERS  —  BURR'S  QUALITY  AND  HABITS  AS  A  LAWYER  —  ANECDOTES  — 
HAMILTO'N  AND  BURR  AT  THE  BAR  —  EMOLUMENTS  OF  THE  BAR  THEN  — THE  TASTES 
AND  HOME  OF  BURR  —  SCENES  AT  EICIIMOND  HILL. 

COLONEL  BUIIK  had  removed  to  what  we  should  now  call  a 
small  town. 

From  1722,  when  Jonathan  Edwards  had  been  accustomed 
to  go  out  beyond  the  suburbs  of  New  York  to  the  banks  of 
"  Hudson's  river,"  and  meditate  with  ecstacy  upon  the  deep 
things  of  his  theology,  to  1783,  when  his  grandson  moved 
down  from  Albany  to  his  fine  house  in  Maiden  Lane,  to  prac 
tice  law  in  the  liberated  city,  was  a  period  of  sixty-one  years, 
during  which  New  York  had  increased  in  population  from 
eight  thousand  to  twenty-five  thousand.  It  was  the  second 
city  in  the  United  States,  Philadelphia  having  a  population 
nearly  twice  as  numerous.  The  State  of  New  York,  at  that 
time,  had  less  than  three  hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  about 
a  third  of  the  number  which  now  the  city  alone  contains.  In 
the  year  1800,  the  city  could  only  number  sixty  thousand  in 
habitants,  and  the  State  about  half  a  million.  The  contract- 
edness  of  Burr's  sphere  of  labor  it  is  necessary  to  bear  in 
mind. 

When  John  Adams  made  his  triumphal  progress  from  Bos 
ton  to  Philadelphia  to  attend  the  first  Congress,  he  stopped  a 
few  days  in  New  York,  which  he  then  saw  for  the  first  time, 
and  described  in  his  Diaiy.  He  says  that  he  walked  to  every 
part  of  the  city  in  one  afternoon,  and  after  seeing  every  thing 
in  it  worthy  of  a  stranger's  attention,  went  to  the  Coffee 
House  and  read  the  newspapers.  His  remarks,  however,  indi- 


AT     THE     NEW     YOKK     B  A  li .  143 

cate  the  wealth  of  the  city.  He  speaks  of  the  elegant  country 
seats  on  the  island ;  of  the  Broad  Way,  a  fine  street,  very  wide, 
and  in  a  right  line  from  one  end  to  the  other  of  the  city  ;  of 
the  magnificent  new  church  then  building,  which  was  to  cost 
twenty  thousand  pounds  ;  of  the  new  hospital,  a  fine  structure 
of  stone ;  of  a  ship-yard,  where  a  Dutch  East  India  ship  of 
eight  hundred  tons  was  building;  of  the  "beautiful  ellipsis  of 
land,  railed  in  with  solid  'iron,  in  the  center  of  which  is  a 
statue  of  his  majesty  on  horseback,  very  large,  of  solid  lead, 
gilded  with  gold,  on  a  pedestal  of  marble,  very  high."  The 
streets  of  the  town,  he  adds,  are  "  vastly  more  regular  and 
elegant  than  those  in  Boston,  and  the  houses  are  more  grand, 
as  well  as  neat.  They  are  almost  all  painted,  brick  buildings 
and  all." 

In  the  course  of  a  day  or  two,  the  observant  and  plain- 
spoken  patriot  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  interior  of 
one  of  the  elegant  country  seats,  near  "  Hudson's  river." 
From  what  he  says  of  the  sumptuosity  of  his  entertainment, 
we  may  infer  that  then,  as  now,  the  New  Yorkers  were  pro 
fuse  and  ostentatious  in  their  style  of  living.  "  A  more  ele 
gant  breakfast,  I  never  saw,"  he  writes  ;  "  rich  plate,  a  very 
large  silver  coffee-pot,  a  very  large  silver  tea-pot,  napkins  of 
the  very  finest  materials,  toast,  and  bread  and  butter,  in  great 
perfection.  After  breakfast,  a  plate  of  beautiful  peaches, 
another  of  pears,  and  a  muskmelon,  were  placed  on  the 
table."  Napkins  and  silver  plate,  in  1774,  were  rare  luxu 
ries  in  all  but  the  very  highest  circles  of  European  nobility. 
The  rich  furniture  of  the  New  York  houses  excited  the  con 
tinual  wonder  of  the  honest  Bostonian  ;  but  the  people  of  the 
city  pleased  him  not.  "  With  all  the  opulence  and  splendor 
of  this  city,"  says  he,  "  there  is  very  little  good-breeding  to 
be  found.  We  have  been  treated  with  an  assiduous  respect 
but  I  have  not  seen  one  real  gentleman,  one  well-bred  man, 
since  I  came  to  town.  At  their  entertainments  there  is  no 
conversation  that  is  agreeable  ;  there  is  no  modesty,  no  atten 
tion  to  one  another.  They  talk  very  loud,  very  fast,  and 
all  together.  If  they  ask  you  a  question,  before  you  can  utter 
three  words  of  your  answer,  they  will  break  out  upon  you 


144  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUKK. 

again,  and  talk  away."  New  York  strikes  the  Bostoriian  of 
to-day  very  much  as  it  did  John  Adams  in  1774. 

The  Revolution  did  not  essentially  change  the  character  of 
the  place,  nor,  as  I  conjecture,  much  retard  its  progress  in 
wealth.  But  when  the  British  troops  evacuated  the  city,  many 
of  the  wealthiest  Tory  families,  all  the  British  officials,  and, 
indeed,  most  of  those  who  had  been  regarded  as  the  "  society," 
of  the  town  went  with  them,  leaving  it  more  exclusively  a 
commercial  city  than  it  was.  When  we  read  in  the  letters 
and  memoirs  of  the  time  allusions  to  the  fascination  of  Colonel 
Burr's  manners,  and  of  the  great  things  he  accomplished 
merely  by  the  charm  of  his  address,  we  should,  perhaps,  at 
tribute  part  of  the  effects  to  the  general  absence  of  personal 
style  in  the  people.  The  honest,  kindly,  unornamental  class 
of  men  were  those  over  whom  his  sway  was  most  absolute ; 
and  it  was  in  a  bustling,  trading  town,  that  he  ran  the  brilliant 
part  of  his  career. 

Nor  had  he  many  competitors  for  the  higher  business  of 
his  profession.  The  history  of  the  American  bar  remains 
unwritten,  though  the  subject,  to  a  writer  able  to  handle  it, 
presents  unrivaled  capabilities.  We  are  left,  therefore,  to 
conjecture  the  strength  of  the  legal  profession  when  Burr  rose 
to  eminence  in  it.  John  Adams,  in  the  part  of  his  amusing 
Diary  just  referred  to,  speaks  of  two  or  three  lawyers  in  the 
city  to  whom  he  was  introduced,  and  whom  he  mentions  as 
persons  of  importance.  One  of  the  handsome  houses  that 
adorned  "  the  Broad  Way,"  was  pointed  out  to  him  as  the 
residence  of  the  famous  lawyer  "  Mr.  Smith,"  and  it  was  Mr. 
Scott,  "  an  eminent  lawyer,"  whose  "  very  large  silver  tea-pot" 
and  "  very  large  silver  coffee-pot,"  excited  Mr.  Adams's  aston 
ishment.  It  is  very  evident  that  the  law  was  a  lucrative  and 
important  profession  in  New  York  before  the  Revolution.  It 
is  equally  certain  that  the  disfranchisement  of  all  the  Tory  law 
yers,  and  the  complicated  suits  growing  out  of  the  laws  con 
fiscating  the  estates  of  Tories,  gave  to  an  able  and  active 
lawyer,  just  after  the  Revolution,  a  most  productive  field  of 
exertion.  Aaron  Burr  was  a  man  to  improve  such  an  oppor 
tunity.  He  came  here  a  practiced  lawyer.  His  name  and 


AT     THE     NEW     YORK     BAR.  145 

lineage  were  of  vast  use  to  him.  The  memory  of  President 
Burr  was  fragrant  in  the  adjacent  States  ;  and  wherever  men 
and  women  in  those  days  were  trying  to  live  nobly,  the  name 
of  Jonathan  Edwards  was  a  name  of  power,  a  name  honorable 
and  august.  Hamilton  and  Adams  both  testify  that,  as  well 
in  politics  as  in  law,  the  celebrity  of  Burr's  father  and  grand 
father  contributed  powerfully  to  his  early  success.  Yet  in 
later  times  we  often  find  other  leading  federalists  sneering  at 
him  as  a  man  without  connections  ;  and  nothing  could  more 
clearly  prove  the  ignorance  which  prevailed  in  that  party  of 
the  country  they  aspired  to  govern.  As  New  England  under 
stood  the  word,  no  man  had  suck  connections  as  he.  Scarcely 
a  family  in  that  country  but  would  have  esteemed  it  an  honor 
to  receive  under  their  roof  the  descendant  of  Jonathan  Ed 
wards  and  President  Burr. 

Colonel  Burr  came  to  New  York,  apparently,  with  no  inten 
tion  to  take  any  part  in  politics.  As  soon  as  the  British  had 
left  the  city,  there  was  high  excitement  among  the  leading 
citizens  relative  to  the  offices  which  were  to  be  filled.  The 
State  government  had  been  organized  long  ago,  and  George 
Clinton  was  governor.  But  the  city,  remaining  in  the  posses 
sion  of  the  enemy,  had  deprived  the  governor  of  his  choicest 
patronage,  which  now  was  to  be  bestowed,  all  at  once,  upon 
long-expectant  Whigs.  Some  influential  friends  at  Albany, 
who  had  a  great  opinion  of  Colonel  Burr's  talents  for  the  dis 
patch  of  business,  urged  him  to  apply  for  an  appointment  in 
the  city.  He  said,  in  reply,  that  he  was  unwilling  to  be  a 
competitor  with  any  gentleman  for  an  office.  Then,  said 
Judge  Bogart,  you  must  be  contented  with  the  character  of  a 
private  gentleman,  for  there  are  long  lists  of  applicants  for  all 
the  offices  in  the  city  and  county  of  New  York.  And  a  pri 
vate  gentleman  he  remained.  The  steps  by  which  he  was 
gradually  drawn  from  the  exclusive  pursuit  of  his  profession 
to  mingle  in  political  strife,  will  be  narrated  in  a  subsequent 
chapter.  It  is  convenient  now  to  regard  him  only  as  a  lawyer, 
in  which  character  he  chiefly  presents  himself  during  the  first 
eight  years  of  his  residence  in  New  York.  True,  he  served 
for  two  sessions,  those  of  1784  and  1785,  in  the  State  legisla- 

7 


146  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUBK. 

tare ;  but  he  attended  the  chamber  only  at  important  crises. 
From  1783  until  1791,  the  practice  of  the  law  absorbed  the 
greater  part  of  his  time  and  attention.  He  was  an  ambitious 
man,  then  as  always.  But,  until  the  formation  of  the  general 
government  in  1789,  what  was  there  in  politics  to  excite  desire 
in  a  man  of  ability  ? 

Aaron  Burr,  a  soldier  by  nature,  a  lawyer  from  necessity, 
was  the  same  man  at  the  bar  as  he  had  been  in  the  field,  and 
conducted  a  suit  precisely  on  the  principles  which  he  had  ap 
plied  to  the  capture  of  a  fort,  and  the  defense  of  the  West- 
ch ester  lines. 

Lawyers  may,  perhaps,  be  divided  into  three  classes.  To 
the  first  belong  the  great  souls,  who  love  justice,  and  who  love 
law  as  the  means  by  which  justice  is  done.  Of  such  lawyers,  few 
everywhere,  the  American  bar  can  boast,  at  least,  its  fair  pro 
portion.  The  second  class  comprises  the  majority  of  prac 
titioners,  whose  single  consideration  it  is  to  serve  their  clients 
by  all  the  means  which  the  bar  stamps  legitimate.  If  they 
triumph,  it  is  well,  whether  justice  triumphs  with  them  or 
not,  whether  their  triumph  is  due  to  a  recognized  legal  trick, 
or  to  a  right  interpretation  of  the  law.  The  third  class  are 
simply  unscrupulous.  They  hang  upon  the  outskirts  of  the 
profession  and  prey  upon  its  offal.  It  is  their  trade  to  assist, 
to  protect,  and  to  deliver  villains.  To  be  a  lawyer  of  the  first 
description,  and  to  excel  in  it,  demands  a  broad,  comprehen 
sive,  noble  UNDERSTANDING.  The  second  class  requires  a  quick, 
acute  intellect,  tact,  adroitness,  self-possession,  and  great  phys 
ical  stamina,  together  with  a  certain  moral  obtuseness,  which 
enables  a  man  to  do  in  his  professional,  what  he  would  not  do 
in  his  private  capacity.  The  third  kind  of  lawyer  is  merely  a 
scoundrel,  cunning  enough  to  obtain  the  rewards  of  crime 
without  incurring  its  risks. 

To  a  place  among  the  greatest  lawyers,  Aaron  Burr  has  no 
title.  He  had  not  weight  of  metal  enough  for  that.  He  was 
a  light  person  ;  tough,  elastic,  polished,  penetrating,  a  perfect 
rapier,  not  a  broadsword ;  successful,  while  he  did  rapier's 
work,  failing  when  a  heavier  blade  was  needed  in  his  place. 
As  a  lawyer  of  the  second  grade,  as  a  mere  practitioner  at  the 


AT    THE     NEW     YOKK     BAK.  147 

bar,  I  presume  his  equal  never  lived.  In  his  hands,  the  law 
was  a  whole  armory  of  weapons,  in  the  use  of  which,  as 
weapons,  his  daring  was  only  equaled  by  his  skill. 

In  preparing  his  causes  for  trial,  he  was  simply  indefatigable. 
While  there  was  an  authority  to  be  examined,  while  there 
was  evidence  to  be  procured,  while  there  was  an  expedient  to 
be  devised,  his  efforts  were  never  relaxed.  And  he  gave  no 
rest  to  his  adversary,  pursuing  him  with  notices,  motions,  and 
appeals,  improving  every  advantage,  and  exhausting  all  the 
means  of  annoyance ;  until,  from  very  weariness  and  despair, 
sometimes,  the  enemy  has  capitulated.  Colonel  Burr  not  only 
labored  himself  to  the  uttermost  of  the  powers  of  man,  but  he 
had  the  art  of  exacting  from  his  assistants  an  equal  diligence. 
There  was  no  resisting  his  requirements.  Assistant-counsel 
would  receive  notes  from  him  at  midnight,  when  they  were 
asleep,  demanding  instant  replies,  which  obliged  the  drowsy 
men  of  law  to  refer  to  authorities  and  examine  papers.  On 
the  day  of  trial,  he  had  his  evidence,  arguments,  and  author 
ities,  marshaled  in  impenetrable  array.  Every  possibility  had 
been  provided  for.  No  man  at  the  bar  could  ever  boast  of 
discovering  a  flaw  in  his  preparation,  or  of  carrying  a  point 
against  him  by  surprise. 

Where  no  amount  of  legitimate  preparation  would  avail,  he 
had  no  scruples  to  employing  a  legal  ruse.  Indeed  he  delight 
ed  to  surprise  his  adversary,  to  lay  an  ambuscade  for  him,  and 
carry  a  case  by  an  ingenious  stroke  before  the  other  side  could 
recover  their  self-possession.  It  is  related,  that,  in  an  eject 
ment  suit  to  recover  a  valuable  house  in  New  York,  the  oppo 
sing  counsel  had  expended  their  whole  strength  in  proving 
the  genuineness  of  a  will,  supposing,  of  course,  that  that  was 
the  only  point  susceptible  of  dispute.  What  was  their  surprise 
to  find,  that  Burr's  main  attack  was  against  the  authenticity 
of  an  ancient  deed,  one  of  the  links  in  the  title,  which,  having 
never  before  been  disputed,  had  been  provided  with  merely 
formal  proof!  The  jury  pronounced  the  deed  a  forgery,  and 
Burr's  client  lived  and  died  in  possession  of  the  property. 
Two  courts  have  since  pronounced  the  deed  authentic. 

No  means  were  too  trival  for  him  to  employ,  if  he  thought 


148  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURK. 

them  likely  to  promote  his  purpose.  He  used  to  say  that  he 
had  once  saved  a  man  from  being  hanged  by  a  certain  arrange 
ment  of  the  candles  in  a  court  room.  He  referred  to  a  trial 
for  murder,  in  which  both  Hamilton  and  himself  defended  the 
prisoner,  and  which  excited  intense  interest  at  the  time.  At 
first,  the  evidence  against  the  prisoner  seemed  conclusive,  and, 
I  think,  Burr  himself  thought  him  guilty.  But  as  the  trial 
proceeded,  suspicions  arose  against  the  principal  witness. 
Colonel  Burr  subjected  him  to  a  relentless  cross-examination, 
and  he  became  convinced  that  the  guilt  lay  between  the  wit 
ness  and  the  prisoner,  with  the  balance  of  probability  against 
the  witness. 

The  man's  appearance  and  bearing  were  most  unprepos 
sessing.  Besides  being  remarkably  ugly,  he  had  the  mean, 
down  look,  which  is  associated  with  the  timidity  of  guilt. 
Hamilton  had  addressed  the  jury  with  his  usual  fluent  elo 
quence,  confining  his  remarks  to  the  vindication  of  the  pris 
oner,  without  alluding  to  the  probable  guilt  of  the  witness.  The 
prosecuting  attorney  replied,  and  it  was  now  Burr's  province 
to  say  the  last  word  for  the  prisoner.  But  the  day  had  worn 
away,  and  the  court  took  a  recess  till  candle  light.  This  was 
extremely  annoying  to  Colonel  Burr,  as  he  meditated  enacting 
a  little  scene,  to  the  success  of  which  a  strong  light  was  indis 
pensable.  He  was  not  to  be  balked,  however.  Through  one 
of  his  satellites,  of  wrhom  he  always  had  several  revolving 
around  him,  he  caused  an  extra  number  of  candles  to  be 
brought  into  the  court-room,  and  to  be  so  arranged  as  to 
throw  a  strong  light  upon  a  certain  pillar,  in  full  view  of  the 
jury,  against  which  the  suspected  witness  had  leaned  through 
out  the  trial.  The  court  assembled,  the  man  resumed  his  ac 
customed  place,  and  Colonel  Burr  rose.  With  the  clear  con 
ciseness  of  which  he  was  master,  he  set  forth  the  facts  which 
bore  against  the  man,  and  then,  seizing  two  candelabras  from 
the  table,  he  held  them  up  toward  him,  throwing  a  glare  of 
light  upon  his  face,  and  exclaimed, 

"  Behold  the  murderer,  gentlemen  !" 

Every  eye  was  turned  upon  the  wretch's  ghastly  counte 
nance,  which,  to  the  excited  multitude,  seemed  to  wear  the 


AT     THE     NEW     YORK     BAK.  149 

very  expression  of  a  convicted  murderer.  The  man  reeled, 
as  though  he  had  been  struck ;  then  shrunk  away  behind  the 
crowd,  and  rushed  from  the  room.  The  effect  of  this  incident 
was  decisive.  Colonel  Burr  concluded  his  speech,  the  judge 
charged,  the  jury  gave  a  verdict  of  acquittal,  and  the  prisoner 
was  free. 

A  ruse  which  he  once  played  on  General  Hamilton,  Burr  re 
lated  to  a  legal  friend,  who  told  it  to  me.  It  occurred  early 
in  his  practice  at  the  New  York  bar,  when  he  and  Hamilton 
were  in  the  first  flush  of  success,  and  neither  was  disposed  to 
concede  superiority  to  the  other.  Both  were  engaged,  for 
the  first  time,  on  the  same  side  of  an  important  cause,  and  it 
was  a  question  which  of  the  two  should  first  address  the  jury. 
The  etiquette  of  the  bar  assigns  the  closing  speech  to  the 
leader  of  a  cause,  but  it  was  not  clear  in  this  case  who  was 
the  leader.  Hamilton,  who  was  certainly  not  an  excessively 
modest  man,  hinted,  in  a  rather  ungracious  manner,  as  Burr 
thought,  that  his  friend  Colonel  Burr  would  open  the  argu 
ment.  With  that  imperturbable  politeness  that  never  forsook 
him,  Burr  assented  to  the  arrangement  without  a  word  of  ob 
jection.  He  was  nettled,  however,  and  hit  upon  a  little 
scheme  of  harmless  revenge.  He  knew  well  the  character  of 
Hamilton's  mind,  and,  from  repeated  conversations  with  him 
on  the  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged,  he  knew  every 
point  which  Hamilton  would  be  likely  to  make  in  his  speech. 
Burr  prepared  himself  with  great  care.  When  he  came  at 
length  to  address  the  jury,  besides  using  his  own  arguments, 
he  anticipated  all  of  Hamilton's.  He  absolutely  exhausted  the 
case.  There  was  nothing  left  for  Hamilton  to  advance.  The 
consequence  was  that  that  gentleman  appeared  to  much  less 
advantage  than  usual,  and  never  afterward  exhibited  an  undue 
desire  to  assume  the  place  of  honor  in  suits  which  he  con 
ducted  conjointly  with  Colonel  Burr. 

A  few  of  Burr's  maxims  respecting  the  practice  of  the  law 
have  been  preserved.  His  sarcastic  definition  of  law,  as  dealt 
out  by  courts,  has  been  often  quoted  to  his  disadvantage. 
"  Law,"  said  he,  "  is  whatever  is  boldly  asserted  and  plausibly 
maintained."  Whether  the  sarcasm  is,  or  was  deserved,  let 


150  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

lawyers  decide.  Another  of  his  sayings  related  to  the  man 
agement  of  a  case,  after  the  enemy  had  proposed  to  capitulate. 
Until  that  point  was  reached,  he  was  for  giving  them  no  rest. 
But  when  a  proposition  for  compromise  had  been  received,  he 
would  say,  "  Now  move  slowly,  never  negotiate  in  a  hurry." 
But  the  best  of  all  his  observations,  at  least,  the  most  strik 
ing  and  novel,  was  the  following :  "  There  is  a  maxim,"  said 
he,  "  '  Never  put  off  till  to-morrow  what  you  can  do  to-day.' 
This  is  a  maxim  for  sluggards.  A  better  reading  of  it  is, 
Never  do  to-day  what  you  can  as  well  do  to-morrow  •  because 
something  may  occur  to  make  you  regret  your  premature  ac 
tion."  He  used  also,  to  say,  that  the  art  of  using  men  con 
sisted  in  placing  each  in  the  position  he  was  best  fitted  for ; 
a  version  of  the  recent  phrase,  "  The  right  man  for  the  right 
place." 

He  showed  unequaled  tact  himself  in  placing  his  men. 
Before  selecting  his  assistants  in  a  cause,  he  would  ascertain 
and  carefully  calculate  all  the  opposing  influences — prejudice, 
interest,  indifference,  ignorance,  political,  local,  and  family 
feeling — and  choose  the  men  likeliest  to  combat  them  with 
effect.  If  there  was  a  cranJc  in  the  mind  of  a  judge,  he 
would  find  the  hand  that  could  turn  it  to  his  advantage.  If 
there  was  a  prejudice  in  the  mind  of  a  jury,  he  would  con 
trive,  by  some  means,  to  bring  it  to  bear  in  favor  of  his  cli 
ent.  If  learning  and  eloquence  were  essential,  he  would 
enlist  their  aid  also.  But  his  forte  was  in  playing  upon 
the  amiable  weaknesses  of  human  nature.  Above  these,  the 
great  man  lifts  his  hearers ;  for  the  time,  makes  them  noble 
and  reasonable ;  and  while  they  are  so,  convinces  them.  To 
Aaron  Burr  this  majestic  kind  of  mastery  over  men  was  not 
given. 

As  in  the  battle-field,  so  in  the  crises  of  a  suit,  his  compos 
ure  was  perfect.  The  most  unexpected  event  could  not  star 
tle  him.  One  day,  as  he  and  two  other  lawyers  were  arguing, 
in  the  court  of  chancery,  a  case  in  which  he  appeared  for  a 
very  intimate  friend  of  many  years'  standing,  and  in  which  he 
himself  had  an  interest,  a  letter  was  handed  him  by  a  messen 
ger.  Apologizing,  and  requesting  the  lawyers  to  proceed  in 


AT     THE     NEW     YORK     B  A  K .  151 

tbeir  debate,  he  opened  the  letter,  read  it  carefully,  and  then, 
quite  in  his  usual  manner,  refolded  it,  and  laid  it  on  the  table 
with  the  address  downward.  The  discussion  proceeded  for 
about  ten  minutes  longer.  Colonel  Burr  listened  with  his 
usual  attention,  and,  when  a  pause  occurred,  asked  in  his  gen 
tlest  and  quietest  tone,  as  if  merely  to  solve  a  legal  doubt 
which  had  casually  risen  in  his  mind,  "  What  effect  would 
the  death  of  my  client  have  on  the  suit?"  The  lawyers 
started,  and  eagerly  inquired  his  reason  for  asking.  "  He  is 
dead,"  replied  Burr,  "  as  I  learn  from  this  letter ;  will  the 
suit  abate  ?» 

From  the  strictness  of  his  practice,  he  has  been  called  a 
legal  martinet.  He  asked  no  favors,  and  granted  none.  He 
defied  an  opponent  to  catch  him  tripping,  and  he  never  failed 
to  subject  his  opponent's  argument  to  just  such  treatment  as 
he  had  taken  infinite  pains  to  guard  his  own  against.  So  fond 
was  he  of  the  technicalities  of  the  law,  that  occasionally  he 
indulged  in  them  to  the  detriment  of  his  client.  At  the  same 
time,  no  man  was  more  observant  of  the  proper  courtesies  of 
the  bar ;  like  a  true  knight,  all  complaisance,  till  the  lists  were 
joined,  and  the  signal  given  for  the  fight ;  then  the  time  had 
come  for  hard  blows  and  rapid  thrusts. 

Burr  valued  himself  little  upon  his  oratorical  powers,  and 
he  used  to  say  that  he  had  seldom  spoken  with  pleasure  or 
satisfaction  to  himself.  His  pleadings  at  the  bar  were  more 
in  the  style  of  conversation  than  oratory,  it  is  said ;  the  con 
versation,  however,  of  a  well-bred,  thoroughly-informed  man 
of  the  world.  He  never  declaimed.  He  was  never  diffuse  ; 
a  long  speech  he  never  delivered  in  his  life.  In  concise,  pre 
cise,  and,  therefore,  simple  language,  he  contrived  to  clothe 
the  essential  points  of  his  argument,  and  to  lodge  them  in  the 
mind  of  judge  and  jury  so  firmly  that  no  bursts  of  eloquence 
from  the  other  side  could  remove  them.  There  was  a  vein  of 
quiet  sarcasm  in  some  of  his  speeches,  which,  it  is  said,  was 
exceedingly  effective.  With  a  manner  always  serious,  he  occa 
sionally  rose  to  be  impressive,  and  produced  effects  upon  the 
minds  of  his  hearers  that  were  long  remembered.  It  is  cer 
tain,  from  the  writings  of  the  time,  that  he  was  regarded  as 


152  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

a  great  speaker ;  as  great  in  his  way  as  General  Hamilton  was 
in  his  ;  and  it  was  oaid  that  the  extremely  interesting  charac 
ter  of  Burr's  speeches,  no  less  than  their  conciseness,  made  it 
difficult  to  report  them.  The  courtliness  of  his  manner,  the 
air  of  perfect  breeding  that  invested  him,  and  the  singular 
composure  of  his  bearing,  all  contributed,  doubtless,  to  the 
effect  of  his  public  addresses.  From  the  traditions  still  pre 
served  in  old  Presbyterian  families  respecting  the  eloquence 
of  President  Burr,  I  infer  that  the  son's  style  of  speaking  was 
extremely  like  that  of  the  father. 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  his  friend  and  rival,  Colonel  Burr 
freely  conceded  the  palm  of  eloquence.  He  did  justice  to  the 
powers  of  that  able  man,  with  whom  he  contended  for  the 
honors  of  his  profession  and  the  prizes  of  public  life,  for 
twenty  years.  To  the  strength  and  fertility  of  Hamilton's 
imagination,  to  his  fine  rhetorical  powers,  to  his  occasional 
flashes  of  poetical  genius,  and  to  the  force  of  his  declamation, 
Colonel  Burr  paid  the  tribute  of  admiration.  The  two  men 
were  antagonists  by  nature ;  but,  during  these  happy  years, 
each  had  a  high,  if  not  an  exaggerated  opinion  of  the  other's 
talents. 

An  aged  member  of  the  bar  described  to  me  the  manner  of 
the  two  men  in  their  public  addresses.  Hamilton's  way  was 
to  exhaust  a  case ;  giving  ample  statement  to  every  point ; 
anticipating  every  objection  ;  saying  every  thing  that  could 
fairly  be  said  in  the  fullest  manner.  He  would  speak  for  two 
or  three  hours,  enchaining  the  attention  of  court  and  jury  by 
his  fluent  and,  sometimes,  lofty  eloquence.  Burr,  in  replying, 
would  select  two  or  three  vulnerable,  yet  vital  points  of  Ham 
ilton's  speech,  and  quietly  demolish  them,  and  leave  all  the 
other  parts  of  his  oration  untouched.  In  a  twenty  minutes' 
speech,  he  has  been  known  completely  to  neutralize  the  effect 
of  one  of  Hamilton's  elaborate  and  ornate  addresses.  Burr 
began  practice  upon  the  principle  of  never  undertaking  a  cause 
which  he  did  not  feel  sure  of  gaining ;  and  I  am  assured  by 
another  venerable  lawyer  of  this  city,  who  was  frequently 
engaged  with  Burr,  that  he  never  in  his  life  lost  a  case 
which  he  personally  conducted.  It  is,  at  least,  certain, 


' 

AT     THE     NEW     YOKK     BAR.  153 

that  he  gained  over  Hamilton  some  signal  and  unexpected 
triumphs.* 

On  his  arrival  in  New  York,  Colonel  Burr  seems,  at  once, 
to  have  taken  his  place  among  the  leaders  of  the  bar,  and  he 
retained  that  position  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,  though, 
during  that  period,  the  bar  of  New  York  trebled  its  numbers. 
With  the  single  exception  of  Hamilton,  no  lawyer  in  the  State 
held  so  high  a  position  as  he,  and  none  in  the  country  held  a 
higher. 

With  regard  to  the  income  derivable  from  the  practice  of 
the  law  at  that  time,  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  information.  At 
the  present  day,  a  lawyer  is  considered  to  be  in  good  practice 
who  has  a  clear  gain  of  four  thousand  dollars  a  year.  «Ten 
thousand  dollars  is  thought  a  very  large  revenue  :  it  is  ques 
tionable  if  there  are  one  hundred  lawyers  in  the  United  States 
who  earn  so  much.  An  average  income  of  twenty  thousand 
is  as  great  as  the  half  dozen  leading  lawyers  of  the  country  can 
boast ;  though,  occasionally,  a  lawyer  will  make  that  sum  by  a 
single  case,  or  even  twice  as  much.  In  early  times,  profes 
sional  incomes  could  scarcely  have  been  as  large  as  they  are 
now.  Among  the  letters  of  Alexander  Hamilton  there  is  one 
from  a  New  York  merchant,  retaining  the  services  of  Hamil 
ton  in  any  suits  the  merchant  might  have  for  five  years.  In 
closed  in  the  letter  was  a  note  for  a  thousand  dollars,  payable 
at  the  end  of  the  five  years,  with  interest  at  five  per  cent. 

*  General  Erastus  Root,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  Burr  in  the  height 
of  his  celebrity,  was  with  him  in  the  Assembly  and  in  Congress,  and  often 
heard  him  speak  in  the  courts,  gives  the  following  opinion  of  the  powers  of  the 
two  men :  "  As  a  lawyer  and  as  a  scholar  Burr  was  not  inferior  to  Hamilton. 
His  reasoning  powers  were  at  least  equal.  Their  modes  of  argument  were 
very  different.  Hamilton  was  very  diffuse  and  wordy.  His  words  were  so 
well  chosen,  and  his  sentences  so  finely  formed  into  a  swelling  current,  that 
the  hearer  would  be  captivated.  The  listener  would  admire,  if  he  was  not 
convinced.  Burr's  arguments  were  generally  methodized  and  compact.  I 
used  to  say  of  them,  when  they  were  rivals  at  the  bar,  that  Burr  would  say  as 
much  in-  half  an  hour  as  Hamilton  in  two  hours.  Burr  was  terse  and  con 
vincing,  while  Hamilton  was  flowing  and  rapturous.  They  were  much  the 
greatest  men  in  this  State,  and  perhaps  tho  greatest  men  in  the  United 
States." — Hammond's  History  of  Political  Parties  in  the  State  of  New  York. 


154  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Upon  the  letter  is  an  indorsement,  in  Hamilton's  hand,  to  the 
effect  that  the  note  had  been-  "  returned,  as  being  too  much." 
Certainly  the  present  leaders  of  the  New  York  bar  would  not 
take  so  modest  a  view  of  the  value  of  their  services.  William 
Wirt,  of  Virginia,  a  very  brilliant  and  successful  lawyer,  prac 
ticing  in  the  dominant  State  of  the  Union,  mentions,  that  in 
1802,  he  had  an  income  of  twelve  hundred  pounds  a  year.  A 
few  years  later,  while  passing  through  New  York  to  try  a 
cause  in  Boston,  he  visited  some  of  the  New  York  courts,  and 
inquired  respecting  the  fees  of  the  lawyers.  He  was  astonished 
at  their  smallness,  and  said  a  Virginia  lawyer  would  starve  on 
such  fees.  From  such  indications  as  these,  it  is  perhaps  safe  to 
infei*  that  Hamilton  and  Burr  may  have  had  professional  in 
comes  of  ten  thousand  dollars  a  year,  but  not  more,  on  an 
average.  Burr  used  to  say  that  he  had  made  forty  thousand 
dollars  from  one  cause,  but  whether  it  was  as  a  lawyer  or  a 
speculator  that  he  gained  so  much,  is  not  clear.  Speculation 
in  lands  was  much  the  rage  among  the  leading  men  of  the 
country  during  the  first  twenty  years  after  the  Revolution,  and 
no  one  was  fonder  of  that  fascinating  game  than  Burr.  Fre 
quently  he  united,  in  his  land  transactions,  the  characters  of 
lawyer  and  of  speculator,  receiving  lands  in  payment  for  pro 
fessional  services,  and  then  disposing  of  them  to  the  best  ad 
vantage  he  could. 

His  style  of  living  kept  pace  with  his  increasing  income. 
In  a  few  years  we  find  him  master  of  Richmond  Hill,  the 
mansion  where  Washington  had  lived  in  1776,  with  grounds 
reaching  to  the  Hudson,  with  ample  gardens,  and  a  consider 
able  extent  of  grove  and  farm.  Here  he  maintained  a  liberal 
establishment,  and  exercised  the  hospitality  which  was  then  in 
vogue.  Talleyrand,  Volney,  Louis  Philippe,  and  other  strang 
ers  of  distinction,  whom  the  French  Revolution  drove  into 
exile,  were  entertained  with  princely  profusion  and  elegance 
at  Richmond  Hill.  With  Talleyrand  and  Volney,  Burr  became 
particularly  intimate.  The  one  particular  in  which  Richmond 
Hill  surpassed  the  other  houses  of  equal  pretensions,  was  its 
library.  From  his  college  days,  Colonel  Burr  had  been  a 
zealous  buyer  of  books,  and  his  stock  had  gone  on  increasing 


AT     THE     NEW     YORK     1}  A  II .  155 

till,  on  attaining  to  the  dignity  of  householder,  he  was  able  to 
give  to  his  miscellaneous  collection  something  of  the  com 
pleteness  of  a  library.  It  was  customary  then  for  gentlemen 
to  have  accounts  with  booksellers  in  London,  and  the  arrival 
of  the  English  packet  was  an  event  of  interest  to  persons  of 
taste  from  the  literary  treasures  it  usually  brought.  Colonel 
Burr  was  one  of  those  who  had  their  London  bookseller  ;  to 
whom  he  was  an  excellent  customer.  It  is  evident  enough, 
from  his  correspondence,  that  his  favorite  authors  were  still 
those  whom  the  "  well-constituted  minds"  of  that  day  regarded 
with  admiring  horror.  The  volumes  of  Gibbon's  History  were 
appearing  in  those  years,  striking  the  orthodox  world  with 
wonder  and  dismay.  They  had  a  very  hearty  welcome  in  the 
circle  at  Richmond  Hill.  Colonel  Burr  read  them,  and  often, 
while  absent  from  home  at  some  distant  court,  reminds  his  wife 
of  their  excellence,  and  urges  her  to  study  them  with  care. 
Indeed,  Gibbon  was  an  author  quite  after  Aaron  Burr's  own 
heart. 

Another  name  of  horror,  a  few  years  later,  was  William 
Godwin  (Charles  Lamb's  friend),  the  most  amiable  of  the 
human  species,  and,  one  would  now  suppose,  the  most  harm 
less.  He  was  one  of  those  lovers  of  his  kind  who  believe  in 
man  as  saints  once  believed  in  God.  A  passionate  lover  of 
justice,  a  passionate  hater  of  wrong,  he  waged  a  well-meant, 
ineffectual  warfare  against  the  State  of  Things.  He  held  opin 
ions  respecting  the  Rights  of  Woman,  Marriage  and  Divorce, 
and  the  Administration  of  Justice,  which  are  peculiarly  ob 
noxious  to  persons  of  a  conservative  cast  of  character.  Burr 
liked  this  man  and  his  writings.  In  one  of  the  letters  in 
which  Hamilton  recounts  the  enormities  of  Burr,  he  says,  by 
way  of  climax,  that  he  had  heard  him  talk  rank  Godwinism! 
Of  Mary  Wolstoncroft,  the  wife  of  William  Godwin,  Bun- 
had  an  exquisite  portrait  among  his  few  pictures. 

Jeremy  Bentham  was  another  of  his  favorites.  At  a  time 
when  the  mere  name  of  the  great  Apostle  of  Utilitarianism 
was  known  only  to  half  a  dozen  of  the  most  intelligent  minds 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  Colonel  Burr  was  a  reader  of  his 
works,  and  conceived  for  their  author  the  highest  opinion. 


156  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Benthamism  has  had  its  day ;  it  only  excites  wonder  in  us 
now  that  so  estimable  a  man  should  have  found  delight  in 
such  dreary  doctrine  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  to  be  a  reader  of 
Bentham  during  the  period  now  under  consideration,  was  to 
be  a  partaker  of  the  most  advanced  thought  of  the  time. 
Benthamism  was,  as  a  great  critic  has  remarked,  "  a  deter 
minate  beinfo  what  all  the  world,  in  a  cowardly,  half-and-half 
manner,  was  tending  to  be."  "  An  eyeless  "heroism,"  the 
same  writer  styles  it.  Along  with  Burr,  Albert  Gallatin  was 
a  lover  of  Bentham ;  and  it  is  likely  enough  that  Burr  de 
rived  his  first  knowledge  of  Bentham  through  Gallatin. 

The  "  Edinburg  Review,"  Scott's  early  poems,  the  Macken 
zie's  and  Miss  Burnett's  novels,  in  a  word,  all  the  attractive 
literature  of  the  day,  found  its  way,  very  soon  after  publica 
tion,  to  Richmond  Hill. 

What  happy  years  were  those  which  Colonel  Burr  passed 
in  the  practice  of  the  law  in  New  York,  before  he  was  drawn 
into  the  political  vortex !  His  wife  was  full  of  affection  and 
helpfulness,  making  him  the  happiest  of  men  while  he  was  at 
home,  and  superintending,  with  wise  vigilance,  his  office  and 
his  household  when  he  was  abroad.  Her  two  sons  were  stu 
dents  at  law  in  Colonel  Burr's  office,  and  aided  him  most 
essentially  in  the  prosecution  of  his  business.  One  of  them 
frequently  accompanied  him  on  his  journeys  as  an  amanuensis 
and  clerk,  while  the  other  represented  him  in  the  office  in 
New  York.  Little  Theodosia,  a  lovely,  rosy-cheeked  child, 
all  grace  and  intelligence,  was  the  delight  of  the  household. 
The  letters  that  passed  between  Colonel  Burr  and  his  wife, 
after  they  had  been  several  years  married,  read  like  the  pas 
sionate  outpourings  of  Italian  lovers  in  the  first  month  of  their 
betrothal. 

Once,  in  telling  him  of  the  safe  arrival  of  a  packet  of  his 
letters,  she  draws  an  enchanting  picture  of  a  happy  home.  It 
was  just  before  dinner,  she  says,  when  the  letters  arrived,  and 
the  children  were  dispersed  at  various  employments.  "  I  fur 
nished  the  mantelpiece  with  the  contents  of  the  packet.  When 
dinner  was  served  up  they  were  called.  You  know  the  usual 
eagerness  on  this  occasion.  They  were  all  seated  but  Bartow, 


AT     THE     NEW     YORK     BAE.  157 

v 

when  he  espied  the  letters ;  the  surprise,  the  joy,  the  excla 
mations  exceed  description.  The  greatest  stoic  would  have 
forgot  himself.  A  silent  tear  betrayed  me  no  philosopher.  A 
most  joyous  repast  succeeded.  We  talked  of  our  happiness, 
of  our  first  of  blessings,  our  best  of  papas.  I  enjoyed,  my 
Aaron,  the  only  happiness  that  could  accrue  from  your  ab 
sence.  It  was  a  momentary  compensation ;  the  only  one  I 
ever  experienced."  Then  she  tells  him  how  happy  his  letter 
had  made  her.  "  Your  letters,"  she  adds,  "  always  afford  me  a 
singular  satisfaction ;  a  sensation  entirely  my  own  ;  this  was 
peculiarly  so.  It  wrought  strangely  on  my  mind  and  spirits. 
My  Aaron,  it  was  replete  with  tenderness !  with  the  most 
lively  affection.  I  read  and  re-read,  till  afraid  I  should  get  it 
by  rote,  and  mingle  it  with  common  ideas.  Profane  the  sacred 
pledge !  Xo  ;  it  shall  not  be.  I  will  economize  the  boon." 

In  another  letter  she  describes  the  inane  behavior  of  some 
foolish  guests  with  whom  the  family  had  been  bored,  and  tells 
him  how  rejoiced  she  was  to  observe  that  the  children  all  had 
sense  enough  to  despise  them.  "I  really  believe,  my  dear," 
she  proceeds,  "  that  few  parents  can  boast  of  children  whose 
minds  are  so  prone  to  virtue.  I  see  the  reward  of  our  assi 
duity  with  inexpressible  delight,  with  a  gratitude  few  experi 
ence.  My  Aaron,  they  have  grateful  hearts ;  some  circum 
stances  prove  it,  which  I  shall  relate  to  you  with  singular 
pleasure  at  your  return." 

Another  passage,  acknowledging  the  arrival  of  letters,  is 
very  remarkable.  It  was  written  when  they  had  been  five 
years  married.  "  What  language,"  she  exclaims,  "  can  express 
the  joy,  the  gratitude  of  Theodosia  ?  Stage  after  stage  with 
out  a  line.  Thy  usual  punctuality  gave  room  for  every  fear ; 
various  conjectures  filled  every  breast.  One  of  our  sons  was 
to  have  departed  to-morrow  in  quest  of  the  best  of  friends 
and  fathers.  This  morning  we  waited  the  stage  with  impa 
tience.  Shrouder  went  frequently  before  it  arrived  ;  at  length 
returned — no  letter.  We  were  struck  dumb  with  disappoint 
ment.  Bartow  set  out  to  inquire  who  were  the  passengers ; 
in  a  very  few  minutes  returned  exulting — a  packet  worth  the 
treasures  of  the  universe.  Joy  brightened  every  face ;  all 


158  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

expressed  their  past  anxieties;  their  present  happiness.  To 
enjoy  was  the  first  result.  Each  made  choice  of  what  they 
could  best  relish.  Porter,  sweet  wine,  chocolate,  and  sweet 
meats  made  the  most  delightful  repast  that  could  be  shared 
without  thee.  The  servants  were  made  to  feel  their  lord  was 
well,  are  at  this  instant  toasting  his  health  and  bounty ;  while 
the  boys  are  obeying  thy  dear  commands,  thy  Theodosia  flies 
to  speak  her  heartfelt  joys : — her  Aaron  safe,  mistress  of  the 
heart  she  adores ;  can  she  ask  more  ?  has  Heaven  more  to 
grant  ?" 

Her  letters  are  not  all  in  this  ecstatic  strain.  She  talks  of 
business,  of  books,  of  passing  events.  Catharine  of  Russia* 
was  then  filling  the  world  with  the  noise  of  her  exploits.  Mrs. 
Burr  writes :  "  The  Empress  of  Russia  is  as  successful  as  I 
wish  her.  What  a  glorious  figure  will  she  make  on  the  his 
torical  page  !  Can  you  form  an  idea  of  a  more  happy  mortal 
than  she  will  be  when  seated  on  the  throne  of  Constantinople  ? 
How  her  ambition  will  be  gratified  ;  the  opposition  and  threats 
of  Great  Britain  will  increase  her  triumph.  I  wish  I  had  wit 
and  importance  enough  to  write  her  a  congratulatory  letter. 
The  ladies  should  deify  her,  and  consecrate  a  temple  to  her 
praise.  It  is  a  diverting  thought  that  the  mighty  Emperor  of 
the  Turks  should  be  subdued  by  a  woman.  How  enviable 
that  she  alone  should  be  the  avenger  of  her  sex's  wrongs  for 
so  many  ages  past.  She  seems  to  have  awakened  Justice, 
who  appears  to  be  a  sleepy  dame  in  the  cause  of  injured  inno 
cence." 

Colonel  Burr's  replies  to  these  warm  epistles  are  couched 
in  the  language  of  sincere  and  joyous  love.  Before  the  mar 
riage  there  was  a  certain  peremptoriness  of  tone  in  his  letters  to 
her,  not  usual,  and  not  quite  pleasing,  in  the  letters  of  a  lover. 
His  letters  after  marriage  were  more  tender,  without  being 
less  considerate.  A  few  sentences  will  suffice  to  give  an  idea 
of  their  usual  manner. 

The  following  is  perfectly  characteristic :  "  This  morning 
came  your  kind,  your  affectionate,  your  truly  welcome  letter 
of  Monday  evening.  Where  did  it  loiter  so  long?  Nothing 
in  my  absence  is  so  flatterng  to  me  as  your  health  and  cheer- 


AT     THE     NEW     YORK     BAH.  159 

fulness.  I  then  contemplate  nothing  so  eagerly  as  my  return ; 
amuse  myself  with  ideas  of  my  own  happiness,  and  dwell  on 
the  sweet  domestic  joys  which  I  fancy  prepared  for  me.  Noth 
ing  is  so  unfriendly  to  every  species  of  enjoyment  as  melan 
choly.  Gloom,  however  dressed,  however  caused,  is  incom 
patible  with  friendship.  They  can  not  have  place  in  the  mind 
*at  the  same  time.  It  is  the  secret,  the  malignant  foe  of  senti 
ment  and  love." 

He  writes  much  respecting  the  children.  "The  letters  of 
our  dear  children  are  a  feast.  Every  part  of  them  is  pleasing 
and  interesting.  *  *  *  To  hear  that  they  are  employed, 
that  no  time  is  absolutely  wasted,  is  the  most  flattering  of  any 
thing  that  can  be  told  me  of  them.  It  insures  their  affection, 
or  is  the  best  evidence  of  it.  It  insures,  in  its  consequences, 
every  thing  I  am  ambitious  of  in  them.  Endeavor  to  pre 
serve  regularity  of  hours ;  it  conduces  exceedingly  to  industry. 
*  *  *  My  love  to  the  smiling  little  girl.  I  received  her 
letter,  but  not  the  pretty  things.  I  continually  plan  my  return 
with  childish  impatience,  and  fancy  a  thousand  incidents  which 
render  it  more  interesting." 

Going  to  Albany  was  a  serious  undertaking  in  those  days. 
From  Albany,  on  one  occasion,  he  writes  :  "  The  headache 
Avith  which  I  left  New  York  grew  so  extreme,  that,  finding  it 
impossible  to  proceed  in  the  stage,  the  view  of  a  vessel  off 
Tarrytown,  under  full  sail  before  the  wind,  tempted  me  to  go 
on  board.  We  reached  West  Point  that  night,  and  lay  there 
at  anchor  near  three  days.  After  a  variety  of  changes  from 
sloop  to  wagon,  from  wagon  to  canoe,  and  from  canoe  to  sloop 
again,  I  reached  this  place  last  evening.  I  was  able,  however, 
to  land  at  Rhinebeck  on  Thursday  evening,  and  there  wrote 
you  a  letter." 

One  of  Colonel  Burr's  letters  to  his  wife,  written  in  the  sev 
enth  year  of  their  married  life,  gives  us  an  idea  of  the  playful 
badinage  for  which  his  conversation  was  remarkable,  but 
which  appears  unfrcquently  in  his  letters.  He  had  had  some 
thoughts  of  buying  a  romantic  spot,  called  Fort  Johnson,  de 
sirable,  also,  as  property.  She,  it  appears,  was  not  in  favor  of 
the  purchase,  and  advised  him  not  even  to  revisit  the  lovely 


160  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUKR. 

scene,  lest  he  should  be  tempted  to  buy  it.  But  he  did  visit 
it,  and  wrote  her  a  very  pleasant,  and  humorous  account  of 
the  result : 

"  O  Theo. !  there  is  the  most  delightful  grove — so  dark 
ened  with  weeping  willows,  that  at  noonday  a  susceptible 
fancy  like  yours  would  mistake  it  for  a  bewitching  moonlight 
evening.  These  sympathizing  willows,  too,  exclude  even  the 
prying  eye  of  curiosity.  Here  no  rude  noise  interrupts  the 
softest  whisper.  Here  no  harsher  sound  is  heard  than  the 
wild  cooings  of  the  gentle  dove,  the  gay  thrasher's  animated 
warbles,  and  the  soft  murmurs  of  the  passing  brook.  Really, 
Theo.,  it  is  charming. 

"  I  should  have  told  you  that  I  am  speaking  of  Fort  John 
son,  where  I  have  spent  a  day.  From  this  amiable  bower 
you  ascend  a  gentle  declivity,  by  a  winding  path,  to  a  cluster 
of  lofty  oaks  and  locusts.  Here  nature  assumes  a  more  august 
appearance.  The  gentle  brook,  which  murmured  soft  below, 
here  bursts  a  cataract.  Here  you  behold  the  stately  Mohawk 
roll  his  majestic  wave  along  the  lofty  Apalachians.  Here  the 
mind  assumes  a  nobler  tone,  and  is  occupied  by  sublimer  ob 
jects.  What  there  was  tenderness,  here  swells  to  rapture.  It 
is  truly  charming. 

"  The  windings  of  this  enchanting  brook  form  a  lovely  isl 
and,  variegated  by  the  most  sportive  hand  of  nature.  This 
shall  be  yours.  We  will  plant  it  with  jasmins  and  wood 
bine,  and  call  it  Cyprus.  It  seems  formed  for  the  Residence 
of  the  loves  and  the  graces,  and  is  therefore  yours  by  the  best 
of  titles.  It  is  indeed  most  charming. 

"  But  I  could  fill  sheets  in  description  of  the  beauties  of  this 
romantic  place.  We  will  reserve  it  for  the  subject  of  many  an 
amusing  hour.  And  besides  being  little  in  the  habit  of  the 
sublime  or  poetical,  I  grow  already  out  of  breath,  and  begin 
to  falter,  as  you  perceive.  I  can  not,  however,  omit  the  most 
interesting  and  important  circumstance ;  one  which  I  had 
rather  communicate  to  you  in  this  way  than  face  to  face.  1 
know  that  you  was  opposed  to  this  journey  to  Fort  Johnson. 
It  is,  therefore,  with  the  greatest  regret  that  I  communicate 


AT    THE     NEW     YORK     BAB.  161 

the  event ;  and  yon  are  not  unacquainted  with  my  induce 
ments  to  it. 

"  In  many  things  I  am  indeed  unhappy  in  possessing  a  sin 
gularity  of  taste  ;  particularly  unhappy  when  that  taste  differs 
in  any  thing  from  yours.  But  we  can  not  control  necessity, 
though  we  often  persuade  ourselves  that  certain  things  are 
our  choice,  when  in  truth  we  have  been  unavoidably  impelled 
to  them.  In  the  instance  I  am  going  to  relate,  I  shall  not  ex 
amine  whether  I  have  been  governed  by  mere  fancy,  or  by 
motives  of  expediency,  or  by  caprice  ;  you  will  probably  say 
the  latter. 

"  My  dear  Theo.,  arm  yourself  with  all  your  fortitude.  I 
know  you  have  much  of  it,  and  I  hope  that  upon  this  occasion 
you  will  not  flail  to  exercise  it.  I  abhor  preface  and  preamble, 
and  don't  know  why  I  have  now  used  it  so  freely.  But  I  am 
well  aware  that  what  I  am  going  to  relate  needs  much  apol 
ogy  from  me,  and  will  need  much  to  you.  If  I  am  the  un 
willing,  the  unfortunate  instrument  of  depriving  you  of  any 
part  of  your  promised  gayety  or  pleasure,  I  hope  you  are  too 
generous  to  aggravate  the  misfortune  by  upbraiding  me  with 
it.  Be  assured  (I  hope  the  assurance  is  needless),  that  what 
ever  diminishes  your  happiness  equally  impairs  mine.  In 
short,  then,  for  I  grow  tedious  both  to  you  and  myself;  and 
to  procrastinate  the  relation  of  disagreeable  events  only  gives 
them  poignancy ;  in  short,  then,  my  dear  Theo.,  the  beauty 
of  this  same  Fort  Johnson,  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  com- 
modiousness  and  elegance  of  the  buildings,  the  great  value  of 
the  mills,  and  the  very  inconsiderable  price  which  was  asked 
for  the  whole,  have  not  induced  me  to  purchase  it,  and  prob 
ably  never  will :  in  the  confidence,  however,  of  meeting  your 
forgiveness.  I  am,  etc.,  etc." 

One  who  reads  this  warm  and  tender  correspondence  re 
ceives  the  impression  that  it  gushed  from  hearts  that  confided 
in  one  another,  and  that  were  worthy  one  another's  confidence. 
It  was  a  very  happy  family.  Parents,  children,  servants, 
seemed  all  to  have  delighted  in  one  another,  and  to  have  been 
animated  by  a  common  desire  for  the  happiness  of  the  whole 
circle.  To  his  two  step-sons,  Colonel  Burr  was  liberal  in  the 


162  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURR. 

extreme,  and  took  the  liveliest  possible  interest  in  their  ad 
vancement.  The  little  Theodosia  was  now  beginning  her  edu 
cation,  every  step  of  which  was  thoughtfully  superintended  by 
her  father.  From  her  earliest  years,  she  began  to  manifest  a 
singular,  almost  morbid  fondness  for  her  father,  who,  on  his 
part,  was  resolved  that  she  should  be  peerless  among  the  la 
dies  of  her  time.  Courage  and  fortitude  were  his  darling 
virtues.  He  began  to  teach  his  daughter  these,  at  an  age 
when  most  parents  are  teaching  their  children  effeminacy. 
He  would  encourage  her  to  go  alone  in  the  dark,  to  the  least 
frequented  parts  of  his  large  rambling  house,  and  to  sleep  in 
a  room  by  herself.  He  urged  her  to  restrain  her  cries  when 
she  was  hurt,  and  to  overcome  her  appetite  for  injurious  deli 
cacies.  To  such  an  extent  did  he  carry  discipline  of  this  kind, 
that  visitors  sometimes  received  the  impression  that  he  was  a 
hard,  unloving  father ;  as  people  will  of  those  rare  parents  who 
prefer  to  promote  the  lasting  good  of  their  children,  even  at 
the  expense  of  their  present  pleasure.  The  servants  of  the 
family,  most  of  whom  were  slaves,  were  taught  to  read. 

In  these  years,  there  was  not  a  spot  upon  the  brightness  of 
his  good  name.  A  rising  lawyer,  devoted  to  business,  avoid 
ing  politics,  happy  at  home,  honored  abroad,  welcome  in  the 
most  refined  and  elevated  circles,  and  shining  in  them  with  all 
the  luster  of  a  striking  person,  graceful  manners  and  a  pol 
ished  wit — who  would  have  predicted  for  him  any  thing  but 
a  career  of  still  increasing  brilliancy,  a  whole  life-time  of  hon 
orable  exertion,  and  a  name  that  would  have  been  distinction 
to  all  who  bore,  or  should  inherit  it  ? 

True,  a  discerning  person,  a  man  who  should  have  seen  him 
much,  and  observed  him  closely,  would  have  noted  that  in 
much  of  his  intercourse  with  others,  there  was  a  flavor  of  false 
hood.  Women  he  always  flattered.  He  did  it  on  principle. 
He  said  their  ruling  passion  was  vanity,  which,  he  always  main 
tained,  was  a  harmless  and  amiable  failing.  He  flattered  them 
with  an  adroitness  seldom  equaled,  contriving  always  to  praise 
those  qualities,  upon  the  fancied  possession  of  which  they  most 
valued  themselves  ;  which  is,  of  all  flattery,  the  most  irresisti 
ble.  But  this  habit  was,  by  no  means,  altogether  insincere 


AT     THE     NEW     YORK     BAH.  163 

with  Colonel  Burr.  He  really  liked  women,  and  all  their 
lovely  ways,  and  had  a  great  opinion  of  their  taste  and  ca 
pacity.  He  preferred  their  society  to  that  of  men,  at  all  pe 
riods  of  life — which  is  not  a  good  sign.  And  women,  with 
scarcely  one  exception  in  all  his  life,  were  warmly  his  friends — 
which  is  not  an  infallibly  good  sign.  The  men  whom  men 
respect,  the  women  whom  women  approve,  are  the  men  and 
women  who  bless  their  species. 

Burr's  intercourse  with  men,  too,  was  not  always  character 
ized  by  the  heartiness  and  directness  which  are  dear  to  the 
Saxon  heart.  He  succeeded  best  with  young  men  and  with  un 
sophisticated  elderly  gentlemen.  He  had  a  rare  faculty  of  in 
spiring  young  men  with  his  own  ambition,  and  with  his  own 
contempt  of  danger,  luxury,  and  ease.  Many  young  men 
loved  him  almost  with  the  love  of  woman,  and  made  him  their 
model,  and  succeeded  in  copying  his  virtues  and  his  faults. 
He,  on  his  part,  was  really  attached  to  them,  would  take  in 
finite  pains  to  form  and  advance  them ;  and  succeeded  in  so 
imprinting  his  own  character  on  theirs,  that  their  career  in 
life  was  like  his — glorious  at  the  beginning,  disastrous,  if  not 
disgraceful,  at  the  close. 

The  same  discerning  observer  would  have  lamented  Colonel 
Burr's  carelessness  with  regard  to  money.  He  was  excessively 
given  to  making  presents,  to  making  expensive  additions  to 
his  house  and  grounds.  His  hospitality  was  sometimes  pro 
fuse  in  the  extreme.  Once,  while  a  certain  Major  Prevost 
was  gone  to  England,  his  whole  family  of  young  children 
were  entertained  at  Colonel  Burr's  house.  There  was  not 
that  instinctive  counting  of  the  cost  which  marks  the  character 
destined  to  live  and  die  in  prosperity.  And,  still  worse,  there 
was  not  that  instinctive  shrinking  from  debt,  that  caution  not 
to  incur  obligations  respecting  the  punctual  discharge  of  which 
there  is  any  reasonable  doubt,  which  indicates  the  entirely 
honest  man.  At  this  period,  however,  this  cardinal  fault  had 
not  exhibited  itself  to  a  degree  approaching  immorality. 
Profuseness  of  expenditure  was  then,  as  now,  the  prevalent 
vice  of  New  York,  and  in  conforming  to  the  bad  custom  Col- 


164  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUKR. 

onel  Burr  did  only  what  most  of  his  neighbors  did.  Hamilton 
himself,  after  fifteen  years'  successful  practice  of  the  law  in  the 
same  courts  with  Burr,  died  scarcely  solvent.  Rufus  King, 
General  Knox,  Jefferson,  and  many  other  public  men  of  the 
period,  were  bad  managers  of  their  private  interests,  and  were 
often  in  pecuniary  straits. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE   NEW   YORK    POLITICIAN. 

THE  RAPIDITY  OF  HIS  RISK  IN  POLITICS  —  MEMBER  OF  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE  — 
OPPOSES  THE  MECHANICS'  BILL  —  VOTES  FOR  THE  ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  —  PAR 
TIES  AFTER  THE  PEACE — TllE  GREAT  FAMILIES  OF  THE  STATK — "  BURR'S  MYRMIDONS'" 

—THE  RATIFICATION  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION— BURR'S  EARLY  MOVEMENTS  IN  POLITICS 
—  APPOINTED  ATTORNEY-GENERAL  OF  THE  STATE  —  His  REPORT  ON  THE  REVOLU 
TIONARY  CLAIMS  —  SALE  OF  THE  STATE  LANDS  —  ELECTED  TO  THE  SENATE  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES. 

COLONEL  BURR'S  rise  to  eminence  in  the  political  world 
was  more  rapid  than  that  of  any  other  man  who  has  played  a 
,-onspicuous  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  United  States.  Over  the 
heads  of  tried  and  able  politicians,  in  a  State  where  leading 
families  had,  for  a  century,  nearly  monopolized  the  offices  of 
honor  and  emolument,  he  was  advanced,  in  four  years  after 
fairly  entering  the  political  arena,  from  a  private  station,  first 
to  the  highest  honor  of  the  bar,  next,  to  a  seat  in  the  national 
councils,  and  then,  to  a  competition  with  Washington,  Adarns, 
Jefferson,  and  Clinton  for  the  presidency  itself.  This  point 
he  reached  when  he  was  but  thirty-six  years  of  age,  without 
having  originated  any  political  idea  or  measure,  without  being 
fully  committed  to  either  of  the  two  leading  parties. 

To  his  cotemporaries,  no  less  than  to  recent  writers  of 
political  history,  the  suddenness  of  his  elevation  was  an  enig 
ma.  John  Adams  thought  it  was  owing  to  the  prestige  of 
his  father's  and  grandfather's  name.  Hamilton  attributed  it 
to  Burr's  unequaled  wire-pulling.  Some  thought  it  was  his 
military  reputation.  Others  called  it  luck.  His  own  circle 
of  friends  regarded  his  elevation  as  the  legitimate  result  of  a 
superiority  to  most  of  his  rivals  in  knowledge,  culture,  and 
talents.  No  doubt  all  of  these  were  causes  of  his  success. 
Perhaps  some  of  the  mystery  will  vanish  before  a  concise 
statement  of  his  political  career. 


166  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Late  in  the  autumn  of  1783,  Colonel  Burr,  as  we  have  seen, 
became  a  resident  of  the  city  of  New  York.  In  the  spring 
of  1784  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  legislature,  and  on 
the  12th  of  October  following,  took  his  seat.  During  the  first 
session,  he  was  not  a  diligent,  nor,  as  it  would  seem,  a  promi 
nent  member ;  attending  only  when  important  votes  were 
taken,  and  leaving  the  burden  of  legilsation  to  members  of 
more  leisure  than  himself.  But,  at  the  second  session,  he  took 
a  stand  on  a  certain  bill  which  made  him  at  once  the  most 
conspicuous  of  the  members,  and  an  object,  out  of  doors,  of 
equal  hatred  and  admiration. 

A  company  of  mechanics  applied  for  an  act  of  incorpora 
tion,  by  which  they  would  be  enabled  to  hold  land  to  an  un 
limited  extent,  and  to  wield  power  which,  Colonel  Burr 
thought,  would  finally  endanger  the  independence  of  the  city 
government.  A  great  and  wealthy  GUILD,  unless  limits  were 
fixed  to  its  growth  and  authority,  would  arise,  he  said,  to 
direct  the  votes  of  the  most  numerous  class  in  the  community, 
and  thus  to  overawe  the  government.  Alone,  among  the 
members  from  the  city,  he  opposed  this  bill.  His  course  cre 
ated  an  intense  excitement  among  the  mechanics,  some  of 
whom  threatened  violence  against  his  person  and  property ; 
thus  creating  the  circumstances  in  which,  of  all  others,  Aaron 
Burr  was  most  fitted  to  shine.  To  danger  he  was  constitu 
tionally  insensible.  He  stood  firm  in  his  opposition.  When 
his  friends  offered  to  protect  his  house  from  assault,  he  adroitly 
said  that  he  had  no  fear  of  violence  from  men  of  the  Rev 
olution,  who  had  just  made  such  sacrifices  to  conquer  the 
right  of  governing  themselves ;  and  that,  whatever  might 
occur,  he  was  able  and  prepared  to  protect  himself.  The  bill 
passed ;  but  was  returned  from  the  Council  of  Revision  with 
Colonel  Burr's  objections,  and  was,  therefore,  lost.  The  citi 
zens  generally  sided  with  Burr,  and  the  mechanics  themselves, 
it  is  said,  were,  at  least,  so  far  convinced  of  the  correctness  of 
his  views  as  never  to  renew  the  application. 

Conduct  like  this,  in  a  young  and  rising  lawyer,  popular 
already  for  his  gallantry  as  a  soldier,  could  not  but  add  to  his 
reputation  for  courage,  a  general  confidence  in  his  firmness  and 


THE    N  EW     YORK     POLITICIAN.  1G7 

address.  It  was  calculated  to  win  him  friends  among  his  legis 
lative  associates,  among  the  propertied  citizens,  and  among 
the  very  class  whose  wishes  he  had  opposed,  who  are  not  apt 
to  like  a  man  the  less  for  boldly  and  courteously  setting  them 
right.  It  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  a  town  of  thirty 
thousand  inhabitants  is  a  theater  upon  which  a  shining  action 
does  not  escape  observation. 

At  the  same  session,  a  bill  was  introduced  into  the  legisla 
ture  for  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  State.  Burr 
was  in  favor  of  a  speedier  extinction  of  the  anomaly,  and  moved 
to  amend  the  bill  so  as  to  totally  abolish  slavery  after  a  certain 
day.  His  amendment  having  been  rejected,  he  voted  for  the 
original  bill,  which  was  lost. 

Then  followed  three  years  of  political  calm  in  the  State  of 
New  York,  during  which  the  name  of  Aaron  Burr  does  not 
appear  in  politics. 

During  the  period  that  elapsed  between  the  conclusion  of 
peace  in  1783,  and  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  in  1787, 
the  question  upon  which  parties  in  this  State  were  divided 
was  this :  What  are  the  rights  of  the  Tories  in  this  common 
wealth  ?  Shall  we  Whigs,  triumphant  over  them  after  a  seven 
years'  contest,  regard  them  as  defeated  enemies  or  as  mis 
taken  fellow-citizens?  Shall  the  animosities  and  disabilities 
of  the  war  be  kept  up  and  cherished,  or  shall  the  victors  mag 
nanimously  let  bygones  be  bygones  ? 

In  this  controversy,  there  were  three  parties. 

First,  the  Tories  themselves,  some  of  whom  were  blind 
enough  to  think  that  England,  after  breathing  awhile,  would 
attempt,  and  successfully  too,  to  regain  her  colonies,  the  lost 
jewels  of  her  diadem.  Others,  less  infatuated,  hoped,  that 
after  the  first  soreness  of  the  war  was  over,  the  Tories  would 
enjoy  in  the  State  the  preeminence  they  had  had  in  the  colony 
Others,  disfranchised  for  their  active  hostility  to  the  Revolu 
tion,  were  humble  suitors  for  a  restoration  to  estates  and  em 
ployment.  All  of  these  were,  of  course,  for  granting  the 
Tories  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  citizenship. 

Secondly,  the  Whigs,  who  had  borne  the  burdens  and  hard 
ships  of  the  war ;  many  of  whom  had  lost  fortune,  health,  re- 


168  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BURK. 

latious,  friends,  in  the  struggle ;  all  of  whom  having  seen  that 
struggle  prolonged  and  embittered  by  Tory  machinations,  had 
learned  to  hate  a  Tory  worse  than  a  British  soldier.  These 
men  were  indignant  at  the  idea  of  conceding  any  thing  to 
Tories.  They  demanded  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  triumph 
without  sharing  them  with  the  enemy. 

Thirdly,  between  these  extreme  parties,  there  was,  as  usual, 
a  class  of  people  who  were  in  favor  of  making  some  concessions 
to  the  Tories,  and  of  gradually  restoring  all  who  would  pro 
fess  loyalty  to  the  new  order  of  things,  to  equal  privileges 
with  the  Whigs. 

Colonel  Burr  was  a  Whig  of  the  decided  school,  one  of 
those  who  were  called  violent  Whigs.  This  was  the  popular 
party  of  that  day.  That  he  took  an  open  and  active  part  in 
the  discussion  of  the  various  Whig  and  Tory  questions,  does 
not  appear,  but  he  was  classed  with  the  extreme  Whigs,  and 
acted  afterward,  and  on  other  questions,  with  that  party. 

As  there  were  three  parties,  so  there  were  three  groups  of 
leading  partizans. 

There  were,  first,  the  Clintons,  of  whom  George  Clinton, 
Governor  of  the  State,  was  the  important  person.  He  was  the 
undisputed  leader  of  the  popular  party.  He  had  been  gov 
ernor  since  1777,  and  was  re-elected,  every  other  yeai\  to  that 
office,  for  eighteen  years.  The  Clintons,  as  a  family,  were  not, 
at  this  time,  either  numerous  or  rich ;  but  George  Clinton,  an 
able,  tough,  wary,  self-willed  man,  wielding,  with  unusual  tact, 
the  entire  patronage  of  the  State,  and  dear  to  the  affections  of 
the  great  mass  of  the  people,  is  an  imposing  figure  in  the  pol 
itics  of  the  time,  and  must  ever  be  regarded  as  the  Chief  Man 
of  the  State  of  New  York,  during  the  earlier  years  of  its  in 
dependent  existence.  De  Witt  Clinton,  a  nephew  of  the  gov 
ernor,  was  a  student  in  Columbia  College  at  this  time.  The 
Clintons  were  all  strong  characters,  retaining  something  of  the 
fiery,  obstinate,  north-of-Ireland  disposition  which  their  ances 
tor  brought  with  him  from  over  the  sea,  in  1719.  They  were 
thorough  Whigs,  all  of  them,  though,  it  was  said,  the  founder 
of  the  family  was  a  royalist  in  the  time  of  Charles  I.,  and  fled 
to  Ireland  to  avoid  the  enmity  of  the  Roundheads. 


THE     NEW     YOKK     POLITICIAN.  169 

Then  there  were  the  Schuylers,  with  General  Schuyler  at 
their  head,  and  Alexander  Hamilton,  his  son-in-law,  for  orna 
ment  and  champion.  General  Schnyler  was  formed  for  un 
popularity.  Rich,  of  an  imposing  presence,  austere  in  man 
ners,  a  very  honest,  worthy  man,  he  had  no  real  sympathy 
with  the  age  and  country  in  which  he  lived.  No  more  had 
Hamilton,  as  Hamilton  well  knew,  and  bitterly  confessed.  But 
not  to  anticipate,  it  is  enough  here  to  say  that  the  Schuyler 
party,  as  used  and  led  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  was  the  one 
most  directly  opposed  to  the  Clintons.  General  Schuyler  had 
been  a  competitor  with  George  Clinton  for  the  governorship 
in  1 777,  and  his  disappointment,  it  was  thought,  was  still 
very  fresh  in  the  general's  recollection. 

But  there  was  a  third  family  in  the  State,  which,  merely  as 
a  family,  was  more  important  than  the  Clintons  or  Schuylers. 
This  was  the  Livingston  family — rich,  numerous,  and  influen 
tial.  At  the  time  we  are  now  considering,  there  were  nine 
members  of  this  family  in  public  life — politicians,  judges,  cler 
gymen,  lawyers — of  whom  several  were  of  national  celebrity. 
And  besides  those  who  bore  the  name  of  Livingston,  there 
were  distinguished  and  aspiring  men  who  had  married  daugh 
ters  of  the  family.  The  Livingstons  had  been  rooted  in  the 
State  for  more  than  a  hundred  years,  and  the  circle  of  their 
connections  embraced  a  great  proportion  of  the  leading  peo 
ple.  Robert  H.  Livingston,  a  member  of  Congress  in  1776, 
one  of  the  committee  who  drew  up  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  a  conspicuous  franier  of  the  Constitution,  afterward 
its  stanch  supporter,  in  later  years  the  patron  of  Robert  Ful 
ton,  and  therefore  immortal,  was  at  this  period  the  head  and 
pride  of  the  Livingston  family. 

These  were  the  three  families.  The  Clintons  had  power, 
the  Livingstons  had  numbers,  the  Schuylers  had  Hamilton. 
Neither  of  the  three  was  strong  enough  to  overcome  the 
other  two  united,  and  any  two  united  could  triumph  over  the 
third. 

Such  statements  as  these  must,  of  course,  be  taken  with 
proper  allowance.  A  thousand  influences  enter  into  politics, 
and  general  statements  are  only  outline  truths.  Nevertheless, 

8 


170  L  I  F  K     O  F      A  A  li  U  N      15  U  K  14 . 

in  a  Stale  where  only  freeholders  have  a  vote,  and  where  there 
are  not  more  than  twelve  or  fourteen  thousand  freeholders,  the 
influence  of  great  families,  if  wielded  by  men  of  force  and  tal 
ent,  will  be,  in  the  long  run,  and  in  great  crises,  controlling. 
It  was  so  in  the  State  of  New  York  for  twenty  years  after  the 
Revolution. 

For  some  years  after  coming  to  New  York,  Colonel  Burr 
held  aloof  from  these  factions.  Absorbed  in  the  practice  of 
his  profession  and  the  education  of  his  family,  he  was  not 
reckoned  among  the  politicians.  And  when,  at  length,  he 
entered  the  political  field,  it  wTas  not  as  an  ally  of  either  of  the 
families,  but  as  an  independent  power  who  profited  by  their 
dissensions,  and  wielded  the  influence  of  two  to  crush  the  more 
obnoxious  third.  He  had  a  party  of  his  own,  that  served  him 
instead  of  family  connections.  Gradually  certain  young  men  of 
the  town,  who  had  nothing  to  hope  from  the  ruling  power,  am 
bitious,  like  himself,  were  drawn  into  his  circle,  and  inspired 
with  his  own  energy  and  resolution.  They  were  devoted  to 
their  chief,  of  whose  abilities  they  had  an  extravagant  opinion. 
In  every  quarter,  they  sounded  the  praises  of  the  man  who, 
they  said,  was  the  bravest  soldier,  the  ablest  lawyer,  and  the 
most  accomplished  gentleman  of  his  day  ;  endowed  with  equal 
valor  and  prudence  ;  formed  to  shine  in  every  scene,  and  to 
succeed  in  every  enterprise.  Burros  myrmidons,  these  young 
gentlemen  were  styled  by  General  Hamilton.  The  Tenth 
Legion,  they  were  proudly  called  by  Theodosia,  the  daughter. 
They  were  not  as  numerous  as  the  young  lady's  expression 
would  imply,  but  they  were  such  efficient  co-workers  with 
their  chief,  that  the  B unites  formed  a  fourth  party  in  the 
State,  and  were  a  recognized  power  in  it  years  after  the  leader 
had  vanished  from  the  scene.  This  party,  as  far  as  I  can 
ascertain,  was  a  merely  personal  one ;  its  objects,  victory  and 
glory.  Consisting  at  first  of  half  a  dozen  of  Burr's  personal 
friends,  it  grew  in  numbers  with  his  advancement,  until,  as 
just  intimated,  it  became  a  formidable  "  wing"  of  the  great 
Republican  party. 

During  the  summer  of  1787,  all  minds  were  fixed  upon  the 
proceedings  of  the  convention  that  was  forming  the  Constitu- 


THE     NEW      YORK      POLITICIAN.  171 

lion  under  which  we  now  live.  The  science  of  government 
never  had  such  a  tin  trough  discussion  as  it  then  received  at  the 
hands  of  editors,  pamphleteers,  and  way-side  politicians.  Shall 
we  have  a  strong  and  splendid  central  government,  reducing 
sovereign  States  to  the  rank  of  departments ;  or  shall  these 
sovereign  States  merely  form  a  federal  Union,  for  mutual  de 
fense  ?  That  was  the  question.  In  September,  the  Constitu 
tion,  which  was  a  compromise  between  the  two  systems,  and 
which,  therefore,  was  quite  satisfactory  to  nobody,  w*as  sub 
mitted  to  the  States  for  each  to  ratify  or  reject.  How  eagerly 
and  how  long,  with  what  ability  and  learning,  the  question  of 
ratification  or  rejection  was  discussed  in  this  State,  need  not 
be  recounted  here.  Governor  Clinton,  proud  of  the  State  he 
governed,  and  foreseeing  its  destiny,  thought  it  was  required 
by  the  new  Constitution  to  concede  too  much  to  the  central 
authority,  and  to  throw  away  the  magnificent  advantages  of 
its  position.  He  led  the  party  who  opposed  ratification. 
Hamilton,  who  may  almost  be  called  the  author  of  the  Con 
stitution,  was  of  course  its  ablest  champion.  Jay,  Robert  R. 
Livingston,  General  Schuyler,  the  Van  Rensselaers,  were  all 
strenuous  in  its  support,  and  it  was  the  union  of  the  Living 
ston  influence  with  the  Schuyler,  on  this  great  question,  that 
added  New  York  to  the  States  that  had  accepted  the  Con 
stitution.  Robert  R.  Livingston,  the  reader  is  aware,  was  one 
of  the  framers  of  the  instrument. 

It  is  a  significant  fact  that  there  should  be  no  trace  of  Aaron 
Burr  in  a  controversy  so  interesting  and  so  vital  as  this.  Mr. 
Davis  says  he  was  "  neutral"  on  the  question.  Hamilton  says 
his  "conduct  was  equivocal."  He  was  in  no  position  that 
obliged  him  publicly  to  espouse  either  side  of  the  question, 
and  his  was  not  the  kind  of  intellect  to  shine  in  the  pages  of 
"  The  Federalist."  His  letters  show,  that  while  this  subject  was 
in  agitation,  he  was  immersed  in  law  business.  In  common 
with  most  of  the  leading  men  of  that  time,  including  the 
framers  of  the  Constitution,  and  particularly  Hamilton,  he  had 
a  low  opinion  of  the  merits  of  the  new  system,  as  a  piece  of 
political  machinery.  Conversing  with  a  gentleman  on  the  sub 
ject,  toward  the  close  of  his  life,  he  used  language  like  this : 


172  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

u  When  the  Constitution  was  first  framed,"  said  he,  "  I  pre 
dicted  that  it  would  not  last  fifty  years.  I  was  mistaken.  It 
will  evidently  last  longer  than  that.  But  I  was  mistaken  only 
in  point  of  time.  The  crash  will  come,  bat  not  quite  as  soon 
as  I  thought." 

Though  the  New  York  Convention  accepted  the  Constitu 
tion  by  a  majority  of  only  three  members,  in  a  House  of  fifty- 
seven,  yet,  after  the  question  was  disposed  of,  there  was  a 
powerful  reaction  in  favor  of  the  Federal  party.  The  feeling 
was  general  that  the  Constitution  must  be  supported,  and 
fairly  tried.  In  the  city,  the  anti-Federalists,  as  a  party,  were 
almost  annihilated,  and  it  was  many  a  year  before  they  gained 
the  ascendancy. 

It  was  in  the  spring  of  1788,  when  the  Federal  majority  in 
the  city  was  overwhelming,  and  in  the  State  considerable,  that 
Colonel  Burr  first  appears  in  political  history  as  the  candidate 
of  the  anti-Federal  party.  On  the  walls  of  the  city,  in  the 
month  of  April,  appeared  a  handbill  announcing  to  the  shat 
tered  remnant  of  the  popular  party,  that 

"  THE  SONS  OF  LIBERTY,  WHO  ARE  AGAIN  CALLED  UPON 
TO  CONTEND  WITH  THE  SHELTERED  ALIENS,  WHO  HAVE,  BY  THE 
COURTESY  OF  OUR  OWN  COUNTRY,  BEEN  PERMITTED  TO  REMAIN 
AMONG  US,  WILL  GIVE  THEIR  SUPPORT  TO  THE  FOLLOWING 
TICKET:  WILLIAM  DEMING,  MELANCTHON  SMITH,  MARIMUS 

WlLLET,  AND  AARON  BuRR." 

With  this  nomination,  I  presume,  Colonel  Burr  had  little  to 
do.  The  ticket  was  probably  run  merely  to  keep  the  party 
together.  Yet,  as  after  making  every  allowance  that  even 
charity  requires,  Colonel  Burr's  course  as  a  politician  can  not 
be  praised,  it  is  only  fair  to  bear  in  mind  that  when  the  popu 
lar  party  seemed  hopelessly  crushed,  was  the  time  when  he 
first  allowed  his  name  to  be  identified  with  it. 

The  next  year,  1789,  there  was  an  election  for  governor, 
and  the  victorious  Federalists,  under  Hamilton,  had  hopes  of 
ousting  Governor  Clinton,  who  was  a  candidate  for  reelection. 
Clinton,  however,  was  so  rooted  in  the  affections  of  the  peo 
ple,  that  Hamilton  despaired  of  electing  an  opposition  candi 
date  by  direct  means.  He  therefore  resorted  to  a  mrmeuver, 


THE     NEW      YORK     POLITICIAN.  17M 

which  he  would  have  eloquently  denounced  it'  it  had  been  de 
vised  by  Burr.  Chief  Justice  Morris,  it  was  generally  sup 
posed  and  desired,  would  have  been  the  regular  Federal 
candidate.  But  six  weeks  before  the  election,  Hamilton 
called  a  meeting  in  New  York  of  moderate  men  of  both 
parties,  who  nominated,  as  the  opposing  candidate,  Judge 
Yates,  an  anti-Federalist,  but  a  man,  it  was  thought,  who  would 
be  supported  by  enough  Federalists  to  accomplish  Hamilton's 
object,  the  downfall  of  Clinton.  Judge  Yates  was  one  of 
Burr's  most  intimate  friends.  When  Colonel  Burr  was  at 
Albany  in  1782,  endeavoring  to  conquer  the  opposition  of  the 
lawyers  to  his  premature,  irregular  admission  to  the  bar, 
Judge  Yates  rendered  him  essential  service,  which  laid  the 
foundation  of  a  lasting  and  cordial  friendship  between  them. 
On  every  political  question  since,  Colonel  Burr  and  Judge 
Yates  had  felt  and  acted  together.  With  Governor  Clinton 
he  had  no  particular  relations.  In  this  movement,  therefore, 
to  elevate  his  old  and  venerated  friend,  Colonel  Burr  joined, 
and  his  name  appears,  with'  that  of  Hamilton,  William  Duer, 
and  Robert  Troup,  as  one  of  the  committee  of  correspondence 
appointed  to  promote  the  object.  Yates  accepted,  and  Morris 
was  induced  to  decline  the  nomination.  The  Federalists  is 
sued  an  address,  in  which  with  singular  absurdity,  they  avow 
a  preference  for  Morris,  but  a  determination  to  vote  for  Yates, 
as  Yates  was  the  only  man  to  beat  Clinton  with.  The  trick 
nearly  succeeded.  Clinton  received  6,391  votes  ;  Yates, 
5,962  :  majority  for  Clinton,  429. 

This  is  the  only  instance  in  which  Hamilton  and  Burr  ever 
acted  in  politics  together.  There  is  a  tendency  in  human  na 
ture  to  heap  obloquy  upon  a  public  man  who  is  irretrievably 
down  /  and,  accordingly,  I  find  writers,  who  give  an  account 
of  this  election,  attributing  political  inconsistency  and  maneu 
vering  to  Burr.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  Hamilton  who  was 
inconsistent,  and  who  maneuvered.  As  yet  Burr  was  no  poli 
tician.  Nothing  was  more  natural  or  more  proper  than  his 
support  of  an  old  friend,  with  whom  he  was  in  political  ac. 
cord. 

Governor  Clinton  was  evidently  of  that  opinion,  for,  four 


174  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

months  after  the  election,  he  offered  Burr  the  Attorney-Gen 
eralship  of  the  State.  This  was  a  tribute  to  the  lawyer  merely. 
The  office  was  important  and  lucrative,  but  it  was  not  given, 
at  that  day,  as  a  matter  of  course,  to  a  partizan.  For  some 
days  after  the  offer  was  made,  Colonel  Burr  hesitated  to  accept 
it,  not  from  any  dislike  to  the  office,  as  he  informed  the  gov 
ernor,  but  from  other  circumstances  known  to  both,  and  there 
fore  not  mentioned.  September  25th  he  signified  his  wil 
lingness  to  accept,  and  on  the  27th  he  was  appointed.  It  is 
conceded,  I  believe,  by  every  one,  that  during  the  two  years 
that  Colonel  Burr  held  this  office,  its  duties  were  performed 
by  him  with  punctilious  correctness  and  efficiency. 

In  March,  1790,  the  Attorney-General  was  named  one  of 
three  commissioners,  upon  whom  the  legislature  devolved  the 
duty  of  classifying  and  deciding  upon  the  claims  of  individuals 
for  services  rendered  and  losses  sustained  in  the  revolutionary 
war.  These  claimants  were  numberless.  Some  of  them  had 
served  in  the  State  militia,  some  in  the  Continental  army,  and 
some  in  both.  Others  had  supplied  provisions  to  both  de 
scriptions  of  troops.  Many  had  had  their  estates  overrun, 
their  houses  pillaged  or  burnt  by  the  foe.  Some  of  the  claims 
were  for  many  thousands  of  dollars,  others  for  the  value  of  a 
few  bushels  of  oats  or  tons  of  hay.  Of  course,  in  the  throng 
of  rightful  claimaints  mingled  not  a  few  rogues,  whose  ac 
counts  needed  the  closest  scrutiny.  And  when  the  justice  of 
a  claim  was  established,  it  was  often  a  difficult  point  to  decide 
whether  it  was  the  general  government,  or  the  State  govern 
ment  that  ought  to  discharge  it.  In  many  cases  both  seemed 
liable,  and  the  commissioners  had  to  decide  in  what  propor 
tion.  The  investigation  was  continued  at  intervals  for  the 
period  of  two  years,  at  the  expiration  of  which  the  Attorney- 
General  drew  up  a  report,  which  was  presented  to  the  legisla 
ture,  and  accepted  by  that  body  without  opposition  or  amend 
ment.  The  report  was  chiefly  remarkable  for  its  clear  and 
concise  statement  of  the  principles  upon  which  claims  had 
been  allowed,  rejected,  or  excluded  from  consideration.  Those 
principles  were  made  the  basis  of  all  future  settlements  with 
revolutionary  creditors  in  this  State,  and  Colonel  Burr  gained 


THE     NEW      YORK      POLITICIAN.  175 

much  in  reputation  from  the  ability  with  which  they  were  de 
veloped  in  the  report. 

The  Attorney-General  in  1791  was  appointed  to  serve  on 
another  commission  of  great  importance,  the  issue  of  which 
was  not  productive  of  reputation  to  any  one. 

The  State,  at  this  time,  was  in  pressing  need  of  money,  and 
exceedingly  rich  in  land.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  there  were 
seven  millions  of  acres  of  land  belonging  to  the  State,  that 
were  still  wild  and  waste.  The  magniticient  and  productive 
region  now  known  as  western  New  York,  the  garden  of  the 
northern  States,  was  then  a  wilderness  inhabited  by  Indians, 
and  traversed  only  by  Indian  trails.  Indeed  the  entire  State  ot 
Ne\»  York,  except  its  southern  extremity  and  the  shores  of  the 
Hudson  river,  was  in  the  same  primeval  condition.  It  was 
one  of  the  great  questions  of  State  policy,  from  1783  to  1791, 
how  to  get  the  wild  lands  sold  and  settled.  Various  laws  had 
been  passed  to  facilitate  the  object,  but  it  had  progressed  with 
provoking  slowness,  until,  in  1791,  the  State  treasury  being  in 
extreme  need  of  replenishment,  and  a  whole  army  of  creditors 
waiting  only  the  award  of  the  commissioners  to  present  and 
press  their  claims,  it  was  resolved  to  force  the  lands  to  a  sale. 
To  this  end,  the  legislature,  by  a  vote  nearly  or  quite  unan 
imous,  authorized  the  Commissioners  of  the  Land  Office  to 
"  dispose  of  any  of  the  waste  and  unappropriated  lands  in  the 
State,  in  such  parcels,  on  such  terms,  and  in  such  manner,  as 
they  shall  judge  most  conducive  to  the  interests  of  the  State." 
Powers  more  unlimited  were  never  confided  to  any  body  of 
men.  The  Commissioners  were,  the  Governor,  the  Secre 
tary  of  State,  the  Attorney-General,  the  Treasurer,  and  the 
Auditor. 

Then  followed  some  of  the  most  extraordinary  land  sales 
that  even  this  richly-landed  continent  has  known.  In  the 
course  of  the  summer,  the  Commissioners  sold  the  enormous 
quantity  of  five  and  a  half  millions  of  acres,  at  an  average 
price  of  about  eighteen  cents  per  acre.  It  was  sold  in  pro 
digious  tracts,  the  number  of  purchasers  not  exceeding  the 
number  of  millions  of  acres  disposed  of.  One  tract  brought 
three  shillings  an  acre;  another,  two  shillings;  another,  ono 


176  LIFE     OF     AARON     B  U  K  R . 

shilling.  The  most  astounding  sale  of  all  was  one  to  Alex 
ander  McComb  of  more  than  three  million  six  hundred  thou 
sand  acres,  at  the  seemingly  ridiculous  price  of  eight  pence 
per  acre,  to  be  paid  in  five  annual  installments !  The  sum  re 
alized  by  all  the  sales  was  a  million  and  thirty  thousand  dol 
lars,  not  more  than  half  of  which  was  immediately  available. 

When  these  sales  were  made  public  a  great  outcry  arose  in 
all  parts  of  the  State,  and  resolutions  of  censure  were  moved 
in  the  legislature.  It  was  everywhere  charged  that  Governor 
Clinton  had  a  personal  interest  in  the  Macomb  purchase. 
Colonel  Burr,  it  was  shown,  had  had  no  part  in  effecting  the 
sales,  as  he  was  absent  on  official  duty  when  they  had  taken 
place.  At  the  time,  therefore,  he  escaped  the  odium  Q£  the 
transaction,  and  it  was  reserved  for  subsequent  periods  of 
political  contention  to  connect  his  name  with  them.  The  Com 
missioners  replied,  first,  by  denying,  point-blank,  that  any  of 
their  number  had  the  slightest  personal  interest  ineither  of  the 
sales ;  which  was,  unquestionably,  the  fact.  They  said,  too, 
what  no  one  could  deny,  that  they  had  not  transcended  the 
power  confided  to  them  by  the  legislature  ;  that  no  better 
terms  could  be  obtained  for  the  lands ;  and  that  the  chief  ob 
ject  of  the  State  in  selling  was  to  bring  private  interest  to 
bear  upon  getting  the  lands  sold  to  actual  settlers.  The  Com 
missioners  were,  at  length,  completely  exonerated,  and  the 
sales  which  they  made  really  had  the  effect  of  hastening  the 
settlement  of  the  lands.  Experience,  I  believe,  has  proved 
that  if  there  must  be  speculation  in  wild  lands,  the  people's 
own  domain,  it  is  a  less  evil  to  sell  it  in  tracts  too  large  to  be 
retained  in  the  hands  of  the  speculator,  than  in  quantities 
which  are  likely  to  be  held  by  individuals  till  the  toil  of  sur 
rounding  settlers  has  enhanced  their  value. 

In  January,  1731,  occurred  what  is  regarded  as  the  great 
mystery  of  Colonel  Burr's  political  career.  Pie  was  elected  to 
represent  the  State  of  New  York  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States.  Rufus  King  and  Philip  Sclmyler  were  the  first  Uni 
ted  States  Senators  chosen  by  the  State  of  New  York  ;  and,  as 
General  Schuyler  had  drawn  the  .short  term,  his  seat  would 
become  vacant  on  the  4th  of  March,  1791.  He  was  a  candi- 


THE     NEW     YORK     POLITICIAN.  177 

date  for  reelection.  Beside  being  in  actual  possession  of  the 
seat,  he  had  the  advantage  of  old  renown,  influential  connec 
tions,  and  the  powerful  aid  of  Hamilton,  now  the  confidential 
man  of  Washington's  administration,  and  in  the  full  tide  of  his 
great  financial  measures.  Above  all,  the  Federalists  had  a 
majority  in  the  legislature  which  was  to  elect  the  Senator,  and 
Schuyler  was  the  most  federal  of  Federalists.  Aaron  Burr  was 
a  young  man  of  thirty-five,  not  known  in  national  politics,  with 
no  claims  upon  either  party,  and  with  few  advantages  which 
were  not  personal.  Yet,  upon  General  Schuyler's  nomination, 
he  was  at  once,  and  decisively,  rejected ;  and,  immediately 
after,  when  Aaron  Burr  was  proposed,  he  was,  upon  the  first 
vote,  in  both  Houses,  elected.  Sixteen  Senators  voted,  of 
whom  twelve  voted  for  Burr.  In  the  Assembly,  Burr's  ma 
jority  was  five. 

The  newspapers  of  the  time  throw  no  light  upon  the  causes 
of  Burr's  election,  They  record  the  vote,  without  a  word 
of  comment.  No  coternporary  record  or  memoir  explains  it. 
Mr.  Davis  says  nothing  about  it.  In  the  pamphlet  war  of 
1804,  Burr's  vituperators  frequently  taunt  him  with  having 
gained  this  great  step  without  having  done  any  service  enti 
tling  him  to  it,  but  they  do  not  as  much  as  hint  at  the  means 
by  which  it  was  gained.  Of  recent  historians,  the  amiable  and 
fair-minded  Dr.  Hammond  (History  of  Political  Parties  in  the 
State  of  New  York)  attributes  Burr's  success  to  his  supposed 
moderation  in  politics,  to  his  reputation  as  an  orator,  and  to 
the  contrast  his  fascinating  manners  presented  to  Schuyler's 
austerity.  He  adds  that  Morgan  Lewis,  a  connection  of  the 
Livingstons,  succeeded  Burr  as  Attorney-General,  and  suggests 
that  this  may  have  been  "foreseen"  at  the  time  of  the  elec 
tion.  Mr.  Hildreth  conjectures  that  the  election  of  Burr  to 
the  Senate  may  have  been  a  bid  from  the  Federalists  to  win 
him  over  to  their  side  !  But  would  the  Federalists,  as  a  party, 
have  defeated  Hamilton's  father-in-law  for  such  an  object  ? 

The  only  glimmer  of  light  thrown  on  the  affair  in  the  cor 
respondence  of  the  period,  is  shed  by  the  following  passage  of 
a  letter  from  Schuyler  to  Hamilton,  dated  January  29th,  1792  : 
"  As  no  good,"  says  the  general,  "  could  possibly  result  from 

Q* 


178  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURR. 

evincing  any  resentment  to  Mr.  Burr  for  the  part  he  took  last 
winter  (when  the  election  for  Senator  occurred),  I  have  on 
every  occasion  behaved  toward  him  as  if  he  had  not  been  the 
principal  in  the  business."  What  business  ?  If  the  reference 
is  to  the  election,  we  learn  from  it  that  General  Schuyler  at 
tributed  his  defeat  to  Burr's  personal  exertions ;  and  if  the 
general  was  correct  in  his  supposition,  then  we  may  conjecture 
that,  in  some  mysterious  way,  Colonel  Burr  contrived  to  unite 
in  his  own  support  the  influence  of  the  Clintons  and  the  Liv 
ingstons.  The  Livingstons,  as  a  family,  it  is  now  well  known, 
resented  the  splendid  elevation  of  the  young  adventurer, 
Alexander  Hamilton,  a  man  not  native  to  the  soil ;  while 
Robert  R.  Livingston,  the  head  of  their  ancient  house,  a 
statesman  distinguished  in  the  country's  annals  while  yet 
Hamilton  was  a  merchant's  clerk  in  the  West  Indies,  was  suf 
fered  to  languish  in  obscurity.  Burr  played  upon  this  string 
a  few  years  later  with  great  effect.  It  may  have  been  touched 
in  1791. 

Apart  from  these  impenetrabilities,  there  is  no  difficulty  in 
plausibly  accounting  for  Colonel  Burr's  election  to  the  Senate. 
General  Schuyler  wras  personally  unacceptable.  He  was  no 
speaker.  He  was  a  thorough-going  partizan,  and  bore  the 
scars  of  former  political  contests.  He  was  identified  with 
Hamilton,  whose  financial  system  was  rending  the  nation  into 
factions,  and  whose  towering  eminence  dwarfed  so  many  of 
his  cotemporaries.  Against  Schuyler  a  direct  party  oppo 
sition  would  probably  have  failed.  Burr  was  a  new  man, 
which  is,  in  politics,  often  an  overwhelming  advantage.  He 
was  thought  to  be  a  moderate  man,  who  would  represent  the 
State  ably,  fairly,  and  faithfully.  He  was  an  educated  man, 
in  a  community  where  a  collegiate  education  was  a  valuable 
distinction,  and  one  of  the  rarest.  He  stood  before  the  people 
in  the  untarnished  luster  of  powers  whose  speciality  it  was  to 
shine.  Except  Hamilton,  he  was  thought  to  be  the  finest  or 
ator  in  the  State,  as  well  as  a  man  of  peculiarly  effective  tact. 
He  was  master  of  an  address  and  manner  which  could  be  im 
pressive  or  pleasing  as  the  occasion  required.  Some  members 
were,  doubtless,  proud  to  send  to  Philadelphia  so  fine  a  gen- 


THE     N  K  W     YORK     POLITICIAN.  1  T9 

tlernan  as  Colonel  Burr  ;  for,  in  that  (lay,  more  than  now, 
manner  was  power.  I  have  conversed  with  men  who  were 
captivated  .with  the  presence  and  style  of  the  man  when  he 
was  nearly  fourscore,  and  had  both  legs  in  the  grave.  What 
power,  then,  there  must  have  been  in  his  presence  when  he 
was  in  the  prime  of  his  years!  Just  at  that  time,  too,  the 
New  York  legislature  was  agitated  on  the  subject  of  the 
United  States  Senate  sitting  with  closed  doors ;  one  of  the 
great  little  questions  of  the  day.  Schuyler,  haughty  old  sol 
dier  that  he  was,  was  the  man  to  insist  upon  excluding  the 
vulgar  public  from  the  deliberations  of  a  body  that  felt  itself 
to  be  the  American  House  of  Lords.  Complaisant  and  popular 
Burr,  who  had  enough  of  the  Napoleonic  intellect  to  see  the 
immeasurable  importance  of  little  things,  was,  then  and  after 
ward,  an  advocate  of  an  open  Senate. 

Thus  conjecture  attempts  to  supply  the  want  of  informa 
tion. 

If  the  causes  of  Burr's  elevation  are  uncertain,  the  conse 
quences  of  it  are  not.  Schuyler  felt  his  defeat  acutely,  and 
Hamilton  was  painfully  disappointed.  It  was  of  the  utmost 
possible  importance  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  have 
a  reliable  majority  in  Congress  ;  and  the  presence  of  a  devoted 
father-in-law,  in  a  Senate  of  twenty-eight  members  sitting  with 
closed  doors,  was  convenient.  From  1791  dates  Hamilton's 
repugnance  to  Burr,  and  soon  after  his  letters  begin  to  teem 
with  passages  expressive  of  that  repugnance.  The  two  families 
were  on  terms  of  politeness,  then  and  always.  The  two  men 
were,  to  all  appearance,  cordial  friends  enough  down  to  the 
last  month  of  Hamilton's  life.  But  from  this  time,  in  what 
ever  direction  Burr  sought  advancement,  or  advancement 
sought  him,  his  secret,  inveterate  opponent  was  Alexander 
Hamilton  ;  until  at  length  the  politics  of  thje  United  States 
was  resolved  into  a  contest  between  these  two  individuals. 

The  effect  upon  Burr's  own  mind  of  his  election  to  the 
Senate  is  dimly  visible  in  his  correspondence.  He  seems  now 
to  have  accepted  politics  as  his  vocation.  His  wife  writes  to 
him  a  few  weeks  after  the  election,  and  some  months  before 
he  took  his  seat,  that  he  ought  to  take  measures  to  reestablish 


/80  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

his  health  before  turning  politician.  His  own  letters  contain 
scarcely  an  allusion  to  politics.  Once,  he  advises  Mrs.  Burr 
not  to  travel,  if  possible,  with  a  political  partizan,  but  rather 
with  an  opponent.  Occasionally  he  says  that  he  dares  not 
trust  the  public  mail  with  political  secrets.  When  he  does 
write  upon  politics,  it  is  in  ciphers.  He  requests  18  to  ask  45 
whether,  for  any  reasons,  21  could  be  induced  to  vote  for  6, 
and,  if  he  could,  whether  14  would  withdraw  his  opposition  to 
29,  and  11  exert  his  influence  in  favor  of  22.  The  reader  will, 
however,  remember  that  this  mode  of  correspondence  was 
common  at  that  day  between  politicians.  Though  Burr  was, 
perhaps,  the  most  mysterious  politician  of  them  all,  yet  all 
politicians  were,  more  or  less,  mysterious. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

A     SENATOR. 

ENTERS    THE    SENATE  —  THE    SENATE'S   INTERVIEW    WITH   PRESIDENT    WASHINGTON 

—  BURR'S    ADDRESS   TO    THE    PRESIDENT  —  LETTER    FROM    THE   FRENCH  KING  — 
THE    PRESIDENT    FORBIDS    COLONEL    BURR    TO    EXAMINE    THE     EECORDS  —  BURR 
TALKED  OF  FOR  THE  GOVERNORSHIP  OF  THE  STATE  —  BURR'S  OPINION  ON  THE  DIS 
PUTED  CANVASS  —  SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  —  BURR  A  CANDIDATE  —  HAM 
ILTON    OPPOSES    AND    DENOUNCES    HIM  —  BURR   AS   A   DEBATER  —  WASHINGTON'S 
KEFUSAL  TO  SEND  HIM  AMBASSADOR  TO  FRANCE — THIRD  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION 

—  BURR  A   PROMINENT  CANDIDATE — HAMILTON   AGAIN   OPPOSES   HIM  -j-  DOMESTIC 
LIFE  —  DEATH  OF  MRS.  BURR  —  EDUCATION  OF  HIS  DAUGHTER. 

ON  the  first  day  of  the  session,  October  24th,  1791,  Colonel 
Burr  "  took  the  oaths  and  his  seat." 

The  next  day  President  Washington,  as  the  custom  then 
was,  delivered  his  annual  Speech  to  both  Houses  assembled 
in  the  Senate  Chamber.  The  Speech  was  composed  after 
the.  model  of  the  English  king's  speeches  to  Parliament, 
which  it  resembled  also  in  brevity.  First,  the  President 
addressed  his  "Fellow-citizens  of  the  Senate  and  of  the 
House  of  Representatives ;"  then,  the  "  Gentlemen  of  the 
Senate  ;"  then,  the  "  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  ;"  and  lastly,  the  "  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives."  When  the  ceremonial  was  over,  and 
the  Senators  were  left  in  possession  of  their  chamber,  a  com 
mittee  of  three  was  appointed  to  draw  up  the  usual  address 
in  reply  to  the  President,  and  Colonel  Burr,  their  new  and 
youngest  associate,  received  the  compliment  of  being  named 
chairman  of  that  committee.  He  prepared  the  address,  which, 
on  being  read  to  the  Senate,  was  accepted  without  amendment. 
The  committee  were  next  ordered  to  wait  on  the  President  to 
ask  when  and  where  he  would  receive  the  Senate's  reply  to 
his  speech.  Colonel  Burr,  on  their  return,  reported  Monday, 
at  noon,  at  the  President's  own  house.  At  the  time  ap- 


182  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

pointed,  the  Senators  went  in  procession  to  the  President's, 
and  were  received  with  that  serious  and  stately  courtesy 
which  was  then  in  vogue  among  persons  in  high  office. 

Fancy  a  long  dining-room,  with  the  tables  and  chairs  re 
moved.  Before  the  fire-place  stands  a  tall  and  superb  figure, 
clad  in  a  suit  of  black  velvet,  with  black  silk  stockings  and 
silver  buckles.  His  hair,  white  with  powder,  is  gathered  be 
hind  in  a  silk  bag.  He  wears  yellow  gloves,  and  holds  a 
cocked  hat  adorned  with  cockade  and  plume.  A  sword,  with 
hilt  of  polished  steel  and  sheath  of  white  leather,  further  re 
lieves  the  somber  magnificence  of  the  President's  form.  The 
Senators  enter,  with  Vice-President  Adams  at  their  head,  and 
form  a  semicircle  round  the  President  while  Mr.  Adams 
reads  the  address. 

As  a  relic  of  an  extinct  usage,  the  reader  may  be  gratified 
to  see  the  address  prepared  by  Colonel  Burr  for  this  occasion. 
It  reads  as  follows : 

"  SIR  :  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  have  received  with 
the  highest  satisfaction  the  assurances  of  public  prosperity 
contained  in  your  speech  to  both  Houses.  The  multiplied 
blessings  of  Providence  have  not  escaped  our  notice,  or  failed 
to  excite  our  gratitude. 

"  The  benefits  which  flow  from  the  restoration  of  public 
and  private  confidence  are  conspicuous  and  important ;  and 
the  pleasure  with  which  we  contemplate  them  is  heightened 
by  your  assurance  of  those  further  communications  which  shall 
confirm  their  existence  and  indicate  their  source. 

"  While  we  rejoice  in  the  success  of  those  military  opera 
tions  which  have  been  directed  against  the  hostile  Indians,  we 
lament  with  you  the  necessity  that  has  produced  them ;  and 
we  participate  the  hope  that  the  present  prospect  of  a  gene 
ral  peace,  on  terms  of  moderation  and  justice,  may  be  wrought 
into  complete  and  permanent  effect ;  and  that  the  measures  of 
government  may  equally  embrace  the  security  of  our  front 
iers  and  the  general  interests  of  humanity.  Our  solicitude  to 
obtain  which,  will  insure  our  zealous  attention  to  an  object  so 
warmly  espoused  by  the  principles  of  benevolence,  and  so 
highly  interesting  to  the  honor  and  welfare  of  the  nation. 


A     SENATOR.  183 

"  The  several  subjects  which  you  have  particularly  recom 
mended,  and  those  which  remain  of  former  sessions,  will  en 
gage  our  early  consideration.  We  are  encouraged  to  prose 
cute  them  with  alacrity  and  steadiness,  by  the  belief  that  they 
will  interest  no  passion  but  that  for  the  general  welfare  ;  by 
the  assurance  of  concert,  and  by  a  view  of  those  arduous  and 
important  arrangements  which  have  been  already  accom 
plished. 

"  We  observe,  sir,  the  constancy  and  activity  of  your  zeal 
for  the  public  good.  The  example  will  animate  our  efforts  to 
promote  the  happiness  of  our  country." 

To  this  address,  the  senatorial  record  informs  us,  the  Presi 
dent  was  pleased  to  make  the  following  reply  : 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  This  manifestation  of  your  zeal  for  the  honor 
and  the  happiness  of  our  country  derives  its  full  value  from 
the  share  which  your  deliberations  have  already  had  in  pro 
moting  both. 

"  I  thank  you  for  the  favorable  sentiments  with  which  you 
view  the  part  I  have  borne  in  the  arduous  trust  committed  to 
the  government  of  the  United  States ;  and  desire  you  to  be 
assured  that  all  my  zeal  will  continue  to  second  those  further 
efforts  for  the  public  good  which  are  insured  by  the  spirit  in 
which  you  are  entering  on  the  present  session." 

Whereupon,  we  may  presume,  the  Senate  made  a  formal 
and  ceremonious  exit,  and  then  returned  to  their  chamber. 

The  session  thus  imposingly  begun,  lasted  more  than  six 
months,  but  no  spectator  witnessed,  and  no  corps  of  reporters 
recorded,  the  proceedings.  The  official  record  exists,  but  it  is 
little  more  than  a  formal  statement  of  votes.  In  Mr.  Benton's 
valuable  abridgment  of  the. Congressional  Debates,  the  pro 
ceedings  of  this  Senate,  from  October  to  May,  occupy  only 
five  pages.  On  one  of  those  pages  the  name  of  Colonel  Burr 
occurs  in  Connection  with  an  affair  which  even  now  has  a 
touching  interest. 

How  grateful  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  to  the 
French,  and  to  the  French  king,  for  the  timely  help  afforded 
by  them  in  the  late  war,  can  not  be  realized  by  the  present 
luxurious  generation  ;  nor  how  passionate  and  universal  \\  as 


184  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

the  sympathy  of  the  delivered  nation  with  the  subsequent 
struggle  of  the  French  for  freedom.  No  sooner  was  America 
free,  than  France  aspired.  In  the  summer  of  1789  the  news 
of  the  Bastile's  immortal  storming  thrilled  the  young  repub 
lic.  Soon,  the  excesses  of  the  Parisians,  in  their  delirium  of 
terror  and  desire,  shocked  the  world,  and  gave  pause  to  the 
more  conservative  even  of  Americans.  The  flight  of  the  king 
in  1790,  appears  in  the  memoirs  and  letters  of  that  age  as  a 
terrible  event ;  one  which  lost  the  revolutionists  the  sympa 
thy  of  millions.  But  the  king  was  brought  back  to  Paris  ;  a 
grand  reconciliation  with  the  people  he  had  misunderstood 
was  enacted ;  the  king  accepted  the  constitution  ;  and  France, 
for  a  week,  was  in  ecstacies.  Down  to  this  period,  and  be 
yond  it,  the  great  mass  of  Americans  were  ardent  sympa 
thizers  with  the  Revolution.  But  Washington,  Hamilton, 
Adams,  Rufus  King,  and  other  leading  conservatives,  began 
to  be  quite  decided  in  the  opinion  that  the  French  Revolu 
tion  was  essentially  diabolical,  and  could  issue  in  no  good  to 
the  French,  or  any  other  people. 

In  March,  1792,  the  President  sent  a  message  to  Congress 
worded  with  his  usual  caution,  but  so  worded  as  to  betray  his 
own  opinion.  "  Knowing,"  said  he,  "  the  friendly  interest  you 
take  in  whatever  may  promote  the  happiness  and  prosperity 
of  the  French  nation,"  he  laid  before  them  a  letter  just  re 
ceived  from  his  Most  Christian  Majesty.  The  letter  which 
poor  Louis  had  sent  his  "  very  dear  great  friends  and  allies," 
was  the  following : 

"  We  make  it  our  duty  to  inform  you  that  we  have  accepted 
the  constitution  which  has  been  presented  to  us  in  the  name 
of  the  French  nation,  and  according  to  which  France  will  be 
henceforth  governed.  We  do  not  doubt  that  you  take  an  in 
terest  in  an  event  so  important  to  our  kingdom,  and  to  us ; 
and  that  it  is  with  real  pleasure  we  take  this  occasion  to  renew 
to  you  assurances  of  the  sincere  friendship  we  bear  you. 
Whereupon,  we  pray  God  to  have  you,  very  dear,  great 
friends  and  allies,  in  his  just  and  holy  keeping." 

This  letter  having  been  read  in  the  Senate,  a  difference 
arose  as  to  the  manner  in  which  its  reception  should  be  ac- 


A     SENATOR.  185 

kno \vledged.  First,  a  frigid  resolution  was  proposed,  to  the 
effect  that  the  President  be  informed,  that  the  Senate  have 
received  the  news  contained  in  the  king's  letter  witli  satisfac 
tion.  This  resolution  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  six  to  twenty- 
one  ;  Colonel  Burr  voting  against  it ;  his  colleague,  Mr.  King, 
for  it.  The  resolution  was  then  amended,  so  as  to  request  the 
President  to  make  known  to  the  king  that  the  Senate  had  re 
ceived  the  tidings  with  the  highest  satisfaction.  This  was 
passed. 

Colonel  Munroe,  a  few  days  after,  revived  the  subject  of 
the  Senate's  sitting  with  closed  doors,  and  moved  that,  dur 
ing  the  recess,  galleries  be  constructed  in  the  chamber  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  public,  who  should,  after  the  present 
session,  be  admitted  to  witness  the  proceedings.  This  propo 
sition  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  eight  to  seventeen.  Colonel 
Burr,  who  always  favored  the  measure,  and  afterward  assisted 
to  carry  it,  was  absent,  I  presume,  when  this  vote  was  taken, 
as  his  name  does  not  appear  in  the  record. 

Though  Colonel  Burr  began  his  senatorial  career  by  being 
the  medium  of  the  Senate's  high  courtesy  to  General  Wash 
ington,  yet,  before  the  session  was  over,  he  came  into  disa 
greeable  collision  wilh  the  President.  Burr  was  Business 
incarnate.  His  activity  was  irrepressible.  Being  now  cut  off 
from  his  ordinary  employments,  and  having  deliberately 
turned  politician,  he  was  eager  to  acquire  knowledge  respect 
ing  state-craft.  It  was  one  of  his  projects,  too,  to  write  a 
History  of  the  American  Revolution.  For  these  reasons,  he 
was  often  busy,  during  his  first  winter  in  Congress,  among  the 
records  in  the  Department  of  State,  of  which  his  friend  Jef 
ferson  was  then  the  chief.  Always  an  early  riser,  he  was  ac 
customed,  for  a  time,  to  go  to  the  department  as  early  as  five 
in  the  morning.  He  employed  a  messenger  to  make  a  fire,  a 
confidential  clerk  to  assist  him  in  searching  and  copying,  a 
servant  to  bring  him  his  breakfast ;  and  so,  from  five  until  ten 
o'clock,  the  business  went  vigorously  on.  This  practice  was 
continued  till  nearly  the  close  of  the  session,  when  operations 
were  interrupted  by  a  peremptory  order  from  the  President, 
forbidding  his  further  examination.  Desiring  to  complete 


186  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

his  knowledge  respecting  the  late  surrender  of  the  western 
posts,  he  addressed  a  note  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  requesting  permis 
sion  to  make  that  particular  examination.  The  Secretary  re 
plied  that  "  it  had  been  concluded  to  be  improper  to  commu 
nicate  the  correspondence  of  existing  ministers."  Burr  ap 
pears  to  have  regarded  this  as  an  uncalled-for  and  arbitrary 
proceeding.  It  was  in  accordance  with  the  system  of  the 
time ;  but  from  what  we  now  know  of  the  relations  of  the 
persons  concerned,  and  the  scenes  daily  transpiring  in  the  cab 
inet,  we  may  infer  that  if  the  searcher  of  the  records  had  been 
a  Senator  approved  and  trusted  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury,  he  would  not  have  been  denied  access  to  them — at  least, 
not  in  a  peremptory  manner. 

In  April,  1792,  there  was  to  be  an  election  for  governor  in 
the  State  of  New  York,  and  Colonel  Burr  was  frequently  men 
tioned  as  a  candidate.  At  that  time,  the  respectable  salary 
and  immense  patronage  of  the  governor,  rendered  the  office 
more  imposing  and  more  desired  than  a  seat  in  the  Senate. 
Burr  was  thought  of  as  a  candidate,  first,  by  the  Republican 
party,  who  feared  to  try  the  field  again  with  Governor  Clin 
ton  ;  secondly,  by  the  Federalists,  who  were  not  confident  of 
succeeding  with  a  candidate  fully  identified  with  their  party ; 
thirdly,  he  was  proposed  as  an  independent  candidate,  on  the 
ground  that  he  belonged  to  no  party,  and  would  be  supported 
by  the  moderate  men  of  all  parties.  The  truth  is,  that  Colonel 
Burr  was  then  a  very  popular  man,  and  both  parties  would 
have  liked  to  secure  the  advantage  of  his  name  and  talents. 
While  it  was  still  uncertain  whether  he  would  run  for  the 
governorship,  some  of  Hamilton's  friends  were  of  opinion  that 
the  best  policy  of  the  Federalists  would  be  to  support  Burr, 
and  they  wrote  to  Hamilton  to  that  effect.  Mr.  Ledyard, 
February  1,  wrote  from  New  York,  that  on  his  arrival  in  the 
city,  he  found  that  "  a  tide  was  likely  to  make  strongly  for 
Mr.  Burr.  Mr.  Schuyler,"  he  continues,  "  supposes  that  if  Mr. 
Clinton  and  Mr.  Burr  were  the  only  competitors,  and  his 
(Schuyler's)  friends  thrown  out  of  the  scale,  it  would  be  doubt 
ful  which  succeeded."  After  showing  that,  to  beat  Burr,  the 
Federalists  must  either  support  Clinton  or  run  a  third  candi- 


A     SENATOR.  187 

date,  neither  of  which  was  advisable,  Mr.  Ledyard  adds  the 
following  observations :  "  If  Burr  finally  succeeds,  and  you 
have  not  the  merit  of  it,  it  would  be  an  event  extremely  dis 
agreeable  to  me.  With  this  impression,  I  have  sought  re 
peated  interviews  with  him,  until  I  could  procure  an  artless 
declaration  of  his  sentiments,  both  with  respect  to  the  union 
<>?i  present  grounds,  and  also  with  respect  to  you.  He  has 
expressed  a  sincere  regard  for  the  safety  and  well-being  of 
the  former.  With  respect  to  yourself,  he  expresses  an  entire 
confidence  in  the  wisdom  and  integrity  of  your  designs,  and  a 
real  personal  friendship ;  and  which  he  does  not  seem  to  sup 
pose  you  doubt  of,  or  that  you  ever  wfll,  unless  it  may  arise 
from  meddling  interveners." 

The  next  day  after  this  letter  was  dispatched,  James  Wat 
son,  another  leading  Federalist,  writes  to  Hamilton  in  a  sim 
ilar  strain.  Burr's  chances,  he  thought,  were  good,  and,  if  the 
Federalists  should  go  for  him,  strong.  Had  they  not  better 
support  him  ?  If  they  do  not,  will  it  not  make  him  an  oppo 
nent  of  the  Federal  party,  if  he  is  not  now  ?  If  they  do,  will  it 
not  attach  him  to  the  Federalists?  And  if  he  should  turn 
traitor,  will  it  not  so  destroy  his  popularity  as  to  deprive  him 
of  the  power  of  doing  harm  ?  "  Whenever,"  says  Mr.  Wat 
son,  "  I  imagine  how  much  easier  it  is  to  embarrass  and  ob 
struct  the  benign  operations  of  government  than  to  give  it  the 
requisite  tone  and  vigor,  I  am  solicitous  to  remove  talents, 
perseverance,  and  address,  as  far  from  the  opposition  as  pos 
sible."  "The  absence  of  evil  will  continue  to  be  desirable 
until  the  public  mind  becomes  more  quiet,  and  federal 
habits  take  deeper  root.  I  shall  only  add  that  the  cautious 
distance  observed  by  this  gentleman  toward  all  parties,  how 
ever  exceptionable  in  a  politician,  may  be  a  real  merit  in  a 
governor." 

Upon  the  proposal  thus  plausibly  urged,  Hamilton,  the  un 
questioned  leader  of  the  Federal  party  in  the  State,  placed  his 
veto.  A  word  from  him  would,  in  all  probability,  have  made 
Aaron  Burr  Governor  of  New  York  in  1792.  But  that  word 
was  not  spoken.  The  Federalists  nominated  the  virtuous 
John  Jay,  the  Republicans  adhered  to  their  old  standard- 


188  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BURR. 

bearer,  Governor  Clinton,  and  the  contest  was  a  strictly  party 
one. 

It  was  the  closest  and  angriest  the  State  had  yet  seen,  and 
the  issue,  instead  of  calming,  exasperated  parties  more  than 
the  strife  itself.  There  was  an  informality  in  the  canvass,  and 
both  sides  claimed  the  victory.  The  canvassers  were  eleven 
in  number,  of  whom  seven  thought  that  Clinton  had  carried 
the  State  by  a  majority  of  one  hundred  and  eight,  while  the 
remaining  four  were  for  giving  the  victory  to  Jay.  After 
many  stormy  discussions,  the  canvassers  agreed  to  request  the 
opinion  of  the  Senators,  Rufus  King  and  Aaron  Burr,  upon 
;the  point  in  dispute,  which  was  the  following : 

The  la\v  then  required  that  the  votes  of  a  county  should  be 
sealed  up  by  the  inspectors  of  election,  delivered  into  the 
hands  of  the  sheriff,  and  by  him  or  his  deputy  conveyed  in 
tact  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  Now,  it  chanced  that  the 
county  of  Otsego,  on  this  occasion,  had  no  sheriff.  R.  R. 
Smith  had  held  the  office,  but  his  term  had  expired.  Another 
gentleman  had  been  appointed  sheriff,  but  had  not  yet  been 
sworn  in ;  and  during  the  brief  interregnum,  the  important 
business  of  receiving  and  conveying  the  votes  had  presented 
itself  In  these  circumstances,  Mr.  Smith,  the  late  sheriff,  as 
was  natural,  performed  the  duty.  But  he  was  not  the  sheriff. 
Nay,  he  had  been  elected  to  the  board  of  supervisors,  an  office 
incompatible  with  that  of  sheriff,  and  had  actually  taken  his 
seat  at  the  board,  and  performed  official  acts.  The  question 
was,  whether  the  votes  received  and  sent  by  him  could  be  le 
gally  canvassed.  If  yes,  the  Federalists  had  triumphed,  and 
John  Jay  was  governor.  If  no,  the  Republicans  were  in  the 
ascendant,  and  George  Clinton  retained  the  power  he  had 
wielded  for  sixteen  years. 

Every  head  in  the  United  States  that  had  a  smattering  of 
law  in  it  was  given  up  to  the  consideration  of  this  great  ques 
tion  in  the  spring  of  1792.  The  two  Senators,  upon  confer 
ring,  discovered  that  an  irreconcilable  difference  of  opinion 
existed  between  them  on  the  subject.  Colonel  Burr  proposed 
that  they  should,  for  that  reason,  decline  advising  the  can 
vassers.  But  as  Mr.  King  avowed  an  intention  of  giving  his 


A     SENATOR.  180 

own  opinion,  nothing  remained  but  that  Colonel  Burr  should 
give  his  also.  The  two  opinions  were  given.  Both  were 
able,  clear,  and  brief.  Mr.  King's,  which  was  for  admitting 
the  votes,  carried  conviction  with  it  to  every  Federal  mind  in 
the  country ;  while  Colonel  Burr's,  which  was  for  rejecting 
them,  was  equally  convincing  to  the  Republican  intellect. 
Indeed,  it  was,  considering  all  the  circumstances,  a  question 
really  difficult  to  decide,  and  the  best  lawyers  of  that  day  dif 
fered  upon  it,  as  doubtless  would  the  best  lawyers  of  the  pres 
ent  day  if  it  were  submitted  to  them.  Before  giving  his  own, 
Colonel  Burr  obtained  the  written  opinion  of  Edmund  Ran 
dolph  (Attorney-General),  Pierpont  Edwards,  Jonathan  D.  Ser 
geant,  and  other  eminent  legal  friends,  all  of  whom  coincided 
with  him.  On  the  other  hand,  Rufus  King  could  exhibit  an 
imposing  array  of  names  in  support  of  his  opinion.  Mr.  King 
was  for  having  justice  done  ;  Burr,  for  having  the  law  ob 
served.  Both  opinions  were  doubtless  as  sincere  as  they  were 
characteristic.* 

The  canvassers,  thus  compelled  to  choose  between  two 
opinions  diametrically  adverse,  decided,  of  course,  to  follow 
that  which  accorded  with  the  political  preferences  of  the  ma- 

*  The  following  is  the  material  paragraph  of  Colonel  Burr's  opinion,  which, 
he  declared,  was  never  answered,  except  by  abuse:  "  There  are  instances  of 
offices  being  exercised  by  persons  holding  under  an  authority  apparently 
good,  but  which,  on  strict  legal  examination,  proves  defective ;  whose  acts, 
nevertheless,  are,  with  some  limitations,  considered  as  valid.  This  authority 
is  called  colorable,  and  the  officer,  in  such  cases,  is  said  to  be  an  officer  de 
facto ;  which  intends  an  intermediate  state  between  an  exercise  strictly  law 
ful,  and  one  without  such  color  of  right.  Mr.  Smith  does  not  appear  to  me 
to  have  holden  the  office  of  sheriff,  on  the  3d  of  March,  under  such  color  or 
pretense  of  right.  The  term  of  his  office  had  expired,  and  he  had  formally 
expressed  his  determination  not  to  accept  a  reappointment ;  after  the  expi 
ration  of  the  year  he  accepted,  and  even  two  days  before  the  receipt  of  the 
ballots,  openly  exercised  an  office  incompatible  with  that  of  sheriff;  and  it  is 
to  be  inferred,  from  the  tenor  of  the  affidavits,  that  he  then  knew  of  the  ap 
pointment  of  Mr.  Gilbert.  The  assumption  of  this  authority  by  Mr.  Smith, 
does  not  even  appear  to  have  been  produced  by  any  urgent  public  necessity 
or  imminent  public  inconvenience.  Mr.  Gilbert  was  qualified  in  season  to 
have  discharged  the  duty,  and,  for  aught  that  is  shown,  his  attendance,  if 
really  desired,  might  have  been  procured  still  earlier." 


190  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

jority  of  their  number.  They  pronounced  George  Clinton 
duly  elected.  The  exasperation  of  the  Federalists,  upon  the 
promulgation  of  this  decision,  was  such  that,  for  a  time,  the 
State  seemed  in  danger  of  anarchy.  For  many  years  the 
dream  of  that  party  had  been  to  see  Clinton  defeated,  and  a 
Federalist  in  the  executive  chair.  He  had  been  defeated,  but 
the  scepter  which  they  were  just  about  to  grasp,  they  now 
saw  snatched  away  from  between  their  eager  hands.  Nothing 
but  the  moderation  of  Mr.  Jay,  and  the  general  regard  for 
law,  which  prevailed  in  the  most  order-loving  of  parties,  saved 
the  State  from  temporary  confusion. 

As  each  Senator  had  decided  in  favor  of  his  own  party,  the 
motives  of  both  were  assailed.  Colonel  Burr,  it  was  charged, 
was  an  adherent  of  Governor  Clinton,  and  wished  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  the  Republicans.  In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  written 
soon  after  he  had  given  his  opinion,  he  alludes  to  these  accu 
sations.  "Upon  the  late  occasion,"  he  says,  "I  earnestly 
wished  and  sought  to  be  relieved  from  the  necessity  of  giving 
any  opinion,  particularly  from  a  knowledge  that  it  would  be 
disagreeable  to  you  and  a  few  others  whom  I  respect  and 
wish  always  to  gratify.  But  the  conduct  of  Mr.  King  le/t  me 
no  alternative.  I  was  obliged  to  give  an  opinion,  and  I  have 
not  yet  learned  to  give  any  other  than  which  my  judgment 
directs.  It  would,  indeed,  be  the  extreme  of  weakness  in  me 
to  expect  friendship  from  Mr.  Clinton.  I  have  too  many  rea 
sons  to  believe  that  he  regards  me  with  jealousy  and  malevo 
lence.  Still,  this  alone  ought  not  to  have  induced  me  to  re 
fuse  my  advice-to  the  canvassers.  Some  pretend,  indeed,  but 
none  can  believe,  that  I  am  prejudiced  in  his  favor.  I  have 
not  even  seen  or  spoken  to  him  since  January  last." 

Nevertheless,  three  months  after  these  words  were  written, 
Governor  Clinton  nominated  him  to  the  bench  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  State.  Colonel  Burr  preferred  to  retain  his  seat 
in  the  Senate,  and  declined  the  judgeship. 

The  attention  of  the  public  was  soon  drawn  from  questions 
affecting  a  single  State  to  one  in  which  all  the  States  were 
equally  concerned.  For  the  second  time,  the  young  nation 
was  to  choose  chief  magistrates ;  or,  to  speak  more  correctly, 


A     SENATOR.  101 

a  Vice- President,  for  there  could  be  no  competition  for  the 
first  office  in  the  people's  gift,  while  George  Washington  was 
willing  to  serve"  them  in  it.  There  was  an  opposition,  it  is 
true ;  but  its  force  was  directed  chiefly  against  Hamilton's 
measures ;  and  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  General  Wash 
ington  had  consented  to  serve  another  term,  the  hopes  of  the 
opposition  were  limited  to  the  election  of  a  Yice-President,  in 
place  of  Mr.  Adams. 

At  that  time,  the  reader  must  bear  in  mind,  no  one  was 
directly  nominated  for  the  office  of  Vice-President.  The 
Constitution  required  each  presidential  elector  to  vote  for  two 
persons  to  fill  the  two  highest  offices ;  the  man  who  received 
the  greatest  number  of  votes  was  declared  President,  and  he 
who  received  the  next  highest  number  was  declared  Vice- 
President.  At  the  first  presidential  election  ever  held,  the 
vote  of  the  electoral  college  was  as  follows:  For  George 
Washington,  69  votes  (the  whole  number)  ;  John  Adams,  34  ; 
John  Jay,  9 ;  Robert  H.  Harrison,  6  ;  John  Rutledge,  6 ; 
John  Hancock,  4 ;  George  Clinton,  3  ;  Samuel  Huntingdon,  2  ; 
John  Wilton,  2 ;  James  Armstrong,  1  ;  Edward  Telfair,  1  ; 
Benjamin  Lincoln,  1.  Mr.  Adams,  therefore,  became  Vice- 
President  though  he  received  one  less  than  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  votes.  At  that  election  there  was  nothing 
like  an  organized  opposition.  Every  elector's  first  choice  was 
General  Washington;  and  for  the  second  office  named  the 
favorite  son  of  his  own  State,  or  a  man  particularly  admired 
by  himself. 

But  now  there  was  opposition  ;  of  which  more  will  be  said 
in  another  chapter.  At  present  the  object  of  that  opposition, 
as  just  remarked,  was  to  elevate  one  of  their  own  party  to  the 
Vice-Presidency.  George  Clinton,  Governor  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  the  man  distinguished  above  all  others  in  the  Uni 
ted  States  for  his  opposition  to  the  adoption  of  the  federal 
Constitution,  was  the  candidate  upon  whom  a  majority  of  the 
party  fixed  their  hopes,  and  upon  whom  its  strength  was  finally 
concentrated.  But,  among  the  names  mentioned  in  private 
circles  and  in  public  prints  for  the  office,  was  that  of  Aaron 
Burr.  Indeed,  for  a  short  period,  it  seemed  uncertain  who 


192  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURE. 

would  be  the  candidate  of  the  opposition  in  some  of  the 
northern  States,  Clinton  or  Burr ! 

Rufus  King  began  to  be  alarmed  for  the"  success  of  Mr. 
Adams.  September  17,  1792,  we  lind  him  writing  to  Hamil 
ton  in  this  manner :  "  If  the  enemies  of  the  government  are 
secret  and  united,  we  shall  lose  Mr.  Adams.  Burr  is  industri 
ous  in  his  canvass,  and  his  object  is  well  understood  by  our 
antis.  Mr.  Edwards  is  to  make  interest  for  him  in  Connecti 
cut,  and  Mr.  Dallas,  who  is  here,  and  quite  in  the  circle  of  the 
governor  and  the  party,  informs  us  that  Mr.  Burr  will  be  sup 
ported  as  Vice-President  in  Pennsylvania.  Should  Jefferson 
and  his  friends  unite  in  the  project,  the  votes  of  Mr.  Adams 
may  be  so  reduced,  that  though  more  numerous  than  those  of 
any  other  person,  he  may  decline  the  office.  Nothing  which 
has  heretofore  happened  so  decisively  proves  the  inveteracy 
of  the  opposition.  Should  they  succeed  in  degrading  Mr. 
Adams,  much  would  be  to  be  apprehended  in  respect  to  the 
measures  which  have  received  the  sanction  of  government." 

It  is  but  common  fairness  to  remind  the  reader  that  this  let 
ter  was  written  by  a  political  opponent,  who  could  not  be  per 
sonally  cognizant  of  Burr's  movements  as  a  politician.  In 
reading  letters,  to  be  hereafter  quoted,  the  same  fact  is  to  be 
constantly  kept  in  view  by  those  who  wish  to  know  the  truth 
respecting  the  man  and  his  times. 

Hamilton  replies  to  Mr.  King  that  he  is  astonished  to  hear 
of  Burr's  appearance  as  a  candidate.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  was  evidently  puzzled,  and,  perhaps,  a  little  alarmed. 
A  few  days  after,  he  wrote  to  a  friend  (whose  name  has  not 
been  revealed  by  the  editor  of  his  works)  a  long  letter  depre 
cating  the  advancement  of  Burr,  and  denouncing  him  in  the 
strongest  language  that  even  his  vigorous  pen  could  command. 
After  saying  that  he  was  not  yet  quite  sure  that  "  Burr's  ap 
pearance  on  the  stage  was  not  a  diversion  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Clinton,"  he  proceeds  as  follows  : 

"  Mr.  Clinton's  success  I  should  think  very  unfortunate ;  I 
am  not  for  trusting  the  government  too  much  in  the  hands  of 
its  enemies.  But  still,  Mr.  C.  is  a  man  of  property,  and  in 
private  life,  so  far  as  I  know,  of  probity.  I  fear  the  other 


A     SENATOR.  193 

gentleman  is  unprincipled,  both  as  a  public  and  a  private  man. 
When  the  Constitution  was  in  deliberation,  his  conduct  was 
equivocal ;  but  its  em-mies,  who,  I  believe1,  best  understood 
him,  considered  him  as  with  thorn.  In  fact,  I  take  it  he  is  for 
or  against  nothing,  but  as  it  suits  his  interest  or  ambition.  lie 
is  determined,  as  I  conceive,  to  make  his  way  to  be  the  head, 
of  the  popular  party,  and  to  climb,  per  fas  aut  nefas,  to  the 
highest  honors  of  the  State,  and  as  much  higher  as  circumstan 
ces  may  permit.  Embarrassed,  as  I  understand,  in  his  circum 
stances,  with  an  extravagant  family,  bold,  enterprizing,  and 
intriguing,  I  am  mistaken  if  it  be  not  his  object  to  play  the 
game  of  confusion,  and  I  feel  it  to  be  a  religious  duty  to 
oppose  his  career. 

"I  have  hitherto  scrupulously  abstained  from  interference  in 
elections;  but  the  occasion  is,  in  my  opinion,  of  sufficient  im 
portance  to  warrant,  in  this  instance,  a  departure  from  that 
rule.  I  therefore  commit  my  opinion  to  you  without  scruple ; 
but  in  perfect  confidence.  I  pledge  my  character  for  discern 
ment,  that  it  is  incumbent  on  every  good  man  to  resist  the 
present  design." 

This  was  written  on  the  21st  of  September.  On  the  26th, 
he  writes  to  another  unnamed  person  in  the  same  strain.  "Mr. 
Burr's  integrity  as  an  individual,"  says  Hamilton,  "  is  not  un- 
impeached,"  and,  "  as  a  public  man,  he  is  one  of  the  worst 
sort.  Secretly  turning  liberty  into  ridicule,  he  knows  as  well 
as  most  men  how  to  make  use  of  the  name.  In  a  word,  if 
we  have  an  embryo  Caesar  in  the  United  States,  'tis  Burr." 

These  letters  were  not  designed  for  the  amusement  of  the 
Secretary's  correspondent.  In  a  few  days,  Rufus  King  writes 
back  to  him,  that  "  care  has  been  taken  to  put  our  friends  at 
the  eastward  on  their  guard."  The  letters  produced  effects, 
we  see. 

To  General  C.  C.  Pinckney  of  South  Carolina,  Hamilton 
writes  to  the  same  purport,  and  urges  him  to  promote  the  elec 
tion  of  men  friendly  to  the  administration.  As  he  denounced 
Burr  in  his  northern  letters,  he  assails  Jefferson  in  his  south 
ern — Jefferson,  his  colleague  in  the  cabinet.  "  'Tis  suspected 
by  some,"  he  says,  "  that  the  plan  is  only  to  divide  the  votes 

9 


194  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUKR. 

of  the  northern  and  middle  States  to  let  in  Mr.  Jefferson  by 
the  votes  of  the  South.  I  will  not  scruple  to  say  to  you,  in 
confidence,  that  this  also  would  be  a  serious  misfortune  to  the 
government.  That  gentleman  whom  I  once  very  much  es 
teemed,  but  who  does  not  permit  me  to  retain  that  sentiment 
for  him,  is  certainly  a  man  of  sublimated  and  paradoxical  im 
aginations,  entertaining  and  propagating  opinions  inconsistent 
with  dignified  and  orderly  government." 

Five  days  later,  the  active  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  writes 
another  letter  upon  Burr,  but  in  a  much  more  guarded  man 
ner.  "My  opinion  of  Mr.  Burr,"  he  remarks,  with  admirable 
consistency,  "  is  YET  TO  FORM,  but  according  to  the  present 
state  of  it,  he  is  a  man  whose  only  political  principle  is  to 
mount,  at  all  events,  to  the  highest  legal  honors  of  the  nation, 
and  as  much  further  as  circumstances  will  carry  him.  Impu 
tations,  not  favorable  to  his  integrity  as  a  man,  rest  upon  him, 
but  I  do  not  vouch  for  their  authenticity." 

On  the  21st  of  September,  then,  he  was  willing  to  pledge 
his  character  for  discernment,  that  Burr  was  an  embryo  Caesar, 
On  the  15th  of  October,  his  opinion  of  the  individual  was  yet 
to  form.  The  good  Hamilton  was  a  man  of  very  ardent  feel 
ings  ;  he  was  devoted  to  the  support  of  the  system  he  had 
created ;  and  was  apt  to  give  way  to  a  too  sweeping  denunci 
ation  of  the  men  whom  he  disapproved.  And  besides,  his  cor 
respondent  of  September  was,  probably,  a  man  he  could  more 
implicitly  trust,  than  he  could  him  of  October. 

But  these  denunciations  might  as  well  have  been  spared. 
It  is  certain,  that  neither  Burr  nor  his  friends  entertained  a 
serious  thought  of  his  competing  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 
He  received  just  one  vote.  Of  the  eight  electors  of  South 
Carolina,  seven  gave  their  second  vote  for  John  Adams;  one 
for  Aaron  Burr.  The  number  of  electors  had  increased,  in 
four  years,  from  69  to  182.  George  Washington  again  re 
ceived  the  whole  number.  For  John  Adams,  77  votes  were 
cast  ;  for  George  Clinton,  50  ;  for  Thomas  Jefferson,  1 1 ;  for 
Aaron  Burr,  1.  This  single  vote,  given  by  a  personal  friend, 
probably,  may  have  been  of  some  importance  to  Burr,  in  asso 
ciating  his  name,  in  the  popular  mind,  with  the  office. 


A     SENATOR.  195 

For  six  years,  Colonel  Burr  played  a  distinguished,  and 
occasionally,  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States.  And  that  is  nearly  all  we  know  of  him  as  a  Senator. 
He  was  renowned  as  an  orator,  but  no  speech  of  his  exists, 
except  in  faint  outline.  John  Taylor  writes  a  note  to  him,  on 
one  occasion,  in  which  he  uses  this  language :  "  We  shall  leave 
you  to  reply  to  King :  first,  because  you  desired  it ;  second, 
all  depends  on  it ;  no  one  else  can  do  it ;  and  the  audience 
will  expect  it."  There  are  allusions  m  the  political  papers  of 
the  day  to  a  great  speech  delivered  by  Burr  in  opposition  to 
Jay's  treaty,  which  evidently  gained  him  much  applause. 
It  is  spoken  of  as  though  every  one  was  acquainted  with  it ; 
as  we  should  allude  to  one  of  the  well-known  speeches  of  Clay 
or  Webster.  Rufus  King,  I  am  enabled  to  state,  was  of 
opinion  that  Burr's  talents  as  a  debater  were  overrated.  In 
conversing  upon  those  times,  Mr.  King  would  say  that  Burr 
had  a  rare  faculty  in  summing  up  a  discussion,  but  that  he 
added  to  it  few  ideas  of  his  own.  He  never  opened  a  debate. 
But  where  a  question  had  been  discussed  to  exhaustion,  he 
knew  how  to  use  well  the  vast  stores  of  information  which 
had  been  elicited,  and  to  set  in  new  and  dense  array  the  argu 
ments  that  had  been  used  by  others.  This  faculty,  aided  by 
his  persuasive  and  emphatic  manner,  made  him  a  favorite 
speaker ;  and  the  more,  as  he  never  wearied  an  audience  by 
prolixity. 

That  he  was  an  industrious  member  is  indicated  by  the 
number  of  committees  upon  which  he  served.  The  records 
show,  however,  that  he  was  not  generally  in  his  place  during 
the  first  and  last  days  of  a  session.  We  may  infer  from  his 
correspondence  that  he  was  full  of  occupation  of  some  kind  in 
Philadelphia.  He  frequently  alludes  to  the  heaps  of  unopened 
letters  upon  his  table. 

He  acted  with  the  liberal,  or  Republican  party,  invariably. 
He  contended  for  an  open  Senate,  session  after  session,  till,  in 
1794,  the  measure  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  nineteen  to  eight. 
He  supported  the  resolution  that  "  every  printer  of  newspapers 
may  send  one  paper  to  each  and  every  other  printer  of  news 
papers  within  the  United  States,  free  of  postage,  under  such 


196  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUKE. 

regulations  as  the  Postmaster-General  shall  provide."  He  fa* 
vored  the  admission  of  Albert  Gallatin  to  serve  as  a  Senator, 
which  was  opposed  on  the  ostensible  ground  that  he  had  not 
been  a  citizen  of  the  country  for  the  requisite  nine  years.  He 
took  the  lead  in  opposing  Chief  Justice  Jay's  mission  to  En 
gland,  for  the  twofold  reason  that  it  was  unnecessary  to  send 
any  minister  at  all  to  England  at  that  time ;  and  that  it  was 
contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  impolitic  and  unsafe, 
to  select  an  embassador  from  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
All  measures  tending  to  the  support  and  comfort  of  the  French 
in  their  struggle  with  the  leagued  despotisms  of  Europe,  found 
in  Burr  an  advocate.  In  a  word,  he  was  a  leader  and  cham 
pion  of  the  party  which  acknowledged  Jefferson  as  its  chief, 
and  boasted  the  adherence  of  Madison  and  Monroe. 

After  Burr's  downfall,  Jeiferson  used  to  say  that  he  had 
never  liked  him ;  and  that,  at  the  very  height  of  Burr's  pop 
ularity,  he  had  habitually  cautioned  Madison  not  to  trust  him 
too  far.  "  I  never,"  wrote  Jeiferson  once,  "thought  him  an 
honest,  frank-dealing  man ;  but  considered  him  as  a  crooked 
gun,  or  other  perverted  machine,  whose  aim  or  shot  you  could 
never  be  sure  of."  But  this  was  in  1807.  There  is  abundant 
proof,  that,  in  the  full  tide  of  his  senatorial  career,  Burr's 
standing,  both  with  the  leaders  and  with  the  masses  of  his 
party,  was  only  second  to  that  of  Jeiferson  himself. 

Take  this  incident,  for  example.  In  1794,  the  unpopular 
ity  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  the  American  minister  in  France, 
was  at  its  height.  The  republicans  of  Paris,  and  the  repub 
licans  of  the  United  States,  were  aware  of  his  utter  want  of 
sympathy  with  the  Revolution,  and  were  clamorous  for  his 
recall.  General  Washington  had  let  fall  an  intimation  of  his 
willingness  to  yield  to  their  desire,  and  to  appoint  a  member 
of  the  opposition  in  his  place.  Accordingly,  a  caucus  of  the 
Republican  Senators  and  Representatives  was  called  to  select 
a  candidate  to  be  proposed  to  the  President  for  the  mission. 
The  caucus  agreed  to  recommend  Colonel  Burr.  Mr.  Mad 
ison  and  Mr.  Monroe  were  members  of  the  committee  ap 
pointed  to  wait  upon  General  Washington,  and  communicate 
the  preference  of  the  caucus ;  and  in  the  interview  with  the 


A     SENATOR.  197 

President,  Mr.  Madison  was  the  spokesman.  After  hearing 
the  message,  General  Washington  was  silent  for  a  few  mo 
ments.  Then  he  said,  it  had  been  the  rule  of  his  public  life 
never  to  nominate  for  a  high  and  responsible  office  a  man  of 
whose  integrity  he  was  not  assured.  He  had  not  confidence 
in  Colonel  Burr  in  that  respect,  and  therefore  must  decline 
nominating  him.  The  committee  retired,  and  reported  the 
result  of  the  interview.  The  caucus  unanimously  resolved  to 
adhere  to  their  nomination,  and  requested  the  committee  to 
inform  the  President  of  the  fact.  General  Washington  was 
evidently  irritated  by  the  second  proposal  of  an  offensive 
name,  and  replied  with  warmth  that  his  decision  was  irrevo 
cable.  He  added,  apologetically,  "  I  will  nominate  you,  Mr. 
Madison,  or  you,  Mr.  Monroe."  Madison  replied  that  he 
had,  long  ago,  made  up  his  mind  not  to  go  abroad.  The 
committee,  upon  reporting  the  result  of  the  second  confer 
ence  to  the  caucus,  found  it  more  inflexible  than  ever ;  and 
were  instructed  to  go  a  third  time  to  the  President,  and  say 
that  Colonel  Burr  was  the  choice  of  the  Republican  Senators 
and  Representatives,  and  that  they  would  make  no  other  rec 
ommendation.  This  message  was  delivered  to  the  Secretary 
of  State,  who,  knowing  the  President's  feelings  on  the  sub 
ject,  declined  delivering  it.  Colonel  Monroe  was  finally 
selected. 

Reflecting  upon  this  circumstance,  the  idea  will  occur  to 
the  individual  long  immersed  in  the  reading  of  that  period, 
that  this  invincible  distrust  of  Colonel  Burr  was  perhaps  im 
planted,  certainly  nourished,  in  the  mind  of  General  Washing 
ton  by  his  useful  friend  and  adherent,  Alexander  Hamilton. 
Hamilton  was  not  a  person  to  conceal  from  General  Washing 
ton  his  repugnance  to  the  man  whose  career  he  felt  it  a  relig 
ions  duty  to  oppose.  Washington  had  trusted  and  applauded 
Burr  in  the  Revolution.  Whence  this  utter,  this  resolute  dis 
trust,  if  not  derived  from  the  minister  in  whose  sagacity  and 
honesty  the  President  had  such  absolute  faith?  Another 
suspicion  steals  over  the  immersed  intellect.  The  remarkable 
pertinacity  of  the  democratic  caucus  may  have  been  partly 
owing  to  the  desirableness  of  removing  an  unmanageable 


198  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURR. 

0 

candidate  three  thousand  miles  from  the  scene  of  the  next 
presidential  election. 

From  that  contest  the  preeminence  of  General  Washington 
was  to  be  removed,  and  a  President  was  to  be  chosen.  Jeffer 
son  was  the  choice  of  a  majority  of  the  Republicans ;  but, 
since  the  last  election,  Burr  had  made  surprising  advances  in 
popularity  and  importance.  George  Clinton  was  eclipsed. 
Burr  was  everywhere  spoken  of  as  the  Republican  choice  for 
the  second  office,  and  there  were  certainly  a  respectable  num 
ber  of  persons  in  the  country  who  preferred  him  for  the  first. 
We  tind  numerous  indications  of  this  in  the  letters  and  papers 
of  the  time.  A  gentleman  writes  from  Boston  to  Hamilton, 
December  9th,  1796:  "Your  Judge  Smith  sent  letters  to 
some  of  our  electors,  and,  I  believe,  to  New  Hampshire, 
soliciting  votes  for  Burr  very  strongly,  and  rather  pressing 
for  Jefferson."  Hamilton  writes  to  Rufus  King  (then  in  Eu 
rope),  December  16th,  1796  :  "Our  anxiety  has  been  extreme 
on  the  subject  of  the  election  for  President.  If  we  may  trust 
our  information,  which  we  have  every  reason  to  trust,  it  is 
now  decided  that  neither  Jefferson  nor  JBurr  can  be  Presi 
dent.  *  :  *  The  event  will  not  a  little  mortify  Burr.  Vir 
ginia  has  given  him  only  one  vote." 

We  may  infer  from  this  language,  that  there  was  a  period 
of  the  canvass  when  Hamilton,  the  brains  and  nerve  of  the 
Federal  party,  apprehended  the  possibility  of  Aaron  Burr's 
succeeding  General  Washington  in  the  presidential  chair ! 

But,  not  to  dwell  upon  this  campaign — since  a  more  stirring 
and  a  more  decisive  one  awaits  us — the  result  of  it  was  as  fol 
lows  :  John  Adams  received  71  votes;  Thomas  Jefferson,  68; 
Thomas  Pinckney,  59  ;  Aaron  Burr,  30  ;  Samuel  Adams,  15  ; 
Oliver  Ellsworth,  11 ;  George  Clinton,  7  ;  John  Jay,  5  ;  James 
Iredell,  2  ;  George  Washington,  2  ;•  John  Henry,  2  ;  Samuel 
Johnson,  2  ;  C.  C.  Pinckney,  1.  So  John  Adams  became  Pres 
ident,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Vice-President;  and  Aaron  Bun- 
was  conspicuously  before  the  country  as  a  candidate  for  those 
coveted  places.  Of  the  30  electoral  votes  cast  for  Burr,  Ten 
nessee  gave  him  3  ;  Kentucky,  4  ;  North  Carolina,  6  ;  Vir 
ginia,  1  ;  Maryland,  3  ;  Pennsylvania,  13.  Not  a  vote  did  he 


A     SKNATOU.  199 

get  from  a  Puritan  State  ;  nor  did  Jefferson.  New  England 
was  as  Federal  as  she  was  Puritanical,  and  had  no  vote  for  tho 
anti-Federal  grandson  of  her  Puritan-in-chief.  This  fact  does 
not  countenance  John  Adams's  emphatic  assertion,  that  the 
capital  upon  which  Burr  embarked  in  the  business  of  politician 
was  the  fame  of  his  father  and  grandfather. 

While  thus  Colonel  Burr  had  been  striding  toward  the  high 
places  of  the  world,  events  of  importance  had  occurred  in  his 
own  household.  Before  entering  upon  the  decisive  period  of 
his  political  life,  let  us  pause  here  for  a  moment  and  see  how 
he  appeared,  in  the  day  of  his  glory,  as  a  husband,  as  a  par 
ent,  and  as  a  master. 

As  years  rolled  on  and  cares  increased,  the  letters  of  Mrs. 
Burr  to  her  husband  became  longer,  and  less  in  the  style  that 
Juliet  would  have  nsed  in  writing  to  banished  Romeo.  But 
they  were  warm,  confiding,  and  elegant ;  as  his  were  to  her. 
They  were  the  letters  of  a  careful  and  devoted  wife  to  a  hus 
band  she  was  proud  of,  and  desired  above  all  things  to  help 
and  gratify.  To  her  he  confided  every  thing.  His  business 
was  left  partly  in  her  care,  and  with  her  he  conversed  npon 
his  political  plans.  He  sometimes  gave  her  information  to  be 
communicated  to  his  political  friends  in  New  York.  Occa 
sionally,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  he  would  hurry  away 
upon  the  adjournment  of  the  Senate  on  Friday,  to  meet  his 
wife  at  Trenton,  and  after  spending  Saturday  and  Sunday  in 
her  society,  return  on  Sunday  night  to  Philadelphia.  To  the 
last,  she  was  a  happy  wife,  and  he  an  attentive,  fond  husband. 
I  assert  this  positively.  The  contrary  has  been  recently  de 
clared  on  many  platforms ;  but  I  pronounce  the  assertion  to 
be  one  of  the  thousand  calumnies  with  which  the  memory  of 
this  singular,  amiable,  and  faulty  being  has  been  assailed.  No 
one  now  lives  who  can,  of  his  own  personal  knowledge,  speak 
of  the  domestic  life  of  a  lady  who  died  sixty-two  years  ago. 
But  there  are  many  still  living  whose  parents  were  most  inti 
mately  conversant  with  the  interior  of  Richmond  Hill,  and 
who  have  heard  narrated  all  the  minute  incidents  of  the  life 
led  therein.  The  last  of  the  old  servants  of  the  family  died 
only  a  short  time  ago ;  and  the  persons  best  acquainted  with 


200  LIFE     OP     AARON     BUKK. 

the  best  part  of  Burr's  character  are  still  walking  these  streets. 
His  own  letters  to  his  wife — all  respect,  solicitude,  and  affec 
tion — confirm  the  positive  asseverations  of  these.  I  repeat, 
therefore,  that  Mrs.  Burr  lived  and  died  a  satisfied,  a  confid 
ing,  a  beloved,  a  trusted  wife. 

Soon  after  her  husband  "  turned  politician,"  her  health, 
never  vigorous,  began  to  fail,  and  her  maladies  at  length  con 
centrated  into  a  cancer  of  the  most  virulent  and  offensive  de 
scription.  She  lingered  long  in  anguish.  Her  husband,  both 
by  personal  attentions  and  by  the  advice  which  he  sought 
from  the  most  eminent  physicians,  did  much  to  relieve  her  suf 
ferings — did  all  that  mortal  aid  could  do.  He  studied  her 
case.  He  described  her  symptoms  to  his  friend,  Dr.  Benjamin 
Rush,  of  Philadelphia,  and  concerted  with  him  a  new  treat 
ment.  But  nothing  availed  to  stay  the  ravages  of  the  disea.se. 
He  proposed  at  one  time  to  leave  Congress,  that  he  might  de 
vote  himself  exclusively  to  attending  upon  her.  She  besought 
him  not  to  do  so,  and  he  remained  in  Philadelphia  till  her  dis 
ease  assumed  a  form  that  threatened  speedy  dissolution.  She 
became,  at  length,  an  object  most  pitiable  to  contemplate  ;  and 
in  the  spring  of  1794,  death  relieved  her  sufferings,  and  de 
prived  of  their  mistress  the  heart  and  home  of  Aaron  Burr. 
They  had  lived  together  twelve  years — twelve  happy  and  tri 
umphant  years. 

Burr  was  not  given  to  sentiment.  It  was  his  principle  not 
to  mourn  over  an  irrevocable  calamity.  "  The  best  compliment 
you  can  pay  me,"  he  used  to  say  to  his  wife,  "  is  to  be  cheerful 
while  I  am  absent."  If  he  did  not  visibly  grieve  over  her 
death,  to  the  last  day  of  his  life  he  spoke  of  her  in  terms  of 
emphatic  and  unqualified  admiration.  Among  the  very  last 
words  he  ever  spoke,  was  a  sentence  like  this  :  "  The  mother 
of  my  Theo.  was  the  best  woman  and  finest  lady  I  have  ever 
known." 

His  daughter,  a  rosy  little  girl  of  eleven,  was  all  that  now 
made  his  house  a  home.  From  her  infancy  his  heart  and 
mind  had  been  interested  in  that  most  fascinating  of  employ 
ments,  the  culture  of  a  being  tenderly  beloved.  With  what 
unwearied  assiduity  he  pursued  the  sweet  vocation !  His  let- 


A     SENATOR.  201 

tors,  written  from  his  senatorial  desk  at  Philadelphia,  show 
that  his  home  thoughts  were  divided  between  the  sick  mother 
and  the  studious  child  ;  and  when  the  mother's  sufferings  were 
over,  the  daughter's  improvement  absorbed  his  care.  He  pur 
sued  this  darling  object  intelligently.  "  Cursed  effects  of 
fashionable  education !"  he  writes  to  his  wife,  in  Theodosia's 
tenth  year,  "  of  which  both  sexes  are  the  advocates,  and 
yours  eminently  the  victims.  If  I  could  foresee  that  Theo. 
would  become  a  mere  fashionable  woman,  with  all  the  attend 
ant  frivolity  and  vacuity  of  mind,  adorned  with  whatever 
grace  and  allurement,  I  would  earnestly  pray  God  to  take  her 
forthwith  hence.  But  I  yet  hope,  by  her,  to  convince  the 
world  what  neither  sex  appear  to  believe — that  women  have 
souls !" 

He  appears  to  have  gone  to  the  opposite  extreme.  In  her 
tenth  year  she  was  reading  Horace  and  Terence,  in  the  orig 
inal  Latin,  learning  the  Greek  grammar,  speaking  French, 
studying  Gibbon,  practicing  on  the  piano,  taking  lessons  in 
dancing,  and  learning  to  skate.  Like  all  her  race,  she  was 
precocious,  and  was  accounted  a  prodigy,  and  she  really  was  a 
child  of  superior  endowments  ;  but  no  girl  often  could  pursue 
such  a  course  of  study  without  injury.  Doubtless,  the  deli 
cacy  of  her  health,  in  after  years,  was  due  to  this  excess  of 
study  in  childhood.  As  a  child,  however,  she  seemed  to 
thrive  upon  the  too  luxurious  diet ;  for  though  she  had  the 
family  diminutiveness,  she  was  a  plump,  pretty,  and  blooming 
girl.  The  moral  precocity,  which  is  so  much  more  deadly  than 
mental,  she  escaped,  as  it  appears  she  told  fibs,  begged  off 
from  practicing,  and  was  excessively  fond  of  a  holiday  ;  which 
may  have  kept  Horace  and  Gibbon  from  destroying  her.  The 
plan  of  her  education  was  not  merely  devised  by  her  father, 
but  he  personally  aided  in  carrying  out  every  part  of  it.  He 
explained  her  lessons,  he  gave  minute  directions  to  her  nu 
merous  instructors,  he  would  have  nothing  learned  by  rote,  he 
encouraged  her  with  commendation,  he  gently  ridiculed  or 
sharply  rebuked  her  indolence.  When  he  was  in  Philadelphia, 
he  required  her  to  write  to  him  frequently.  He  replied  as 
often,  mentioning  each  of  her  mistakes  in  spelling  and 


202  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

mar,  remarking  upon  the  writing  and  style  of  her  last  letter, 
comparing  it  with  former  efforts,  and  awarding  praise  or 
blame,  as  he  thought  she  deserved.  His  letters  to  her  are 
very  kind,  very  thoughtful,  very  ingenious,  often  very  wise 
and  good. 

Burr  inherited  the  true  pedagogical  instinct.  One  of  his 
epistles  he  concludes  thus  :  "  Let  me  see  how  handsomely  you 
can  subscribe  your  name  in  your  next  letter,  about  this  size." 
In  another,  he  tells  her  how  much  pleasure  it  would  give  him 
if  she  could  contrive  to  lug  into  her  letters  occasionally  a  scrap 
of  Terence,  apropos.  Sometimes  he  exults  over  the  correct 
ness  of  her  last  letter,  telling  her  he  had  showed  it  to  Dr. 
Rush,  or  some  other  friend,  who  thought  it  must  have  been 
written  by  a  girl  of  sixteen.  He  reminds  her  to  sit  up  straight, 
else  she  will  go  into  a  consumption ;  and  then  "  farewell  papa, 
farewell  pleasure,  farewell  life."  He  gives  her  the  most  mi 
nute  directions  respecting  the  style  and  arrangement  of  her 
letters ;  tells  her  that  he  never  permits  one  of  hers  to  remain 
unanswered  a  single  day,  and  demands  of  her  the  same  promp 
titude. 

The  moral  advice  which  he  gives  her  is,  most  of  it,  very  excel 
lent.  He  insists  upon  her  treating  her  governess  with  the  most 
perfect  respect  and  consideration.  "Remember,"  he  says,  "  that 
one  in  the  situation  of  madame  has  a  thousand  things  to  fret 
her  temper  ;  and  you  know  that  one  out  of  humor  for  any  cause 
whatever,  is  apt  to  vent  it  on  every  person  that  happens  to  be 
in  the  way.  We  must  learn  to  bear  these  things ;  and,  let 
me  tell  you,  that  you  will  always  feel  much  better,  much  hap 
pier,  for  having  borne  with  serenity  the  spleen  of  any  one, 
than  if  you  had  returned  spleen  for  spleen."  Nothing  could 
be  better  than  that.  In  the  same  letter  he  remarks :  "  I  have 
often  seen  madame  at  table,  and  other  situations,  pay  you  the 
utmost  attention,  offer  you  twenty  civilities,  while  you  ap 
peared  scarcely  sensible  that  she  was  speaking  to  you  ;  or,  at 
the  most,  replied  with  a  cold  remercie,  without  even  a  look  of 
satisfaction  or  complacency.  A  moment's  reflection  will  con 
vince  you  that  this  conduct  will  be  naturally  construed  into  ar 
rogance  ;  as  if  you  thought  that  all  attention  was  due  to  you, 


A     SENATOR.  203 

and  as  if  you  felt  above  showing  the  least  to  any  body.  I 
know  that  you  abhor  such  sentiments,  and  that  you  are  inca 
pable  of  being  actuated  by  them.  Yet  you  expose  yourself  to 
the  censure  without  intending  or  knowing  it.  I  believe  you 
will  in  future  avoid  it.  Observe  how  Natalie  replies  to  the 
smallest  civility  which  is  offered  to  her."  That,  too,  is  sound 
morality. 

But  there  is,  occasionally,  a  passage  in  his  letters  to  her 
which  has  the  Chesterfieldian  taint.  The  worst  example  of 
this  kind  is  the  following:  "In  case  you  should  dine  in  com 
pany  with  Mrs. ,  I  will  apprize  you  of  one  circumstance,  by 

a  trifling  attention  to  which  you  may  elevate  yourself  in  her 
esteem.  She  is  a  great  advocate  for  a  very  plain,  rather  ab 
stemious  diet  in  children,  as  you  may  see  by  her  conduct  with 
Miss  Elizabeth.  Be  careful,  therefore,  to  eat  of  but  one  dish  ; 
that  a  plain  roast  or  boiled :  little  or  no  gravy  or  butter,  and 
very  sparingly  of  dessert  or  fruit :  not  more  than  half  a  glass 
of  wine  ;  and  if  more  of  any  thing  to  eat  or  drink  is  offered, 
decline  it.  If  they  ask  a  reason — Papa  thinks  it  not  good  for 
me,  is  the  best  that  can  be  given." 

Theodosia  rewarded  her  father's  solicitude  by  becoming 
the  best  educated  woman  of  her  time  and  country,  as  well 
as  one  of  the  most  estimable.  She  never,  of  course,  com- 
pleted  the  conquest  of  Latin  or  Greek,  but  French  she  made 
entirely  her  own  ;  and  wrote  an  English  style  that  could  be 
elegantly  playful,  or  correctly  strong,  as  the  subject  required. 
On  one  occasion,  during  her  father's  public  life,  she  translated, 
for  his  use,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  into  French. 
She  also,  at  his  request,  undertook  the  translation  of  one  of 
Bentham's  works  from  French  into  English,  and  partly  exe 
cuted  it.  Her  father  never  ceased,  while  she  lived,  to  direct 
and  urge  the  further  improvement  of  her  mind.  From  the 
deepest  abyss  of  his  misfortunes,  he  could  still  say  to  her, 
"  Be  what  my  heart  desires,  and  it  will  console  me  for  all  the 
evils  of  life."  And  what  a  daughter  was  she  to  him !  From 
the  age  of  fourteen,  the  engaging  mistress  of  his  household, 
the  companion  of  his  leisure,  the  friend  of  his  mind!  In  other 
days,  his  eloquent,  persistent,  fearless,  indomitable  champion ! 


204  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUEE. 

Colonel  Stone,  in  his  Life  of  Brant,  the  Indian  chief,  gives 
us  a  pleasant  glimpse  of  Theodosia  Burr  in  her  fourteenth 
year.  She  was  then  a  grown  woman,  and  reigned  supreme 
over  her  father's  house  during  his  long  absence  at  the  seat  of 
government.  Brant,  during  one  of  the  closing  years  of  Burr's 
senatorship,  visited  Philadelphia,  where,  for  some  time,  the 
magnificent  Indian  was  a  fashionable  lion.  Colonel  Burr  gave 
him  a  dinner  party,  which  Yolney,  Talleyrand,  and  other  nota 
bilities  attended.  The  incidents  of  that  entertainment  used 
to  be  related  by  Burr  for  forty  years  after  they  occurred,  and 
they  have  been  communicated  to  me  almost  in  his  own  words. 
But,  unfortunately,  the  chief's  English,  though  innocent,  and 
infinitely  amusing  to  the  guests,  can  not  be  repeated  to  a 
fastidious  public,  and,  therefore,  the  humors  of  that  banquet 
must  remain  for  ever  unrecorded.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  the 
Frenchmen  were  delighted  with  the  lion,  who  roared  his  best 
for  their  pleasure.  Before  Brant's  leaving  Philadelphia  for 
New  York,  Colonel  Burr  gave  him  a  note  of  introduction  to 
his  daughter,  in  which  he  requested  her  to  show  him  every 
attention. 

"  Miss  Theodosia,"  says  Colonel  Stone,  who  derived  the  in 
formation  from  Burr  himself,  "  received  the  forest-chief  with 
all  the  courtesy  and  hospitality  suggested  ;  and  performed  the 
honors  of  her  father's  house  in  a  manner  that  must  have  been 
as  gratifying  to  her  absent  parent  as  it  was  creditable  to  her 
self.  Among  other  attentions,  she  gave  him  a  dinner  party, 
selecting  for  her  guests  some  of  the  most  eminent  gentlemen 
in  the  city,  among  whom  were  Bishop  Moore  and  Doctors 
Bard  and  Hosack.  In  writing  to  her  father  upon  the  subject, 
she  gave  a  long  and  sprightly  account  of  the  entertainment. 
She  said  that,  in  making  the  preliminary  arrangements,  she 
had  been  somewhat  at  a  loss  in  the  selection  of  such  dishes  as 
would  probably  suit  the  palate  of  her  principal  guest.  Being 
a  savage  warrior,  and  in  view  of  the  many  tales  she  had 
heard,  of 

"  *  The  cannibals  that  each  other  eat, 

The  anthropophagi,  and  men  whose  heads 
Do  grow  beneath  their  shoulders,' 


A     SENATOR.  205 

she  added,  sportively,  that  she  had  a  mind  to  lay  the  hospital 
under  contribution  for  a  human  head  to  be  served  up  like  a 
boar's  head  in  ancient  hall  barbaric.  But,  after  all,  she  found 
him  a  most  Christian  and  civilized  guest  in  his  manners." 

During  these  years  of  greatness,  Colonel  Burr,  like  most 
other  persons  in  his  sphere,  was  an  owner  of  slaves,  who  were 
employed  as  household  servants.  That  he  was  a  kind  and  con 
siderate  master  to  them,  his  letters  to  Theodosia,  and  their 
letters  to  him,  give  touching  evidence.  "Poor  Tom,"  he 
writes  of  a  servant  who  had  met  with  an  accident,  "  I  hope 
you  take  good  care  of  him.  If  lie  is  confined  by  his  ley,  he 
must  pay  the  greater  attention  to  his  reading  and  writing."  One 
of  his  letters  from  Philadelphia  to  Theodosia,  concludes  thus : 
"  Alexis  often  bids  me  to  send  you  some  polite  and  respectful 
message  on  his  part,  which  I  have  hitherto  omitted.  He  is  a 
faithful,  good  boy ;  upon  our  return  home  he  hopes  you  will 
teach  him  to  read."  Another  letter  alludes  pleasantly  to  two 
of  his  servants.  "  Mat's  child,"  he  tells  Theodosia,  "  shall  not 
be  christened  until  you  shall  be  pleased  to  indicate  the  time, 
place,  manner,  and  name.  I  have  promised  Tom  that  he  shall 
take  me  to  Philadelphia,  if  there  be  sleighing.  The  poor  fel 
low  is  almost  crazy  about  it.  He  is  importuning  all  the  gods 
for  snow." 

He  corresponded  with  his  servants,  when  away  from  home. 
Their  letters  to  him  are  verv  artless  and  pleasing:.  "  We  are 

•f  O 

happy  to  hear,"  says  "  Peggy"  in  one  of  her  letters,  "  that  Sam 
and  George  and  the  horses  are  in  good  order,  and  all  the  fam- 
ilv  gives  their  love  to  them."  Another  of  Peggy's  epistles 
concludes  thus :  "  But,  master,  I  wish  to  beg  a  favor  of  you  ; 
please  to  grant  it.  I  have  found  there  is  a  day-school,  kept 
by  an  elderly  man  and  his  wife,  near  to  our  house,  and  if  mas 
ter  is  willing  that  I  should  go  to  it  for  two  months,  I  think  it 
would  be  of  great  service  to  me,  and  at  the  same  time  I  will 
not  neglect  my  work  in  the  house,  if  you  please,  sir."  Peggy 
received  an  immediate  answer,  granting  her  request.  She  re 
plies  in  a  few  days  :  "  I  go  to  the  school,  since  master  is  will 
ing,  and  I  like  the  teacher  very  much.  He  pays  great  atten 
tion  to  my  learning,  and  I  have  teacht'd  Nancy  her  letters  ever 


206  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUKK. 

since  you  have  been  gone,  which  I  think  will  be  of  as  much 
service  to  her  as  if  she  went  to  school.  "We  are  all  well  at 
present,  and  I  hope  that  you  are  the  same."  She  tells  her 
master,  in  the  same  letter,  that  there  has  been  a  report  in  the 
paper  that  he  had  been  wounded  in  a  duel,  and  that  the  family 
were  all  very  uneasy  about  it,  though  the  story  was  not  be 
lieved  in  the  town.  He  replies  immediately  that  he  is  per 
fectly  well,  and  has  had  no  quarrel  with  any  one.  He  urges 
her  to  go  to  school  punctually,  thanks  her  for  teaching  Nancy, 
and  says  he  shall  soon  go  home  and  give  them  all  New  Years' 
presents. 

All  this  is  very  amiable.  There  never  lived,  indeed,  a  more 
completely  amiable  man  than  Aaron  Burr.  Generous,  thought 
ful  for  the  pleasure  of  others,  careless  of  his  own,  a  pleasant, 
composed,  invincibly  polite  person,  credulous  even,  easily 
taken  in  by  plausible  sharpers,  but  with  these  softer  qualities 
relieved  by  courage,  tact,  and  industry — who  could  have  fore 
seen  for  such  a  character  the  destiny  he  encountered,  the  in 
famy  that  blackens  his  name  ? 

But,  in  this  difficult  world,  in  this  justly-ordered  universe, 
to  be  amiable  is  not  enough. 

An  anecdote,  related  with  great  animation  by  himself,  of 
this  period  of  his  life,  will  suffice  to  indicate  one  of  his  faults 
against  society.  He  was  sitting  in  his  library  reading  one 
day.  A  lady  entered  without  his  perceiving  her,  and  going 
up  softly  behind  his  chair,  gave  him  a  slap  on  the  cheek,  say 
ing,  "  Come,  tell  me,  what  little  French  girl,  pray,  have  you 
had  here  ?"  The  abruptness  of  the  question,  and  the  positive 
manner  of  the  lady,  deceived  him,  and  he  doubted  not  she 
had  made  the  discovery.  He  admitted  the  fact.  Whereupon, 
his  fair  inquisitress  burst  into  loud  laughter  at  the  success  of 
her  artitice,  which  she  was  induced  to  play  off  upon  him  from 
the  mere  circumstance  of  having  smelt  musk  in  the  room. 

Upon  this  and  other  points  there  will  be  time  to  enlarge 
when  we  reach  the  expiatory  years  of  his  life.  At  present,  we 
must  attend  to  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

THE    ERA    OF    BAD    FEELING. 

THE  THREE  PEKIODS  ui-  on:  HIST<U:Y  —  PARTIES  BEFORE  THE  REVOLUTION  —  PARTIES 
AFTER  THE  KrVdI.l  T!< -V  —  EFFECT  OF  THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  UPON  AMERICAN 
POLITICS  — HAMILTON— JEFFERSON— THE  TONE  OF  SOCIETY  ON  JEFFERSON'S  RE 
TURN  FROM  FRANCE  —  TMK  DII-TEKKNCES.  BETWEEN  HAMILTON  AND  JKFFERSON  — 
RISK  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  —  JOHN  ADAMS  —  PUBLIC  EXCITEMENT  IN  1798. 

IT  was  the  fortune  of  Aaron  Burr  to  contribute,  in  a  re 
markable  manner,  to  the  first  triumph  of  his  party.  That  the 
reader,  not  fresh  in  the  early  history  of  his  country,  may  un 
derstand  the  importance  of  that  triumph,  it  is  necessary  that 
he  should  be  informed  or  reminded  of  the  state  of  parties,  and 
the  feeling  of  the  country,  and  of  the  character  of  certain  lead 
ing  persons  who  flourished  at  that  time.  This  chapter,  then, 
is  to  be  a  digression — to  be  skipped  by  a  reader  who  is  in 
haste. 

"  Whig  and  Tory  belong  to  natural  history,"  Mr.  Jefferson 
used  to  say.  This  truth,  that  free  communities  naturally  di 
vide  into  two  parties,  one  in  favor  of  keeping  things  as  they 
are,  the  other  strenuous  for  making  them  better  than  they  are, 
simplifies  the  study  of  political  history,  and  should  always  be 
borne  in  mind  by  the  student.  Ifc  is  not  an  infallable  guide 
through  the  labyrinth  of  party  politics,  but  it  greatly  assists 
the  groping  explorer. 

An  historian  might  divide  our  political  history  into  three 
periods.  The  first  began  with  the  adoption  of  the  Con 
stitution,  and  ended  with  the  election  of  Jefferson  ;  a  period 
which,  in  the  recent  language  of  Mr.  Seward,  "  gave  to  the 
country  a  complete  emancipation  of  the  masses  from  the  dom 
ination  of  classes."  The  second  began  with  Jefferson,  and 
ended  with  the  annexation  of  Texas.  This  was  the  period  of 
peaceful  democratic  rule,  the  fruit  of  Jefferson's  ideas  and 


*208  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURB. 

Burr's  tactics.  The  third  period  began  with  Texas,  and  will 
end  with  the  final  settlement  of  the  slavery  problem.  We 
have  now  to  do  only  with  that  eventful  twelve  years  when  the 
new  democratic  ideas  contended  with  old  Custom  and  old 
Thought  in  this  country.  It  was  eminently  a  period  of  "  bad 
feeling ;"  as  periods  are  apt  to  be  in  which  narrow  opinions, 
and  the  narrow  virtues  that  grow  out  of  them,  are  rudely  as 
sailed  by  the  larger,  half-comprehended  ideas  of  a  greater  time 
coming.  To  give  an  adequate  picture  of  that  eventful  and 
most  interesting  time  would  require  a  volume,  and  a  genius. 
A  few  glimpses  are  all  that  can  be  afforded  here. 

Until  George  III.  began  to  reign  (1760),  the  political  parties 
of  the  American  colonies  were  about  the  same  as  those  of 
England.  John  Adams,  who  could  himself  remember  as  far 
back  as  1745,  has  a  great  deal  to  say,  in  his  diaries  and  letters, 
about  parties  and  partizans  in  America  before  the  Revolution. 
Besides  Whigs  and  Tories,  he  records  there  was  a  party  for 
the  Pretender  in  the  colonies.  One  of  his  letters  contains  the 
following  passage  :  "  You  say,  our  divisions  began  with  Fed 
eralism  and  anti-Federalism.  Alas  !  they  began  with  human 
nature  ;  they  have  existed  in  America  from  its  first  plantation. 
In  every  colony  divisions  always  prevailed.  In  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  Massachusetts,  and  all  the  rest,  a 
court  and  country  party  have  always  contended.  Whig  and 
Tory  disputed  very  sharply  before  the  Revolution,  and  in 
every  step  during  the  Revolution.  Every  measure  in  Con 
gress,  from  1774  to  1787  inclusively,  was  disputed  with  acri 
mony,  and  decided  by  as  small  majorities  as  any  question  is 
decided  in  these  days." 

In  another  letter  of  Mr.  Adams's,  the  following  interesting 
statement  occurs :  "  It  was  reported  and  believed  (in  the 
colonies)  that  George  II.  had  uniformly  resisted  the  importu 
nities  of  ministers,  governors,  planters,  and  projectors,  to  in 
duce  him  to  extend  the  system  of  taxation  and  revenue  in 
America,  by  saying,  that c  he  did  not  understand  the  colonies  ; 
he  wished  their  prosperity.  They  appeared  to  be  happy  at 
present ;  and  he  would  not  consent  to  any  innovations,  the 
consequences  of  which  he  could  not  foresee.' " 


THE     ERA     OF     BAD     FEELING.  209 

Sensible  king !  But,  early  in  the  next  reign,  the  "  minis 
ters,  governors,  planters,  and  projectors"  began  to  have  their 
way ;  and  from  that  moment  began  the  history  of  parties  in 
America.  How  slow  the  loyal  colonists  were  to  resist,  or 
even  to  remonstrate !  "  No  king,"  wrote  Joseph  Reed,  in 
1774,  "ever  had  more  loyal  subjects,  nor  any  country  more 
affectionate  colonists  than  the  Americans  were.  I,  who  am 
but  a  young  man,  remember  when  the  king  was  always  men 
tioned  with  a  respect  approaching  to  adoration,  and  to  be  an 
Englishman  was  alone  a  sufficient  recommendation  to  any 
office  or  civility.  But  I  confess,  with  the  greatest  concern, 
that  those  happy  days  seem  swiftly  passing  away." 

In  the  year  preparatory  of  the  Revolution,  Whig  and  Tory 
were  words  of  meaning.  Shall  we  submit  ?  Shall  we  re 
sist  ?  The  issue  was  marked.  Beginning  with  a  minority  of 
one,  the  party  for  resistance  gathered  strength  with  every 
new  aggression,  till,  in  1776,  two  thirds  of  the  native  colo 
nists,  as  John  Adams  computed,  were  in  favor  of  independ 
ency.  Two  thirds  !  not  more  ;  as  any  student  of  the  period 
will  soon  discern.  In  1777,  it  is  questionable  if  the  Whigs 
were  even  in  a  majority.  We  read  without  surprise,  for  hu 
man  nature  is  human  nature  even  in  the  most  heroic  times, 
that  when  the  British  army  was  approaching,  people  hastened 
to  nail  a  rag  of  Tory  red  to  their  front  doors,  and  when  the 
patriot  army  marched  by,  the  rags  of  the  whole  region  turned 
blue. 

The  war  ended.  Blue  was  in  the  ascendant,  and  Red  was 
nowhere.  The  active  rich  Tories  fled  ;  the  active  poor  To 
ries,  cowed  and  suppliant,  became,  as  we  have  seen,  a  bone  of 
contention  with  the  exultant  Whigs.  Human  nature  asserted 
itself,  and  again  there  were  two  parties  in  the  country.  In 
the  numberless  suits  and  questions  that  arose  in  the  State  of 
New  York  respecting  the  property  and  rights  of  the  ex-Tories, 
Hamilton  and  his  Schuylers  were  the  champions  of  a  defeated, 
a  prostrate  faction.  Burr  and  the  Clintons  were  the  defend 
ers  of  the  doctrine  that  to  the  victors  belonged  the  spoils  of 
victory. 

Next  arose  the  great  question  of  the  acceptance  or  rejec- 


210  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BURR. 

tion  of  the  Constitution.  After  a  period  of  doubt  and  strug 
gle,  the  intensity  of  which  the  average  modern  reader  can 
know  nothing  about,  because  the  historian  lias  not  yet 
emerged  who  can  tell  the  story,  the  Constitution  was  ac 
cepted,  and  set  in  motion.  The  battle  then  subsided,  but  did 
not  cease.  The  anti-Federalists  still  clamored  for  amendments. 
They  thought  the  central  government  too  strong,  too  impos 
ing,  too  British.  It  reduced  the  importance  of  the  States. 
A  Governor,  who  had  held  his  head  high  above  all  men's,  was 
an  insignificant  official  in  comparison  with  the  PRESIDENT  OF 
THE  UNITED  STATES!  The  Federalists,  on  the  contrary,  thought 
the  government  fatally  inefficient.  It  became,  however,  the 
general  desire,  that  the  Constitution,  such  as  it  was,  should 
have,  at  least,  a  fair  trial.  With  that  feeling,  Washington 
turned  his  back  upon  the  home  where  he  was  alone  a  contented 
man,  and  journeyed  with  heavy  heart  to  New  York  to  organ 
ize  thejmw  government. 

•"-"'Iff  must  be  mentioned  that  the  country  was  still  very  En 
glish.  Social  distinctions  were  marked  and  undisputed,  and 
a  gentleman  was  a  gentleman.  There  were  great  land-owners 
in  the  interior  who  held  the  position  in  society  that  country 
gentlemen  now  do  in  England.  They  had  numerous  tenants ; 
they  were  justices  of  the  peace ;  they  were  elected,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  to  the  legislature ;  they  were  the  gentry  of  the 
country,  to  whom  the  country,  without  a  rebellious  thought, 
took  off  its  hat.  "Society"  in  the  cities  was  exclusive.  It 
consisted  of  a  few  great  families,  who  admitted  within  their 
circle  only  officials  and  other  consequential  persons.  A  gentle 
man  was  really  an  imposing  figure  at  that  day.  Years  after  the 
Revolution,  John  Hancock  dressed  in  a  style  that  now,  even 
upon  the  stage,  we  should  think  rather  extravagant.  Upon 
his  powdered  and  pig-tailed  head,  he  wore  a  cap  of  red  velvet, 
which  covered,  without  concealing,  one  of  white  cambric  ;  the 
cambric  being  turned  over  the  velvet,  and  forming  a  border 
two  inches  wide.  A  blue  damask  gown,  lined  with  silk,  a 
white  stock,  a  white  satin  embroidered  waistcoat,  black  satin 
breeches,  white  silk  stockings,  red  morocco  slippers,  silver 
buckles  at  knee  and  instep,  were  other  articles  of  his  attire. 


THE     ERA     OP     BAD     FEELING.  211 

Above  all  there  was  in  his  manner  a  mingled  dignity  and  sweet 
ness,  which  was  not  rare  at  that  time,  but  the  very  tradition 
of  which  is  now  scarcely  known  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  Politeness  was  one  of  the  exclusive,  superficial  good 
things  which  democracy  had  rudely  to  destroy,  in  order  that 
a  deeper  and  better  politeness  might  become  possible  and  uni 
versal  /  a  politeness  without  any  lies  in  it. 

The  power  of  the  "gentry"  was,  of  course,  lessened  by  the 
Revolution.  They  had  never  been  a  numerous  class  in  the 
colonies ;  and  the  Revolution  ruined  perhaps  one  half  of 
them.  The  peace  drove  a  large  number  to  Canada  and  En 
gland.  The  young  nation,  therefore,  over  which  Washington 
presided,  was  a  nation  of  rustics,  but  rustics  who  had,  as  yet, 
but  dim  perceptions  of  their  rights  and  power,  rustics  habitu 
ated  to  take  off  their  hats  to  gentlemen  who  were  got  up  re 
gardless  of  expense,  and  who  rode  about  in  chariots  drawn  by 
four  horses,  or  by  six. 

The  French  Revolution  woke  the  dozing  giant. 

The  first  delirium  over,  the  French  had  to  fight  a  continent 
in  arms,  and  during  that  enormous  contest  there  could  not  be 
a  neutral  heart.  American  politics,  in  those  years,  resolved 
themselves  into  this  all-including  question,  Which  side  shall 
we  take  ?  Or,  which  nation  shall  our  young  republic  adopt 
as  ally  and  exemplar,  France  or  England  ? 

Fear  intensified-  the  excitement  with  which  this  question 
was  discussed  ;  nor  the  nation  was  not  yet  powerful ;  it  was  a 
boy  looking  on  while  giants  wrestled.  Every  one  feared  for 
the  stability  of  the  new,  the  untried  government.  Some 
thought  it  would  dissolve  into  anarchy ;  others,  that  it  would 
degenerate  into  monarchy ;  some  lived  in  terror  of  war ; 
others  foreboded  national  bankruptcy.  Nothing  but  an  all- 
pervading  and  constantly-operating  fear  could,  I  think,  have 
wrought  up  the  two  parties  into  such  a  frenzy.  This  genera 
tion  has  witnessed  the  landing  on  these  shores,  amid  the 
salute  of  a  thousand  guns,  and  the  cheers  of  two  hundred  thou 
sand  excited  spectators,  of  the  orator  Kossuth.  From  that 
great  furore,  judge  of  the  nation's  delirium  when,  to  its  natural 
sympathy  with  a  beloved  nation  struggling  against  despots, 


212  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

was  added  a  fear  of  being  drawn  into  the  maelstrom  of  their 
prodigious  warfare.  The  ardent  souls,  I  know,  desired  this; 
as  the  same  temperaments  were  for  drawing  the  sword  in  de 
fense  of  Hungary.  But  the  nation  knew  better ;  knew  that 
peace  was  its  only  policy.  In  time,  too,  came  slights,  insults, 
injuries,  first  from  one  belligerent,  then  from  the  other,  to 
mingle  rage  with  the  other  inflamed  passions. 

At  the  seat  of  government,  during  this  excitement,  there 
were  four  men  of  more  importance  than  any  others,  as  well 
from  their  great  characters  as  their  great  places.  These  were 
Washington,  Hamilton,  Adams,  and  Jefferson.  Of  Washing 
ton  I  need  not  speak.  For  sixty  years,  the  object  of  the  un- 
discrimiriating  eulogy  of  politicians  and  rhetoricians,  who  have 
sought  to  use  his  vast  popularity* for  their  own  purposes,  the 
character  of  the  man  has  been  so  obscured,  that  to  only  the 
most  studious  eyes  can  it  now  become  discernible.  By  claim 
ing  for  him  every  excellence  known  to  human  nature,  his  true 
glory  is  sacrificed,  and  the  benefit  of  his  great  example  squan 
dered.  But  I  am  not  to  speak  of  him,  and  need  not,  for  the 
part  he  played  in  this  drama  was  more  passive  than  active. 
He  was  the  Rock  to  which  the  ship  of  State  was  moored.  The 
great  measures  of  his  administration  were  devised  by  Hamil 
ton,  his  first  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  was  the  real  ruler 
of  the  country  during  all  these  twelve  years'  of  democracy's 
struggle  for  supremacy. 

Alexander  Hamilton  was  a  shining  specimen  of  a  class  of 
characters  which  Great  Britain  produces  in  numbers :  men  of 
administrative  ability,  of  active,  suggestive  intellects,  but  of 
understandings  that  will  not  admit  a  revolutionary  idea — that 
is,  an  idea  really  in  advance  of  their  time.  These  men  wield 
the  tools  of  government  with  dexterity  ;  with  pertinacity  they 
cling  to  the  old  methods.  Hamilton,  it  must  be  ever  remem 
bered,  was  no  American ;  he  never  understood  America  ;  and, 
as  he  himself  confessed,  he  was  "  not  the  man  for  America." 
The  English  government  was  his  ideal;  his  dream  was  to 
make  America  a  larger  and  better  England.  He  was  for  a 

*  Rufus  King  wrote  to  Hamilton  from  London,  that  the  most  popular  men 
rn  En-gland  were,  first,  George  IIL,  and,  next  to  him,  George  Washington. 


THE     ERA     OF     U  A  I)     FEELING.  213 

strong,  a  regular,  an  imposing  government ;  he  supported 
General  Washington  in  his  levees,  his  state  dinners,  his 
speeches  to  Congress,  his  birth-day  celebrations,  and  the  other 
forms  which  reminded  the  Republican  party  of  a  royal  court. 
He  thought  the  interested  support  of  the  wealthy  classes  was 
necessary  to  a  strong  government.  He  was  exactly  as  much 
of  a  Democrat  as  George  III.  or  William  Pitt.  In  the  people 
he  had  no  faith ;  and  thought  it  vain  to  attempt  to  convince 
them  by  argument  and  fact ;  the  mob  was  an  unreasoning 
child,  to  be  coaxed,  flattered,  used,  and,  above  all,  governed. 
This  enormous  BLASPHEMY  against  God's  image  he  repeats, 
in  great  variety  of  phrase,  in  his  private  letters.  "  You  are 
your  own  worst  enemies,"  he  once  said,  in  a  stump  speech,  to 
the  people  of  this  city. 

The  basis  of  Hamilton's  moral  character  was  noble  and  dis 
interested  ;  no  man  more  honorable  in  his  feelings  than  he  ; 
none  more  generous  or  more  kind.  He  loved  the  country  of 
his  adoption,  and  would  have  died  to  save  it ;  that  is,  to  con 
vert  it  permanently  to  his  way  of  thinking.  He  was  confident 
that  the  "  crazy  old  hulk  of  a  Constitution,"  as  he  used  to 
term  it,  could  not  last.  A  crisis  was  approaching.  When  it 
arrived,  then  the  Federalists  would  save  their  country  by  giv 
ing  it  a  government  that  could  govern.  But  Hamilton  was 
an  honorable  man  :  he  would  stand,  he  said,  resolutely  by  the 
Constitution  till  the  old  hulk  did  go  down  ;  it  should  have  the 
fairest  of  fair  trials.  He  was  morbidly  in  earnest.  Gouverneur 
Morris,  who  loved  the  man,  says,  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  O in- 
poor  friend,  Hamilton,  bestrode  his  hobby,  to  the  great  an 
noyance  of  his  friends."  Hamilton  had  no  great  hold  upon  the 
people  except  as  the  man  trusted  and  preferred  by  Washing 
ton.  I  think  Washington  liked  him  better  than  any  man  in 
the  United  States ;  for  Hamilton,  too,  was  an  honest  man,  and 
he  had,  what  the  President  had  not,  a  rapidly-suggestive  mind, 
and  a  fluent  tongue.  Honest,  I  say  ;  but  not  honest  as  Wash 
ington  was  honest.  In  the  maddest  party  contentions,  Wash 
ington's  integrity  was  never  shaken,  nor  questioned,  except 
by  fools.  But  in  the  strife  of  parties,  Hamilton  did,  more  than 
once,  more  than  twice,  advise  measures  which  no  man  will 


214  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUKK. 

now  defend.  He  had  the  foible,  so  common  in  this  country 
after  the  Revolution,  of  valuing  himself  chiefly  upon  his  mili 
tary  talents.  He  had  also  the  soldierly  weakness  with  regard 
to  women.  His  passions  were  warm,  and  he  indulged  them ; 
but  not,  as  is  often  whispered,  and  sometimes  printed,  to  the 
extent  of  profligacy.  He  loved  lovely  women,  and  lovely  wo 
men  loved  him.  In  one  notorious  instance,  probably  in  other 
instances,  his  passions  led  him  astray. 

The  full-length  portrait  of  Hamilton,  painted  by  Trumbull 
for  the  city  of  New  York,  which  used  to  adorn  the  old  Ex 
change,  and  was  snatched,  damaged,  from  the  great  fire  of 
1835,  is  preserved  at  the  Library  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society.  The  picture  is  precious,  and  should  be  either  re 
stored  or  copied.  Within  these  few  years,  Mrs.  Hamilton 
stood  before  it,  and  pronounced  it  "  a  good  likeness  of  the 
general."  On  the  torn  canvas,  we  discern  a  slight,  erect, 
under-sized,  elegant  figure,  with  a  bright,  rosy  face ;  a  man, 
one  would  think,  more  fitted  to  shine  on  the  battle-field  and 
in  the  drawing-room,  than  in  an  oifice  with  a  hundred  clerks 
around  him.* 

A  writer  who  saw  Hamilton,  describes  him  in  these  words  : 
"  He  was  expected  one  day  at  dinner,  and  was  the  last  who 
came.  When  he  entered  the  room,  it  was  apparent,  from  the 
respectful  attention  of  the  company,  that  he  was  a  distin 
guished  individual.  He  was  dressed  in  a  blue  coat,  with 
bright  buttons ;  the  skirts  of  his  coat  were  unusually  long. 
He  wore  a  white  waistcoat,  black  silk  small-clothes,  white  silk 
stockings.  The  gentleman  who  received  him  as  a  guest,  in 
troduced  him  to  such  of  the  company  as  were  strangers  to 

*  The  bust  of  Hamilton  by  Cerracci  in  the  Philadelphia  Academy  of  Fine 
Arts  shows  us  a  different  face.  The  features  are  good  enough,  but  not  liber 
ally  disposed ;  a  somewhat  contracted  countenance,  with  slightly  overhang 
ing  forehead,  and  a  mass  of  propelling  force  behind  the  ears.  There  is  also  a 
miniature  of  Hamilton  in  this  city,  painted  from  life,  which  exhibits  a  sensual 
fullness  of  cheek  and  chin.  It  is  an  instance  of  the  unreliableness  of  history, 
that  of  the  six  most  accessible  portraits  of  Hamilton,  only  two  (and  those 
the  worst  pictures)  look  as  if  they  were  designed  to  resemble  the  same 
person. 


THE     ERA     OF     BAD     FEELING.  215 

him ;  to  each  lie  made  a  formal  bow,  bending  very  low,  the 
ceremony  of  shaking  hands  not  being  observed.  The  fame 
of  Hamilton  had  reached  every  one  who  knew  any  thing  of 
public  men.  His  appearance  and  deportment  accorded  with 
the  dignified  distinction  to  which  he  had  attained  in  public 
opinion.  At  dinner,  whenever  he  engaged  in  the  conversa 
tion,  every  one  listened  attentively.  His  mode  of  speaking 
was  deliberate  and  serious  ;  and  his  voice  engagingly  pleasant. 
In  the  evening  of  the  same  day  he  was  in  a  mixed  assembly 
of  both  sexes ;  and  the  tranquil  reserve  noticed  at  the  din 
ner  table,  had  given  place  to  a  social  and  playful  manner,  as 
though  in  this  he  was  alone  ambitious  to  excel." 

A  man  thus  endowed,  and  possessing  a  Scotch  tenacity  of  pur 
pose,  can  not  but  powerfully  affect  the  opinions  of  the  society 
of  which  he  is  a  leader  and  an  ornament.  Hamilton  did.  Be 
sides  being  the  soul  and  intellect  of  the  Federal  party,  he  gave 
to  the  upper  society  of  the  cities  its  tone  and  tendency. 

But  there  was  another  man  of  ideas,  of  will,  and  of  talent, 
acting  conspicuously  upon  the  scene ;  Thomas  Jefferson,  Sec 
retary  of  State.  This  man,  a  gentleman  by  birth,  a  Demo 
crat  from  conviction,  a  reflective  philanthropist  by  disposition, 
had  been  abroad  from  1785  to  1789,  and  so  escaped  the  travail 
of  Constitution-making.  He  left  his  country  while  its  natural 
tendencies  to  Republicanism  were  at  full  tide.  He  found 
France  heaving  with  the  coming  earthquake.  With  his  own 
eyes  he  saw  the  haggard,  thistle-eating  peasants.  With  his- 
own  hand  he  felt  and  weighed  the  sorry  morsels  of  black 
bread  that  mothers  gave  to  hungry  children.  In  his  journeys 
through  fair  France,  he  was  much  in  the  peasants'  hovels,  and 
looked  with  a  wrathful  brother's  eyes  upon  those  mean  abodes. 
On  the  sly,  when  the  good  woman's  face  was  turned,  we  see 
this  singular  gentleman  feeling  the  bed  upon  which  he  had 
taken  care  to  sit,  to  ascertain  its  material  and  quality,  and 
looking  into  the  pot  to  see  what  the  poor  wretch  was  cooking 
for  her  children's  dinner.  His  office  of  embassador  made  him 
a  resident  of  chateaus  and  a  frequenter  of  courts,  and  he 
could  see  precisely  how  much  of  natural  right  the  puny  seig 
neurs  and  stolid  monseigneurs  had  to  lord  it  over  the  sons  of 


210  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

toil.  The  "folly  of  heaping  importance  'upon  idiots"  became 
exceedingly  clear  to  Thomas  Jefferson.  He  was  one  of  those 
rare  Americans  whom  a  European  tour  has  instructed  and 
confirmed  in  humane  principles,  not  effeminated  and  befooled. 

In  person,  as  in  character,  Jefferson  was  a  contrast  to  Ham 
ilton.  He  was  a  tall  man,  six  feet  one  in  stature,  it  is  said ; 
well  enough  proportioned,  but  not  of  a  compact,  energetic 
build.  His  legs  were  long,  and  seemed  loose-jointed.  His 
Welsh  extraction  showed  itself  in  reddish  flaxen  hair,  a  light 
complexion,  blue  eyes,  and  a  general  Celtic  cast  of  features. 
His  manner,  says  tradition,  was  plain  and  friendly,  not  polished 
nor  imposing.  He  was  a  good-tempered  man,  and  his  writings, 
as  we  see,  are  calm  and  flowing.  But  there  was  fire  in  Thomas 
Jefferson.  Under  the  cold  surface  of  some  of  his  letters,  we 
can  see  the  lava  of  his  convictions  flowing  white  hot.  He  was 
no  orator :  he  never  made  a  speech,  I  believe.  His  influence 
was  owing  entirely  to  his  character,  his  social  rank,  and,  above 
all,  to  the  accordance  of  his  convictions  with  the  instincts  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  Jefferson  was  eminently  a  man 
of  opinions,  as  distinguished  from  action,  as  Hamilton  was  a  man 
of  action,  as  distinguished  from  opinion.  "  Thought,"  says 
Goethe,  "  expands :  action  narrows."  Jefferson  had  all  the 
breadth  and  liberality  which  enlightened  opinion  bestows ;  but 
in  devising  measures  and  carrying  on  the  actual  business  of 
governing  a  State,  he  would  have  been  excelled,  perhaps,  by 
Hamilton.  In  the  revolutionary  war,  the  ardent,  executive 
spirits  of  the  country  sought  glory  in  the  field.  But  Jeffer 
son,  the  scholar,  the  philosopher,  the  jurist,  remained  a  civilian 
to  the  last,  and  served  his  country  only  with  his  name,  his 
mind,  and  his  pen.  This  fact,  in  connection  with  another, 
namely,  that  he  was  only  thirty  years  old  when  the  war  broke 
out,  indicates  the  man  of  books.  At  all  periods  of  his  life, 
war  and  violence  were  abhorrent  to  this  contemplative  lover 
of  his  species. 

It  is  the  fashion  now  to  underrate  Mr.  Jefferson.  In  the 
saloons  of  our  Historical  Societies,  in  the  volumes  of  Mr.  Hil- 
dreth's  History  of -the  United  States,  and,  indeed,  in  most 
polite  circles  and  books  of  the  present  time,  the  character  of 


T  II  E     ERA      OF     1!  A  D     FEELING.  2 1 7 

the  Great  Democrat  fares  ill.  The  polite  circles  and  books  of 
the  United  States  have  never  sympathized  with  what  alone 
makes  the  United  States  a  nation  of  promise.  And  Thomas 
Jefferson,  like  General  Washington,  has  been  for  fifty  years 
the  victim  of  incessant  eulogy.  The  student  of  history,  there 
fore,  sits  down  to  the  investigation  of  his  life  and  character 
with  a  feeling  of  weariness  and  disgust,  expecting  to  find  him 
as  complete  a  disappointment  as  other  great  names  of  that 
period  prove  to  be  on  close  examination.  But  no  ;  Jefferson, 
to  the  surprise  of  the  reader  of  his  works,  is  discovered  to  be 
a  person  of  original  and  solid  merit.  He  more  than  shared  the 
enlightenment  of  the  foremost  man  of  his  age  ;  he  was  in  ad 
vance  of  his  age  ;  his  country  has  not  yet  come  up  to  Thomas 
Jefferson.  If  to  General  Washington,  more  than  to  any  other 
man,  this  young  nation  owes  its  existence,  to  Thomas  Jeffer 
son,  more  than  to  any  other  man,  it  owes  the  peaceful  preser 
vation  of  its  grand  peculiarity.  Faults,  indeed,  he  had,  and 
faults  he  committed.  An  inexecutive  man  in  an  executive  sta 
tion  is  sure  to  make  mistakes.  But  his  merits  and  services, 
immense  and  various,  almost  beyond  example,  fill  me  with  grat 
itude  and  admiration — sinner  as  he  was  against  my  poor  hero. 

Longing  for  his  native  fields,  Jefferson  left  France  in  the 
glorious  year  of  the  Bastile,  and  came  home  to  Virginia.  He 
had  no  misgivings  about  the  Revolution :  he  understood  and 
loved  the  Revolution.  Before  that  purifying  storm  had  burst 
upon  an  astounded  world,  he  had  watched  and  hailed  the  signs 
that  foretold  the  coming  vindication  of  the  rights  of  man. 
Up  to  the  time  of  his  leaving  France,  the  Revolution  had  worn 
only  its  nobler  aspects,  and  he  sympathized  with  it,  heart  and 
intellect. 

He  reached  Virginia,  and  was  summoned  soon  by  General 
Washington  to  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State.  With  un 
feigned  reluctance  (for  he  was  an  enthusiast  in  agriculture)  he 
left  his  ample  estates  and  came  to  New  York  to  join  the  new 
government.  There  he  met  with  a  surprise.  But  let  us  quote 
his  own  language : 

"  I  returned  from  the  French  misfion,"  says  Mr.  Jefferson, 
"in  the  first  year  of  the  new  government,  having  landed 

10 


218  L  1  F  E      O  F      A  A  II  ( )  N      1)  U  II  K . 

in  Virginia  in  December,  1*789,  and  proceeded  to  New 
York  in  March,  1790,  to  enter  on  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  State.  Here,  certainly,  I  found  a  state  of  things  which, 
of  all  I  had  ever  contemplated,  I  the  least  expected.  I 
had  left  France  in  the  first  year  of  her  Revolution,  in  the 
fervor  of  national  rights  and  zeal  for  reformation.  My  con 
scientious  devotion  to  those  rights  could  not  be  heightened, 
but  it  had  been  aroused  and  excited  by  daily  exercise.  The 
President  received  me  cordially,  and  my  colleagues,  and  the 
circle  of  principal  citizens,  apparently  with  welcome.  The 
courtesies  of  dinner  parties  given  me,  as  a  stranger  newly 
arrived  among  them,  placed  me  at  once  in  their  familiar  soci 
ety.  .But  I  can  not  describe  the  wonder  and  mortification 
with  which  the  table  conversations  filled  me.  Politics  were 
the  chief  topic,  and  a  preference  of  kingly  over  republican 
government  was  evidently  the  favorite  sentiment.  An  apos 
tate  I  could  not  be,  nor  yet  a  hypocrite  ;  and  I  found  myself, 
for  the  most  part,  the  only  advocate  on  the  republican  side  of 
the  question." 

Mr.  Jefferson  records  part  of  the  conversation  which  passed 
at  a  cabinet  dinner  at  this  period — present,  himself,  Mr.  Adams, 
and  Mr.  Hamilton : 

"  After  the  cloth  was  removed,  and  one  question  argued  and 
dismissed,  conversation  began  on  other  matters,  and  by  some 
circumstance  was  led  to  the  British  Constitution,  on  which  Mr. 
Adams  observed,  'Purge  that  constitution  of  its  corruption, 
and  give  to  its  popular  branch  equality  of  representation,  and 
it  would  be  the  most  perfect  constitution  ever  devised  by  the 
wit  of  man.' 

"  Hamilton  paused  and  said,  '  Purge  it  of  its  corruption, 
and  give  to  its  popular  branch  equality  of  representation,  and 
it  would  become  an  impracticable  government :  as  it  stands 
at  present,  with  all  its  supposed  defects,  it  is  the  most  perfect 
government  which  ever  existed.' 

"  And  this  was  assuredly  the  exact  line  which  separated 
the  political  creeds  of  these  two  gentlemen.  The  one  was  for 
two  hereditary  branches,  and  tin  honest  elective  one ;  the 
other,  for  a  hereditary  king,  with  a  House  of  Lords  and  Com- 


THE     ERA      OF     BAD     F  K  K  L  I  N  G .  219 

raoris  corrupted  to  his  will,  and  standing  between  him  and  tliu 
people.  Hamilton  was  indeed  a  singular  character.  Of  acute 
understanding,  disinterested,  honest,  and  honorable  in  all  pri 
vate  transactions,  amiable  in  society,  and  duly  valuing  virtue 
in  private  life,  yet  so  bewitched  and  perverted  by  the  British 
example,  as  to  be  under  thorough  conviction  that  corruption 
was  essential  to  the  government  of  a  nation.  Mr.  Adams  had 
originally  been  a  Republican.  The  glare  of  royalty  and  no 
bility,  during  his  mission  to  England,  had  made  him  believe 
their  fascination  a  necessary  ingredient  in  government." 

Hamilton  and  Jefferson  could  not  be  an  harmonious  pair 
of  cabinet  ministers.  Hamilton  hated,  Jefferson  loved,  the 
French  Revolution.*  Hamilton  approved,  Jefferson  detested 
the  monarchizing  forms  of  Washington's  administrations. 
Hamilton  was  for  a  strong  and  overshadowing  federal  gov 
ernment;  Jefferson  was  strenuous  for  the  independence  of  the 
States.  Hamilton  was  in  favor  of  high  salaries  and  a  gen 
eral  liberality  of  expenditure  ;  Jefferson,  liberal  with  his  own 
money,  was  penurious  in  expending  the  people's.  Hamilton 
desired  a  powerful  standing  army ;  Jefferson  was  for  relying 
chiefly  upon  an  unpaid,  patriotic  militia.  Hamilton  would  have 
had  our  embassadors  live  at  foreign  courts,  in  a  style  similar 
to  that  of  the  courtly  representatives  of  kings ;  Jefferson  was 
opposed  to  any  diplomatic  establishment.  Hamilton  had  a 

*  Like  the  Bourbons,  the  New  York  Federalist  learns  nothing,  and  forgets 
nothing.  While  writing  this  page,  my  eyes  wandered  for  a  moment  to  the 
newspaper  which  contained  Senator  Wadsworth's  speech  on  the  Trinity  Church 
question  (delivered  in  March,  1857).  Mr.  Wadsworth  claimed  to  speak  as 
the  representative  of  "the  Jays,  the  Hamiltons,  and  the  Kings,"  whom  he  evi 
dently  regards  as  the  elect  of  the  human  race.  Alluding  to  the  gentleman 
who  thought  that  the  vestry  of  Trinity  should  not  have  unchecked  control  of 
the  church's  great  estate,  the  honorable  and  unlearned  Senator  said,  "Neither 
Jack  Cade  nor  Ledru  Rollin  ever  proposed  any  thing  bolder.  All  Jacobinism 
stands  without  its  parallel.  The  attacks  upon  the  noblesse  of  France,  when 
untold  millions  of  property  fell  the  prey  of  plebeian  rapacity,  furnishes  th*> 
only  fit  illustration  which  my  mind  can  recall  to  express  my  abhorrence  of  this 
outrageous  proposition."  This  is  eminently  Hamiltonian.  But  for  Hamilton 
to  speak  in  that  manner  of  the  French  Revolution  was  excusable,  as  he  died 
before  the  labors  of  scores  of  historians  and  biographers  had  flooded  that  pe 
riod  with  light. 


220  LIFE     OF     AARON      BURR. 

great  opinion  of  the  importance  of  foreign  commerce  ;  Jeffer 
son  knew  that  home  production  and  internal  trade  are  the 
great  sources  of  national  wealth.  Hamilton  gave  a  polite 
assent  to  the  prevailing  religious  creed,  and  attended  the 
Episcopal  Church  ;  Jefferson  was  an  avowed  and  emphatic 
dissenter  from  that  creed,  and  went  to  the  Unitarian  chapel. 
And  finally,  Hamilton,  the  ex-clerk,  was  a  very  fine  gentle 
man,  and  wore  the  very  fine  clothes  then  in  vogue  ;  Jefferson, 
the  hereditary  lord  of  acres,  combed  his  hair  out  of  pig-tail, 
discarded  powder,  wore  pantaloons,  fastened  his  shoes  with 
strings  instead  of  buckles,  and  put  fine-gentlemanism  utterly 
out  of  his  heart  for  ever. 

"  Hamilton  and  I,"  said  Jefferson,  long  after,  "  were  pitted 
against  each  other  every  day  in  the  cabinet,  like  two  fighting- 
cocks."  No  wonder.  They  soon  became,  as  all  the  world 
knows,  personally  estranged,  and  Hamilton,  never  too  scrupu 
lous  in  political  warfare,  assailed  his  colleague  by  name  in  the 
newspapers.  From  the  cabinet  the  contention  spread  to  the 
farthest  confines  of  the  nation,  and  became  at  length  the  an 
griest  and  bitterest  this  nation  has  known. 

A  few  passages  from  the  writings  and  reminiscences  of  the 
time  will  show  the  state  of  public  feeling  during  this  contest 
between  the  new  and  old  ideas. 

Of  the  excitement  caused  by  General  Washington's  cool  re 
ception  of  absurd  Genet,  the  French  embassador,  who  made 
a  triumphal  progress  through  the  country  in  1793,  John 
Adams  wrote  to  Jefferson  in  after  years  :  "  You  certainly 
never  felt  the  terrorism  excited  by  Genet  in  1793,  when  ten 
thousand  people  in  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  day  after  day, 
threatened  to  drag  Washington  out  of  his  house,  and  effect  a 
revolution  in  the  government,  or  compel  it  to  declare  war 
in  favor  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  against  England.  The 
coolest  and  the  firmest  minds,  even  among  the  Quakers  in 
Philadelphia,  have  given  their  opinions  to  me,  that  nothing 
but  the  yellow  fever,  which  removed  Dr.  Hutchinson  and 
Jonathan  Dickinson  Sergeant  from  this  world,  could  have  saved 
the  United  States  from  a  fatal  revolution  of  government.  I 
have  no  doubt  you  were  fast  asleep,  in  philosophical  tranquil- 


THE     ERA      OF     BAD     FEELING.  221 

lity,  when  ten  thousand  people,  and  perhaps  many  more,  were 
parading  the  streets  of  Philadelphia  on  the  evening  of  my 
fast  day ;  when  even  Governor  MinTm  himself  thought  it  his 
duty  to  order  a  patrol  of  horse  and  foot  to  preserve  the  peace  ; 
when  Market  street  was  as  full  as  men  could  stand  by  one 
another,  and  even  before  my  door ;  when  some  of  my  domes 
tics  in  frenzy,  determined  to  sacrifice  their  lives  in  my  defense  ; 
when  all  were  ready  to  make  a  desperate  sally  among  the  mul 
titude,  and  others  were  with  difficulty  and  danger  dragged 
back  by  the  rest ;  when  I  myself  judged  it  prudent  and  nec 
essary  to  order  chests  of  arms  from  the  war-office  to  be 
brought  through  by-lanes  and  back  doors,  determined  to  de 
fend  my  house  at  the  expense  of  my  life,  and  the  lives  of  the 
few,  very  few  domestics  and  friends  within  it." 

The  delirium  of  the  public  during  the  early  years  of  the 
French  Revolution,  is  strikingly  shown  in  a  letter  which  Mr. 
Adams  wrote  to  his  wife  in  1794.  "The  rascally  lie,"  wrote 
the  Vice-President,  "  about  the  Duke  of  York  in  a  cage  ;  and 
Toulon  and  all  the  English  fleet  in  the  hands  of  the  Republic 
ans,  was  fabricated  on  purpose  to  gull  the  gudgeons ;  and  it 
completely  succeeded,  to  my  infinite  mortification.  An  at 
tempt  was  made  to  get  me  to  read  the  red-hot  lie  to  the  Sen 
ate,  in  order  to  throw  them  into  as  foolish  a  confusion  as  that 
below  them  ;  but  I  was  too  old  to  be  taken  in,  at  least  by  so 
gross  an  artifice,  the  falsehood  of  which  was  to  me  palpable." 
This  lie,  palpable  as  it  was,  not  only  threw  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  into  confusion,  but  set  all  the  bells  of  Philadel 
phia  ringing,  and  made  the  city,  for  a  few  hours,  the  scene  of 
vociferous  rejoicing. 

Graydon,  in  his  Memoirs  of  this  period,  tells  a  story  that 
gives  us  a  lively  idea  of  the  popular  feeling.  "  I  remember," 
says  he,  "  one  day  at  the  table  of  General  Mifflin,  at  this  time 
President  of  the  State  (Pennsylvania),  when  the  Parisian 
courtezans  were  applauded  for  contributing  their  patriotic 
gifts.  I  ventured  (Graydon  was  a  thorough-going  Federalist, 
and  '  gentleman  of  the  old  school'),  to  call  in  question  the 
immense  merit  of  the  proceeding.  I  was  stared  at  by  a  pious 
clergyman  for  the  shocking  heterodoxy  of  my  sentiments,  and 


222  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

should  probably  have  been  drawn  into  an  altercation,  no  less 
disagreeable  than  indiscreet,  had  not  the  general,  in  a  friendly 
manner,  pacified  the  parson  by  whispering  him  in  the  ear,  that 
I  was  perfectly  well-disposed,  and  only  sporting  an  opinion. 
So  overwhelming  was  the  infatuation,  that  even  this  godly 
personage  had  quite  forgot  that  incontinency  was  a  sin.  He 
'  could  have  hugged  the  wicked  sluts — they  pleased  him  /'  " 

During  this  contest  between  young  Democracy  and  old  Cus 
tom,  a  very  marked  change  took  place  in  the  costume,  the 
manners,  and  the  minor  morals  of  the  people.  The  feeling  of 
equality  expressed  itself  in  dress.  John  Jay,  among  others, 
alludes,  in  one  of  his  letters,  to  the  effect  of  the  French  Revo 
lution  in  banishing  silk  stockings  and  high  breeding  from  the 
land.  Pantaloons  became  the  outward  and  visible  sign  of  an 
inward  and  invisible  republicanism.  Hair-powder,  pig-tails, 
and  shoe-buckles  began  to  disappear ;  and  the  polite  observ 
ances  that  had  grown  out  of  the  old-world  distinctions  of  rank, 
were  discontinued  by  the  more  ardent  republicans.  The  re 
cently  published  Recollections  of  Peter  Parley,  contain  much 
precious  and  pleasantly-given  information  respecting  the 
gradual  change  that  came  over  the  spirit  of  the  country  in 
the  time  of  Jefferson.  The  excellent  Parley  is  a  sad  Federal 
ist,  it  is  true,  and  his  sympathies  are  much  more  with  the 
good  old  time,  than  with  the  better  new  time  ;  but  he  is  a 
faithful  and  agreeable  narrator.  Before  the  Jeffersonian  era, 
he  tells  us,  travelers  who  met  on  the  highway  saluted  each 
other  with  formal  and  dignified  courtesy ;  and  children 
stopped,  as  they  passed  a  grown  person,  and  made  the  bow 
they  had  been  practiced  in  at  school  for  such  occasions.  But 
as  democracy  spread,  these  grand  salutations  "  first  subsided 
into  a  vulgar  nod,  half  ashamed  and  half  impudent,  and  then, 
like  the  pendulum  of  a  dying  clock,  totally  ceased." 

Another  little  fact  mentioned  by  Mr.  Goodrich  is  signifi 
cant.  "  Pounds,  shillings,  and  pence,"  says  he,  "  were  clas 
sical,  and  dollars  and  cents  vulgar,  for  several  succeeding  gen 
erations.  'I  would  not  give  a  penny  for  it,'  was  genteel ;  '  I 
would  not  give  a  cent  for  it,'  was  plebeian."  Among  the 
benefits  bestowed  upon  the  country  by  Jefferson,  one  was  its 


THE     ERA      OF     BAD     FEELING. 

admirable  currency  ;  which,  if  lie  did  not  invent,  he  so  advo 
cated  as  to  insure  its  adoption. 

A  ludicrous  anecdote  related  by  the  same  author,  though 
<>f  a  somewhat  later  stage  of  the  democratic  triumph,  has  an 
historic  value.  "  A  Senator  of  the  United  States,"  says  Mr. 
Goodrich,  "once  told  me  that  at  this  period  all  the  barbers  of 
Washington  were  Federalists,  and  he  imputed  it  to  the  fact 
that  the  leaders  of  that  party  in  Congress  wore  powder  and 
long  queues,  and  of  course  had  them  dressed  every  day  by  the 
barber.  The  Democrats,  on  the  contrary,  wore  short  hair,  or, 
at  least,  small  queues,  tied  up  carelessly  with  a  ribbon,  and 
therefore  gave  little  encouragement  to  the  tonsorial  art.  One 
day,  as  the  narrator  told  me,  while  he  was  being  shaved  by 
the  leading  barber  of  the  city — who  was,  of  course,  a  Federal 
ist — the  latter  suddenly  and  vehemently  burst  out  against  the 
nomination  of  Madison  for  the  presidency  by  the  democratic 
party,  which  had  that  morning  been  announced.  c  Dear  me !' 
said  the  barber,  '  surely  this  country  is  doomed  to  disgrace 
and  shame.  What  Presidents  we  might  have,  sir!  Just  look 
at  Daggett,  of  Connecticut,  or  Stockton,  of  New  Jersey ! 
What  queues  they  have  got,  sir — as  big  as  your  wrist,  and 
powdered  every  day,  sir,  like  real  gentlemen  as  they  are. 
Such  men,  sir,  would  confer  dignity  upon  the  chief  magis 
tracy  ;  but  this  little  Jim  Madison,  with  a  queue  no  bigger 
than  a  pipe-stem !  sir,  it  is  enough  to  make  a  man  forswear 
his  country !' " 

The  reader,  I  hope,  is  one  of  those  who  will  see  in  these  ex 
tracts  proof  that  what  democracy  destroyed  was  either  s/uj/u, 
or  so  mingled  with  sham,  as  to  be  inseparable  from  it.  But 
many  of  our  sedate  and  stately  forefathers  could  not  see  this. 
Jefferson  was  a  name  of  horror  in  New  England  for  many  a 
year ;  clergymen  preached  against  him,  and  prayed  against 
him,  even  by  name.  -/- 

There  was  great  activity  of  mind  at  this  time.  At  tne 
beginning  of  the  revolutionary  war,  there  were  forty  news 
papers  published  in  the  colonies.  The  number  had  not  in 
creased  when  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  in  1787.  During 
Washington's  first  term,  several  new  papers  were  started,  but 


224  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

in  his  second  term,  and  in  the  first  half  of  Adams's  administra 
tion,  the  number  of  newspapers  doubled.  There  were  more 
daily  papers  published  in  Philadelphia  in  1798  than  there  are 
in  1857.  In  the  heat  of  the  warfare  between  the  Federalists 
and  Republicans,  the  political  papers  went  rabid,  and  foamed 
personalities  and  lies. 

What  Jefferson  says  of  the  press,  after  some  years  of  this 
madness  had  spoiled  it  for  every  good  purpose,  may  be  quoted 
here  : 

"  Nothing,"  wrote  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  1807,  "  can  now  be  be 
lieved  which  is  seen  in  a  newspaper.  Truth  itself  becomes 
suspicious  by  being  put  into  that  polluted  vehicle.  The  real 
extent  of  this  state  of  misinformation  is  known  only  to  those 
who  are  in  situations  to  confront  facts  within  their  knowledge 
with  the  lies  of  the  day.  I  really  look  with  commiseration 
over  the  great  body  of  my  fellow-citizens,  who,  reading  news 
papers,  live  and  die  in  the  belief  that  they  have  known  some 
thing  of  what  has  been  passing  in  the  world  in  their  time ; 
whereas  the  accounts  they  have  read  in  newspapers  are  just  as 
true  a  history  of  any  other  period  of  the  world  as  of  the  pres 
ent,  except  that  the  real  names  of  the  day  are  affixed  to  their 
fables.  General  facts  may  indeed  be  collected  from  them,  such 
as  that  Europe  is  now  at  war,  that  Bonaparte  has  been  a  suc 
cessful  warrior,  that  he  has  subjected  a  great  portion  of  Europe 
to  his  will,  etc.,  etc. ;  but  no  details  can  be  relied  on.  I  will 
add,  that  the  man  who  never  looks  into  a  newspaper  is  better 
informed  than  he  who  reads  them ;  inasmuch  as  he  who  knows 
nothing  is  nearer  to  truth  than  he  whose  mind  is  filled  with 
falsehood  and  errors.  He  who  reads  nothing  will  still  learn 
the  great  facts,  and  the  details  are  all  false. 

"  Perhaps  an  editor  might  begin  a  reformation  in  some  such 
way  as  this;  Divide  his  paper  into  four  chapters,  heading  the 
1st.  Truths,  2d.  Probabilities,  3d.  Possibilities,  4th.  Lies.  The 
first  chapter  would  be  very  short,  as  it  would  contain  little 
more  than  authentic  papers,  and  information  from  such  sources 
as  the 'editor  would  be  willing  to  risk  his  own  reputation  for 
their  truth.  The  second  would  contain  what,  from  a  mature 
consideration  of  all  circumstances,  his  judgment  should  con- 


THE     ERA     OF     BAD     FEELING.  225 

elude  to  be  probably  true.  This,  however,  should  rather  con 
tain  too  little  than  too  much.  The  third  and  fourth  should  be 
professedly  for  those  readers  who  would  rather  have  lies  for 
their  money  than  the  blank  paper  they  would  occupy." 

Jefferson,  however,  knew  the  value  of  the  press,  and  tho 
services  it  had  rendered.  He  wrote  the  passage  just  quoted 
after  the  great  fight  was  over,  and  before  the  press  had  begun 
to  recover  from  the  demoralization  which  is  one  of  the  results 
of  warfare.  In  1*793,  when  Washington  seemed  to  wish  Jet- 
ferson  to  dismiss  Captain  Freneau  (democratic  editor-in-chief) 
from  the  post  of  translating  clerk  to  the  Secretary  of  State 
(salary,  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  a  year),  Jefferson  said 
to  one  of  his  intimates  :  "  I  won't  turn  him  out.  His  paper 
has  done  more  to  save  the  democratic  system  than  any  thing 
else." 

The  period  which  I  have  called  the  "  era  of  bad  feeling," 
began  with  those  garne-cock  encounters  between  Jefferson  and 
Hamilton  in  the  cabinet  of  General  Washington,  nnd  contin 
ued,  with  yearly-increasing  acrimony,  till  democracy  and  Jef 
ferson  triumphed  in  1800.  The  struggle  would  naturally  have 
lasted  longer,  for  Federalism  had  immense  advantages,  and 
every  new  horror  of  the  French  Revolution  was  strength  to 
the  party  that  had  always  denounced  it.  The  two  circum 
stances  which,  more  than  all  others,  hastened  the  republican 
triumph,  were,  as  it  seems  to  me,  Burr's  management,  and 
John  Adams's  want  of  management.  The  part  which  Bun- 
played  in  effecting  the  discomfiture  of  Hamilton  and  his  party, 
will  be  stated  fully  in  the  next  chapter.  Here,  a  few  words 
respecting  Adams  may  be  permitted. 

Glorious,  delightful,  honest  John  Adams!  An  American 
John  Bull !  The  Comic  Uncle  of  this  exciting  drama  !  The 
reader,  if  a  play-goer,  knows  well  the  fiery  old  gentleman 
who  goes  blustering  and  thundering  about  the  stage,  grasping 
his  stick  till  it  quivers,  throwing  the  lovers  into  a  terrible 
consternaion,  hurrying  on  the  catastrophe  he  is  most  solicitous 
to  prevent,  pluming  himself  most  of  all  upon  his  sagacity, 
while  he  alone  is  blind  to  what  is  passing  under  his  very  nose ! 
Such  is  something  like  the  impression  left  upon  the  mind  of 

10* 


226  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

one  who  becomes  familiar  with  the  characters  of  this  period, 
respecting  the  man  who,  as  Franklin  well  said,  was  always 
honest,  often  great,  and  sometimes  mad.  Think  of  a  President 
of  the  United  States,  who,  while  his  countrymen  were  in  the 
temper  of  1797  and  1798,  could,  in  a  public  address,  allude  to 
his  having  had  the  honor  once  to  stand  in  the  presence  of  the 
British  king!  It  is  simply  amusing  now  to  read  of  his  having 
done  so;  but,  to  the  maddened  Republicans  of  that  era,  it 
seemed  the  last  degree  of  abject  pusillanimity  toward  England, 
and  arrogant  insult  to  the  people  of  America.  Think  also  of 
a  President  of  the  United  States  who  could  see,  without  in 
terference,  a  fellow-citizen  prosecuted,  convicted,  and  fined  a 
hundred  dollars,  for  wishing  that  the  wadding  of  a  certain 
cannon,  fired  to  salute  the  President  as  he  passed  through 
Newark,  had  lodged  upon  an  ample  part  of  the  President's 
ample  person !  One  of  his  own  cabinet  told  Hamilton  that 
the  "  chief  was  a  man  who,  whether  sportful,  playful,  witty, 
kind,  cold,  drunk,  sober,  angry,  easy,  stiff,  jealous,  careless, 
cautious,  confident,  close,  or  open,  is  so  almost  always  in  the 
wrong  place,  and  to  the  wrong  persons."  Alien  laws,  sedition 
laws,  and  stamp  duties,  came  naturally  enough  to  such  a  Pres 
ident. 

John  Adams  must  never  be  judged  by  his  administration. 
None  of  the  men  of  the  Revolution  came  out  of  the  storm 
and  stress  of  our  era  of  bad  feeling  quite  unscathed.  It  was 
too  much  for  human  nature,  In  the  revolutionary  period, 
this  high-mettled  game-cock  of  a  John  Adams  appeared  to 
glorious  advantage,  made  a  splendid  show  of  fight,  animated 
the  patriotic  heart,  and  gave  irresistible  impetus  to  the  cause. 
But  he  was  ludicrously  unfitted  to  preside  with  dignity  and 
success  over  a  popular  government,  which  must  do  every 
thing  with  an  eye  to  its  effect  upon  the  people.  His  own  cab 
inet  intrigued  against  him.  They  regarded  Hamilton  as  their 
real  chief;  and  Hamilton,  far  more  than  Adams,  was  the  influ 
encing  mind  of  the  government.  One  who  would  understand 
and  like  John  Adams  must  read  his  Diaries  and  Letters ; 
which,  of  all  the  writings  of  that  time,  are  the  most  human 
and  entertaining.  Pickwick  is  not  funnier.  Pickwick,  in  the 


THE     ERA      OF     BAD     FEE  I.  TNG.  227 

office  of  prime  minister  of  England,  would  not  have  been 
more  the  wrong  man  in  the  wrong  place  than  Jolm  Adams 
was  in  the  chair  of  Washington. 

Adams  and  Hamilton  agreed  in  one  thing,  abhorrence  of 
the  French  Revolution  ;  and  in  another,  admiration  of  the 
English  government  ;  and  in  another,  distrust  of  the  masses 
of  the  people.  "  You  thought,"  said  Adams  to  a  correspond 
ent,  "the  French  Revolution  a  minister  of  grace:  I  knew  it  to 
be,  from  the  first,  a  goblin  damned."  One  of  his  letters  to  his 
wife  contains  a  characteristic  passage  on  equality.  "  By  the 
law  of  nature,"  he  writes,  4t  all  men  are  men,  and  not  angels 
— men,  and  not  lions — men,  and  not  whales — men,  and  not 
eagles — that  is,  they  are  all  of  the  same  species;  and  this  is 
the  most  that  the  equality  of  man  amounts  to.  A  physical 
inequality,  an  intellectual  inequality,  of  the  most  serious  kind, 
is  established  unchangeably  by  the  Author  of  nature ;  and  so 
ciety  has  a  right  to  establish  any  other  inequalities  it  may 
judge  necessary  for  its  good.  The  precept,  however,  do  as 
you  would  be  done  by,  implies  an  equality  which  is  the  real 
equality  of  nature  and  Christianity." 

In  one  word,  John  Adams  was  not  in  unison  with  the  hu 
mor  of  the  age ;  and,  being  a  passionate,  dogmatical,  obsti 
nate  John  Bull  of  a  man,  he  took  not  the  slightest  pains  to 
conceal  the  fact,  or  to  conciliate  the  people  with  whom  he  had 
to  do.  During  his  presidency  it  was,  that  party  animosities 
reached  their  height.  He  was  elected  by  a  very  small  plu 
rality.  The  Republicans  of  1796  were  nearly  as  much  elated 
and  encouraged  by  their  defeat  as  were  the  Republicans  of 
1856  by  theirs.  Events  in  France  gave  the  President  signal 
advantages,  which  another  man  would  have  turned  to  such 
account  as  to  secure  the  supremacy  of  his  party  for  years 
after.  Adams  continued  to  fan  the  flames  of  party  spirit  by 
all  that  he  did,  and  by  all  that  he  did  not  do. 

The  state  of  public  feeling  in  1797  and  1798,  may  be  in 
ferred  from  these  sentences  from  the  letters  of  Thomas  Jeffer 
son  :  "  The  passions  are  too  high  at  present  to  be  cooled  in 
our  day.  You  and  I  have  formerly  seen  warm  debates  and 
high  political  passions.  But  gentlemen  of  different  politics 


228  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

would  then  speak  to  each  other,  and  separate  the  business  of 
the  Senate  from  that  of  society.  It  is  not  so  now.  Men  who 
have  been  intimate  alt  their  lives,  cross  the  street  to  avoid 
meeting,  and  turn  their  heads  another  way,  lest  they  should 
be  obliged  to  touch  their  hats."  To  another  friend  he  writes : 
"  At  this  moment,  all  the  passions  are  boiling  over,  and  one 
who  keeps  himself  cool  and  clear  of  the  contagion,  is  so  far 
below  the  point  of  ordinary  conversation  that  he  finds  himself 
insulated  in  every  society."  To  another:  "The  interruption 
of  letters  is  becoming  so  notorious,  that  I  am  forming  a  reso 
lution  of  declining  correspondence  with  my  friends  through 
the  channels  of  the  post-office  altogether." 

With  these  very  miscellaneous  and  inadequate  notices  of  the 
stirring  and  eventful  period  during  which  America  became 
America,  we  must  resume  the  story  of  the  man  whose  dili 
gence  arid  tact  assisted  the  people  of  the  United  States  to 
realize  their  fond  desire  for  a  government  which  should  truly 
represent  them,  and  heartily  execute  their  will. 


CHAPTER    XIY. 

MEMBER    OF    THE    ASSEMBLY    AGAIN. 

BURR  RETIRES  FROM  THE  SENATE  — TlIE  FEDERALISTS  IN  POWER  —  PRE-EMINENT  POSI 
TION  OF  HAMILTON  —  BURR  IN  THE  ASSEMBLY  — His  PREPARATORY  MANEUVERS  — 
HAMILTON  OPPOSES  BURK'S  APPOINTMENT  TO  A  GENERALSHIP  —  THE  ARMY  —  THK 
MANHATTAN  BANK  AFFAIR  —  BURR'S  FIRST  DUEL,  AND  ITS  CAUSE. 

IN  Greenleafs  New  York  Journal  and  Patriotic  Register 
for  February  2d,  1797,  amid  whole  pages  ablaze  with  the  vic 
tories  of  Bonaparte's  Italian  campaign,  and  bristling  with  the 
short,  sharp  bulletins  and  proclamations  of  that  portentous 
conqueror,  may  still  be  seen  a  little  paragraph  which  records, 
in  the  fewest  words  possible,  an  event  of  some  interest  to  us, 
which  had  taken  place  in  Albany  nine  days  before.  The  para 
graph  reads  thus :  "  On  the  24th  ult.,  Philip  Schuyler  was 
unanimously  (excepting  one  vote  in  the  Assembly  and  one  in 
the  Senate)  elected  to  the  office  of  Senator  of  the  United 
States  by  the  two  Houses  of  the  legislature  of  this  State,  for 
six  years,  from  the  4th  of  March  next,  on  which  day  the  seat 
of  Aaron  Burr,  one  of  our  present  Senators  in  Congress,  be 
comes  vacant." 

The  services  of  the  old  soldier,  then,  were  recognized  at 
last.  The  Federalists  were  in  the  ascendant,  and  the  Repub 
licans,  as  I  conjecture,  chose  to  gratify  a  war-worn  veteran 
with  their  votes,  rather  than  throw  them  away  upon  a  candi 
date  of  their  own  party.  Schuyler  was  touched  with  the 
unanimity  of  the  vote.  He  was  a  member  of  the  State  Sen 
ate  at  the  time,  and  he  took  occasion  to  express  his  feelings  in 
a  short  speech,  full  of  honest,  manly  feeling. 

The  Federalists,  as  just  observed,  were  in  the  ascendant  in 
the  State  of  New  York.  John  Jay  was  governor.  He  had 
recovered  much  of  the  popularity  lost  by  negotiating  that 


230  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

famous  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  for  defending  which  on  the 
stump  Hamilton  had  been  hooted  and  stoned  in  the  streets  of 
New  York  a  year  before.  The  party  looked  strong,  and  was 
strong.  France  had  become  a  by-word  and  a  taunt,  to  which 
the  Republicans  had  hardly  the  faith  or  face  to  reply.  The 
Federalists  had  only  to  use  their  victory  in  a  conciliatory 
spirit,  and  the  State  was  permanently  their  own. 

One  important  loss,  however,  they  had  sustained,  which  led 
afterward  to  other  damaging  defections.  The  Livingstons 
had  •  gone  over,  enfamille,  to  the  Republican  party.  The 
story  is,  that  the  family  were  chagrined,  that  Chancellor  Liv 
ingston,  who  had  powerfully  assisted  both  to  form  the  Consti 
tution  and  to  get  it  adopted,  should  have  been  overlooked  in 
the  distribution  of  the  great  offices  ;  a  circumstance  which 
they  attributed  to  the  jealous  enmity  of  Hamilton.  The  irate 
Chancellor,  it  is  said,  caused  the  family  to  be  convened  ;  and 
from  that  evening,  it  was  observed,  the  Livingstons,  except 
some  remote  and  rural  members  of  the  family,  voted  and 
acted  with  the  Republicans.  Accordingly,  we  find  the  Chan 
cellor,  at  the  banquet  given  in  New  York  in  1796,  to  celebrate 
the  ninth  anniversary  of  the  alliance  between  France  and  the 
United  States,  offering  the  following  toast :  "  May  the  present 
coolness  between  France  and  America  produce,  like  the  quar 
rels  of  lovers,  a  renewal  of  love." 

If  this  account  of  the  cause  of  Chancellor  Livingston's  change 
of  politics  be  correct — and  it  is  given  by  Dr.  Hammond,  the 
charitable  historian  of  New  York  parties,  on  what  he  states 
to  be  high  authority — it  only  proves  that  General  Washing 
ton  was  right  in  thinking  Chancellor  Livingston  an  unfit  per 
son  for  the  office  of  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States.  Let 
us  admit,  however,  that  the  opinion  was  general,  at  that  time, 
that  Hamilton  used  his  influence  with  Washington  to  crush 
the  enemies  and  rivals  of  the  house  of  Schuyler,  and  it  was 
doubtless  trying  to  feudal  human  nature  for  the  head  of  the 
Livingstons  to  see  himself  debarred  from  coveted  distinction 
by  a  foreign  adventurer's  influential  word. 

Hamilton  was  now  approaching  the  summit  of  his  career. 
Triumphant  in  his  own  State,  strengthened  at  Philadelphia  by 


MEMBER     OF     THE     ASSEMBLY     AGAIN.  231 

the  election  ofliis  father-in-law  to  the  Senate,  known  to  be  the 
favorite  of  the  nation's  favorite,  the  unquestioned  leader,  though 
not  the  head  of  the  dominant  party,  and  the  confidential  ad 
viser  of  the  cabinet,  Hamilton  was  playing  a  great  part  in  the 
national  affairs.  It  has  been  before  remarked,  that,  during 
the  first  twelve  years  of  the  young  nation's  existence,  it  was 
he  who  really  administered  the  government.  For  four  years, 
as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  he  devised  the  great  measures; 
for  four  years,  as  Washington's  adviser  and  word-furnisher,  as 
popular  essayist  and  party-intriguer,  he  supported  the  system 
himself  had  created  ;  for  four  years,  his  was  the  mind  to  which 
Mr.  Adams's  ministers  looked  for  suggestion  and  advice.  Can 
did  John  Adams,  when  all  was  over,  declared,  that  during  his 
presidency,  Hamilton  was  "  commander-in-chief  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  of  the  Senate,  of  the  heads  of  Department, 
of  General  Washington,  and  last,  and  least,  if  you  will,  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States."  He  had  won  distinction  in 
many  of  the  pursuits,  wherein  to  excel  is  counted  peculiarly 
honorable  First,  orator  and  pamphleteer ;  then  soldier,  law 
yer,  statesman,  author,  in  swift  succession,  and  in  each  capacity 
unrivaled.  In  society  too,  who  so  welcome  as  the  young  and 
handsome  chief  of  the  gentlemen's  party,  who  knew  how  to  lay 
aside  in  the  drawing  room  the  cares  of  State,  and  to  charm  the 
gentler  sex  with  the  grace  of  his  manners,  the  sprightliness  of 
his  wit,  the  warmth  of  his  homage  ?  What  wonder  that  the 
amiable  man  should  have  felt  his  importance.  Let  it  be  ever 
remembered,  to  his  honor^that  through  all  these  years  of  suc 
cess  and  glory,  his  most  cojistant  thought  was  for  the  supre 
macy  of  the  system  which^he  conscientiously  believed  to  be 
essential  to  the  prosperity,  and  even  to  the  prolonged  exist 
ence  of  the  Union. 

The  election  of  Schuyler  to  the  Senate  could  not,  of  course, 
take  Colonel  Burr  by  surprise.  Before  that  event  was  an 
nounced,  he  had  matured  plans  for  getting  the  State  of  Xew 
York  out  of  the  hands  of  Hamilton  and  the  Federalists.  His 
first  step  was  to  secure  his  own  election  to  the  State  legisla 
ture,  which  was  the  easier  from  the  fact  that  the  city,  even 
then,  was  more  inclined  than  the  rural  counties  to  the  demo- 


\ 


232  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

cratic  party.  Accordingly,  General  Schuyler,  about  the  time 
he  was  conning  his  speech  of  thanks  to  the  State  Senate  for 
their  suffrages,  wrote  to  Hamilton,  in  alarm,  to  the  following 
effect :  "  Mr.  Burr,  we  are  informed,  will  be  a  candidate  for 
a  seat  in  the  Assembly ;  his  views  it  is  not  difficult  to  appreci 
ate.  They  alarm  me,  and  if  he  prevails,  I  apprehend  a  total 
change  of  politics  in  the  next  Assembly — attended  with  other 
disagreeable  consequences." 

He  did  prevail.  But  nothing  particular  came  of  it,  so  far 
as  could  be  seen  by  the  uninitiated  eye.  In  the  years  1797  and 
1798,  Colonel  Burr  seemed  absorbed  in  law  and  speculation. 
To  a  great  extent  he  was  so.  His  inactivity  was  even  a  sub 
ject  of  complaint  with  some  members  of  the  party;  but  it  is 
probable  that  his  unnoticed  exertions  during  those  two  years 
contributed  as  much  to  the  final  victory  as  his  more  obvious 
efforts  at  a  later  day.  With  the  people,  a  presidential  cam 
paign  means  merely  the  few  months  of  turmoil  just  previous 
to  the  election ;  but  the  politician  knows  that  the  first  three 
years  of  a  presidential  term,  when  the  people  are  occupied 
with  Jheir  own  pursuits,  is  the  period  for  him  to  maneuver  in. 
This  was  more  the  case  then  than  now,  because  then  only 
freeholders  voted,  and  leading  individuals  had  far  more  con 
trol  over  votes  than  they  can  have  where  universal  suffrage 
prevails.  The  fact,  too,  that  presidential  electors  were  chosen, 
not  by  the  people,  but  by  the  legislature,  gave  an  immense 
opportunity  to  a  man  skilled  in  political  management. 

In  a  political  assembly,  though  on  a  test  question  one  party 
may  be  sure  of  a  majority,  yet  there  will  always  be  a  certain 
number  of  men  whose  partizan  feelings  are  weak,  and  who  are 
therefore  open  to  influence.  It  was  upon  these  intermediate 
members  that  Colonel  Burr  knew  how  to  play,  particularly 
the  influential  country  members,  who  brought  to  Albany  the 
purest  intentions,  unsophisticated  minds,  and  an  inflammable 
vanity.  A  member  of  uncouth  manners,  and  homespun  dress, 
whom  a  dainty  Federalist  would  have  thought  beneath  his 
notice,  Burr  wyas  aware  might  be  the  great  man  of  a  western 
county,  and  carry  its  vote  in  his  pocket.  Such  a  member, 
bursting  with  desire  perhaps  to  hear  his  own  voice  in  the 


MEMBER     OF     THE     ASSEMBLY     AGAIN.  233 

chamber,  and  to  show  his  constituents  his  name  in  the  news 
papers,  Colonel  Burr  would  request  to  introduce  a  resolution, 
or  to  do  some  other  formal  business,  that  would  flatter  his 
sense  of  personal  consequence.  Judge  Peck,  for  example,  was 
subjected  to  this  kind  of  treatment.  Burr  was  extremely  de 
sirous,  for  a  while,  that  the  presidential  electors  should  be 
chosen  directly  by  the  people,  as  he  supposed  the  State  could 
be  more  easily  revolutionized  in  that  way.  Peck  was  selected 
to  introduce  the  resolutions  asking  for  a  committee  on  the 
subject,  though  there  were  a  dozen  members  better  able  to 
support  them. 

"  Judge  Peck,"  says  Dr.  Hammond,*  "  although  a  clear 
headed,  sensible  man,  was  an  uneducated  emigrant  from  Con 
necticut.  His  appearance  was  diminutive,  and  almost  disgust 
ing.  In  religion  he  was  fanatical,  but  in  his  political  views  he 
was  sincere,  persevering,  and  bold ;  and,  though  meek  and 
humble  in  his  personal  demeanor,  he  was  by  no  means  desti 
tute  of  personal  ambition.  He  was  an  itinerant  surveyor  in 
the  county  of  Otsego,  then  a  new  and  uncultivated  part  of  the 
State.  He  would  survey  your  farm  in  the  day  time,  exhort 
and  pray  in  your  family  by  night,  and  talk  on  politics  the  rest 
of  the  time.  Perhaps  on  Sunday,  or  some  evening  in  the 
week,  he  would  preach  a  sermon  in  your  school-house.  No 
man  knew  better  the  political  importance  of  such  a  man,  in  a 
society  organized  as  the  society  of  the  western  counties  then 
was,  than  Colonel  Burr,  and  he  spared  no  pains  to  cause  Mr. 
Peck  to  be  identified  with  the  Republican  party.  Various 
anecdotes  have  been  related  to  me,  which  exhibit  the  care 
which  Colonel  Burr  took  to  shape  trifling  matters  in  such  a 
way  as  to  act  on  the  mind  of  Judge  Peck  and  others,  so  as  to 
produce  the  great  result  at  which  he  aimed.  The  selection  of 
Judge  Peck  to  offer  the  electoral  resolutions,  flattered  his 
vanity  ;  it  called  out  upon  him  the  malediction  of  leading  Fed 
eralists  ;  and  in  that  way  widened  the  breach  between  him 
and  his  old  political  friends.  Mr.  Burr,  it  is  said,  with  equal 
skill  and  perseverance,  applied  himself  to  General  German, 
then  a  plain,  but  strong-minded  and  highly  popular  farmer  of 
*  History  of  Political  Parties  in  the  State  of  New  York. 


234  LIFE     OP     AARON     BUB  A. 

Chenango.  The  support  of  the  democratic  cause  by  these 
two  men  was  of  great  importance  to  the  success  of  the  Re 
publican  party  in  April,  1800.  I  do  not  think  it  too  much  to 
say,  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  papers  circulated  by  Judge 
Peck  and  General  German,  and  their  personal  exertion  and  in 
fluence,  the  western  district,  in  the  year  1800,  would  have 
been  Federal." 

The  electoral  scheme  failed  in  the  Senate,  through  the  op 
position  of  the  Federal  Senators,  and  nothing  remained  for  the 
Republicans  but  to  concentrate  their  efforts  upon  securing  a 
Republican  majority  in  the  legislature  to  be  chosen  in  April, 
1800.  Before  entering  upon  that  campaign,  there  are  a  few 
personal  incidents  of  Burr's  life  at  this  period  to  be  related. 

In  the  summer  of  1797,  Monroe  and  Hamilton  had  an  angry 
correspondence  growing  out  of  Hamilton's  amour  with  Mrs. 
Reynolds.  A  duel  at  one  time  appeared  inevitable,  and  Mon 
roe  named  Colonel  Burr  as  his  second.  The  affair,  however, 
was  otherwise  arranged. 

In  the  winter  of  1798,  Colonel  Burr  sat  in  the  Assembly  at 
Albany,  engaged  in  pushing  private  bills,  and  preparing  the 
way  for  future  operations.  A  grand  coup  which  he  had  meant 
to  try  at  this  session,,  was,  for  reasons  now  unknown,  deferred 
till  the  next. 

The  year  1798  was  the  time  when  the  insolence  of  the 
French  Directory  toward  the  United  States  provoked  the 
government  to  measures  of  retaliation,  which,  for  the  moment, 
were  concurred  in  by  a  great  majority  of  the  people,  and 
gave  an  imposing  show  of  strength  to  the  Federal  party.  An 
army  was  voted ;  General  Washington  was  named  command  er- 
in-chief ;  Hamilton  was  made  his  second  in  command  ;  a  num 
ber  of  brigadiers  were  appointed.  That  there  might  be  no 
sign  wanting  of  coming  war,  a  commercial  revulsion  set  in, 
and  the  prisons,  as  Jefferson  records,  were  full  of  the  most 
reputable  merchants.  Hamilton,  now  inspector-general,  was 
the  foremost  man  of  all  the  nation  (for  Washington  was  to 
take  command  only  in  case  of  actual  hostilities),  and  about 
the  first  use  he  made  of  his  new  authority,  was  to  defeat  the 
honorable  ambition  of  Colonel  Burr  for  a  military  appoint- 


MEMBER     OF     THE     ASSEMBLY     AGAIN.  235 

ment.  In  the  lately  published  tenth  volume  of  the  works  of 
John  Adams,  there  is  a  long  letter  upon  Hamilton's  intrigues, 
written  in  1815,  in  which  occurs  the  following  statement  re 
specting  this  matter : 

"  I  have  never  known,"  wrote  the  ex-President,  "  in  any 
country,  the  prejudice  in  favor  of  birth,  parentage,  and  de 
scent  more  conspicuous  than  in  the  instance  of  Colonel  Burr. 
That  gentleman  was  connected  by  blood  with  many  respecta 
ble  families  in  New  England.  He  was  the  son  of  one  presi 
dent,  and  the  grandson  of  another  president  of  Nassau  Hall, 
or  Princeton  University ;  the  idol  of  all  the  Presbyterians  in 
New  York,  New  England,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Mary 
land,  Virginia,  and  elsewhere.  He  had  served  in  the  army, 
and  came  out  of  it  with  the  character  of  a  knight  without  fear, 
and  an  able  officer.  He  had  afterward  studied  and  practiced 
law  with  application  and  success.  Buoyed  up  on  those  relig 
ious  partialities,  and  this  military  and  juridical  reputation, 
it  is  no  wonder  that  Governor  Clinton  and  Chancellor  Liv 
ingston  should  take  notice  of  him.  They  made  him  Attor 
ney-General,  and  the  legislature  sent  him  to  Congress,  as  a 
Senator,  where  he  served,  I  believe,  six  years.  At  the  next 
election  he  was,  however,  left  out;  and  being  at  that  time 
somewhat  embarrassed  in  his  circumstances,  and  reluctant  to 
return  to  the  bar,  he  would  have  rejoiced  in  an  appointment 
in  the  army.  In  this  situation,  I  proposed  to  General  Wash 
ington,  in  a  conference  between  him  and  me,  and  through  him 
to  the  triumvirate  (Washington,  Hamilton,  and  Pinckney)  to 
nominate  Colonel  Burr  for  a  brigadier-general.  Washington's 
answer  to  me  was, '  By  all  that  I  have  known  and  heard,  Colonel 
Burr  is  a  brave  and  able  officer  ;  but  the  question  is,  whether 
he  has  not  equal  talents  at  intrigue  ?'  How  shall  I  describe  to 
you  my  sensations  and  reflections  at  that  moment.  He  had 
compelled  me  to  promote,  over  the  heads  of  Lincoln,  Clinton, 
Gates,  Knox,  and  others,  and  even  over  Pinckney,  one  of  his 
own  triumvirates,  the  most  restless,  impatient,  artful,  indefat 
igable,  and  unprincipled  intriguer  in  the  United  States,  if  not 
in  the  world,  to  be  second  in  command  under  himself,  and 
now  dreaded  an  intriguer  in  a  poor  brigadier!  He  did,  how- 


236  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

ever,  propose  it  to  the  triumvirate,  at  least  to  Hamilton.  But 
I  was  not  permitted  to  nominate  Burr.  If  I  had  been,  what 
would  have  been  the  consequences  ?  Shall  1  say  that  Hamil 
ton  would  have  been  now  alive,  and  Hamilton  and  Burr  now 
at  the  head  of  our  affairs  ?  What  then  ?  If  I  had  nominated 
Burr  without  the  consent  of  the  triumvirate,  a  negative  in 
Senate  wTas  certain." 

The  biographer  of  John  Adams  (the  grandson  of  that  im 
petuous  old  patriot),  gives  other  particulars.  He  says  that 
during  the  presidency  of  Mr.  Adams,  while  the  French  ex 
citement  was  at  its  height,  and  war  seemed  certain,  Hamilton, 
Knox,  and  C.  C.  Pinekney  were  nominated  as  next  in  rank  to 
General  Washington  in  the  army  then  forming.  But  it  was 
left  uncertain  who  of  the  three  should  be  the  second  in  com 
mand.  The  Federalists  clamored  for  Hamilton.  (Hamilton 
himself  declared,  in  effect,  that  he  would  accept  of  nothing 
less.)  The  President  invited  Washington  to  decide  the  ques 
tion.  But  between  the  general's  preference  for  Hamilton,  and 
his  reluctance  to  wound  the  feelings  of  the  veteran  Knox,  he 
hesitated  so  long  that  the  intriguers  of  Adams's  cabinet  adopt 
ed  an  expedient  to  hasten  his  decision.  "  In  the  casual  con 
versations  of  the  cabinet,"  says  Mr.  Francis  Adams,  "  the 
President  had  let  drop  some  intimation  of  a  wish  to  give  a 
share  of  the  commissions  to  leading  military  men  of  the  op 
position.  Among  the  names  mentioned  by  him  were  those 
of  Aaron  Burr,  and  Peter  Muhlenburg,  of  Pennsylvania. 
Knowing  the  strong  dislike  entertained  of  the  former  by 
Washington,  intimations  were  soon  given  him  of  the  tenden 
cies  of  the  President,  and  the  possibility  that  he  might  be  lia 
ble  to  have  Burr  forced  upon  him  as  quarter-master-general, 
or  in  some  other  confidential  post."  This  was  enough.  Ham 
ilton  was  soon  named  second  in  command,  and  Knox  resigned 
in  disgust. 

Thus,  again,  Hamilton  triumphed,  and  in  a  signal  manner, 
over  his  rival,  whom,  indeed,  he  seemed  now  to  have  finally 
distanced.  From  a  story  told  by  General  Wilkinson,  who 
visited  New  York  about  this  time,  we  may  infer  that  Hamilton 
himself  had  come  to  regard  Burr  in  the  light  of  a  spent  poli- 


M  K  M  B  K  K     OF     THE     ASSEMBLY      AGAIN.  237 

tician.  Wilkinson  paid  his  respects  to  General  Hamilton  as 
soon  as  he  arrived  in  the  city,  when  the  following  conversa 
tion  took  place  between  the  two  officers : 

"  Well,  sir,"  said  Wilkinson,  "  having  fatigued  you  with  my 
prattle,  I  now  propose  to  visit  an  old  friend  whom  I  have  not 
seen  for  several  years ;  but  I  hope  there  is  no  disagreement 
between  you  which  might  render  the  renewal  of  my  acquaint 
ance  with  him  indecorous  to  my  superior  officer." 

Hamilton  asked  if  he  meant  Colonel  Lamb. 

"No,"  said  Wilkinson,  "Colonel  Burr." 

"  Little  Burr  !"  exclaimed  Hamilton,  "  O  no  ;  we  have  al 
ways  been  opposed  in  politics,  but  always  on  good  terms. 
We  set  out  in  the  practice  of  the  law  at  the  same  time,  and 
took  opposite  political  directions.  Burr  beckoned  me  to  fol 
low  him,  and  I  advised  him  to  come  with  me.  We  could  not 
agree,  but  I  fancy  he  now  begins  to  think  he  was  wrong  and 
I  was  right." 

This  is  in  a  different  strain  from  the  "  embryo  Ccesar"  epis 
tle  of  a  few  years  before  ;  but  Hamilton  was  now  talking  to 
Burr's  particular  friend,  his  brother  aid-de-camp  in  the  Que 
bec  expedition,  and  his  confidential  correspondent  ever  since. 
Besides,  he  only  said  he  was  on  "  good  terms"  with  "  little 
Burr."  The  tone  of  condescending  superiority  and  conscious 
triumph  in  the  words  used  by  Hamilton  in  speaking  of  Burr, 
is  the  noticeable  feature  of  Wilkinson's  story. 

At  the  next  session  of  the  legislature,  1799,  Colonel  Burr 
obtained  a  signal  advantage  over  the  wealthy  Federalists  of 
the  city. 

At  that  time  there  was,  besides  a  branch  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  but  one  banking  institution  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  and  that  was  controlled  by  Federalists,  who,  as  the 
Republicans  alleged,  used  their  powers  for  the  furtherance  of 
the  Federal  cause.  Both  of  these  banks  were,  to  a  considera 
ble  degree,  the  creation  of  General  Hamilton,  and  both  were 
inclined  to  support  and  advance  the  author  of  their  existence. 
The  Republican  merchants,  it  is  said,  had  long  been  accus 
tomed  to  see  their  Federal  competitors  "  accommodated"  by 
the  banks,  while  their  own  applications  for  aid  were  supercil- 


238  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

iously  refused ;  and  it  was  their  cherished  scheme  to  estab 
lish  a  bank  which  should  be  as  complaisant  toward  them  as 
the  "  Bank  of  New  York"  was  supposed  to  be  to  traders  of 
the  other  party.  But  this  was  difficult.  Besides  a  chronic 
prejudice  against  banks  in  the  popular  mind,  they  had  to  con 
tend  against  a  Federal  majority  in  the  legislature,  which  alone 
could  grant  a  charter.  In  these  circumstances,  Colonel  Burr, 
by  an  ingenious  maneuver,  accomplished  what,  by  direct 
means,  could  not  have  been  done. 

The  yellow  fever  had  recently  made  dreadful  ravages  in  the 
city,  and  impressed  upon  the  people  the  importance  of  secur 
ing  a  supply  of  better  water  than  that  furnished  by  the  brack 
ish  wells  in  the  lower  part  of  the  island.  Burr  availed  him 
self  of  this  state  of  public  feeling.  The  legislature  were  asked 
to  charter  the  Manhattan  Company,  formed  for  the  ostensi 
ble  purpose  of  supplying  the  city  with  water,  but  the  real  ob 
ject  of  which  was  to  supply  Republicans  with  the  sinews  of 
war.  It  was  uncertain,  the  petitioners  said,  how  much  capital 
the  proposed  water-works  would  require,  but  as  it  was  highly 
desirable  not  to  risk  failure  by  a  deficiency  of  capital,  they 
asked  authority  to  raise  two  millions  of  dollars.  In  all  proba 
bility,  they  added,  this  would  be  too  much,  and,  therefore, 
they  proposed  to  insert  in  the  charter  a  provision  that  "  the 
surplus  capital  might  be  employed  in  any  way  not  inconsist 
ent  with  the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  or  of 
the  State  of  New  York."  The  bill  passed  both  Houses  as  a 
matter  of  course,  few  members  even  so  much  as  reading  it, 
and  none,  except  those  who  were  in  the  secret,  suspecting 
that  "Manhattan  Company"  meant  Manhattan  Bank.  Burr 
gained  great  applause  among  the  leading  Republicans  for  his 
adroitness  in  this  affair,  but  he*  lost  character  with  the  people, 
and  the  act  stands  justly  condemned  in  the  records  of  the 
time. 

These  are  the  naked  facts  of  the  affair ;  but  there  were 
palliating  circumstances,  beside  the  alleged  misuse  of  the  cap 
ital  of  the  other  bank.  It  was  proposed  in  the  select  commit 
tee  of  the  Senate,  to  which  the  bill  was  referred,  to  strike  out 
tlie  clause  relating  to  the  use  of  the  surplus  capital ;  where- 


MEMBER      OF     THE     ASSEMBLY      AGAIN.  239 

upon  a  member  of  the  committee  applied  to  Colonel  Burr  for 
an  explanation.  Burr  avowed  the  design  of  using  the  surplus 
capital  to  establish  a  bank,  or  an  East  India  Company,  or  any 
thing  else  the  directors  might  choose,  since  merely  furnishing 
a  city  of  fifty  thousand  inhabitants  with  water  would  not  re 
munerate  the  stockholders.  The  bill  was  afterward  referred 
to  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  State,  who  advised  its  rejection  on 
account  of  the  unlimited  powers  conferred  by  the  surplus  clause. 
Means  were  found,  however,  to  overrule  his  objections,  and 
Governor  Jay  signed  the  bill.  Nevertheless,  the  great  fact 
remains,  that,  in  this  business,  Colonel  Burr  sought  one  object 
under  cover  of  another,  a  kind  of  political  management  which 
can  never  be  commended,  and  seldom  excused. 

Whether  any  show  was  ever  made  of  bringing  in  the  water, 
does  not  appear ;  but  the  bank  was  immediately  established, 
and  soon  became  an  institution  of  the  first  importance.  And 
though  it  was  one  of  the  engines  of  Burr's  political  destruc 
tion,  yet,  in  after  years,  Avhen  he  was  obscure  and  powerless, 
the  Manhattan  bank,  as  I  have  been  told,  was  not  unmindful 
of  the  man  to  whom  it  owed  its  establishment,  and  showed 
him  favors  which  it  would  not  have  granted  to  any  other  in  his 
situation. 

The  immediate  effect  of  the  Manhattan  affair  was  injurious 
to  the  Republican  party.  In  the  spring  of  1799,  Burr  was  a 
candidate  for  reelection  to  the  Assembly"  but  before  the  elec 
tion  occurred,  the  secret  of  the  Manhattan  company  escaped, 
and  a  prodigious  clamor  arose.  A  pamphlet  appeared  de 
nouncing  banks  in  general,  and  in  particular  the  means  by 
which  Burr  had  sprung  a  new  one  upon  a  bank-fearing  city. 
The  newspapers  took  up  the  story,  and  meetings  denounced 
the  dexterous  maneuver.  The  result  was,  that  Burr  lost  his 
election,  and,  what  was  worse,  the  whole  Republican  ticket 
wras  defeated,  and  the  Republican  cause,  which  before  had 
been  gaining  ground,  received  an  ominous  check.  This  was 
the  more  serious  from  the  fact  that,  in  twelve  months  more, 
the  legislature  was  to  be  elected  upon  which  would  devolve 
the  duty  of  choosing  presidential  electors ! 


240  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUBK. 

In  the  summer  of  1799,  Colonel  Burr  fought  his  first  duel. 
There  was  a  piece  of  scandal  set  afloat  in  the  State,  to  the 
eifect  that,  for  legislative  services  rendered,  the  Holland  Land 
Company  had  canceled  a  bond  held  against  Burr  for  twenty 
thousand  dollars.  A  gentleman  named  John  B.  Church,  had 
spoken  with  so  much  freedom  respecting  the  rumor,  as  to  elicit 
from  the  slandered  legislator  a  challenge  to  mortal  combat.  At 
Hoboken,  on  the  2d  of  September,  the  parties  met,  attended 
by  their  seconds  and  a  surgeon.  A  ridiculous  incident  varied 
the  well-known  routine  of  the  proceedings,  and  furnished  the 
town-gossip  with  a  joke  and  a  by-word  for  many  a  day.  Be 
fore  leaving  home,  Colonel  Burr  had  been  particular  to  explain 
to  his  second,  Judge  Burke,  of  South  Carolina,  that  the  balls 
were  cast  too  small  for  his  pistols,  and  that  chamois  leather, 
cut  to  the  proper  size,  must  be  greased  and  put  round  them  to 
make  them  fit.  Leather  and  grease  were  placed  in  the  case 
with  the  pistols.  After  the  principals  had  been  placed,  Bun- 
noticed  Judge  Burke  vainly  endeavoring  to  drive  in  the  ram 
rod  with  a  stone,  and  at  once  suspected  that  the  grease  had 
been  forgotten.  A  moment  after,  the  pistol  was  handed  to 
him.  With  that  singular  coolness  which  he  was  wont  to  ex 
hibit  at  critical  moments,  he  drew  the  ramrod,  felt  of  the  ball, 
and  told  the  judge  it  was  not  home. 

"  I  know  it,"  replied  the  second,  wiping  the  perspiration 
from  his  face,  "  I  forgot  to  grease  the  leather ;  but,  you  see, 
your  man  is  ready ;  don't  keep  him  waiting.  Just  take  a 
crack  as  it  is,  and  I'll  grease  the  next." 

Shots  were  exchanged  without  effect.  Mr.  Church  then 
made  the  requisite  apology,  and  the  parties  returned  to  the 
city  in  the  highest  good  humor. 

This  affair  of  the  Holland  Company's  bond  was  never  ex 
plained  to  the  public  by  Colonel  Burr,  though  the  means  of 
doing  so  were  at  hand.  He  never  in  his  life  took  pains  to  re 
fute  a  calumny  in  a  public  manner,  or  showed  much  regard  for 
what  is  called  public  opinion.  This  was  both  a  point  of  pride 
and  a  constitutional  peculiarity.  It  was  a  quality  which  alone 
'  must,  some  time  or  other,  have  made  him  an  unavailable  can- 


MEMBER     OF     THE     ASSEMBLY     AGAIN.  241 

didate  for  an  office  in  the  gift  of  the  people ;  for  the  attain 
ment  of  popularity  in  a  republic,  is  a  study,  a  pursuit,  a  thing 
about  which  a  man  must  never  be  careless.  Hence  in  repub 
lics,  after  the  old  virtue  is  exhausted,  and  before  the  new 
virtue  acquires  strength,  only  nonentities  and  hypocrites  are 
available;  since,  to  true  men,  the  very-idea  of  seeking  popu 
larity  is  loathsome.  Burr  was  not,  indeed,  a  downright 
straight-forward  politician,  such  as  every  one  admires  and  no 
one  supports ;  but  he  never  descended  to  the  mean  arts  of 
making  personal  capital. 

With  regard  to  this  scandal,  he  had  but  to  show  that  the 
canceling  of  the  bond  was  a  perfectly  legitimate  transaction, 
by  which  he  lost,  not  gained — facts  known  to  half  a  dozen  per 
sons  whose  word  no  one  would  have  doubted — and  it  would 
never  more  have  been  mentioned  to  his  discredit.  But  this 
slight  concession  his  pride  refused.  To  a  friend  who  asked  for 
an  explanation,  he  stated  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  added 
these  words  :  "This,  sir,  is  the  first  time  in  my  life  that  I  have 
condescended  (pardon  the  expression)  to  refute  a  calumny.  I 
leave  it  to  my  actions  to  speak  for  themselves,  and  to  my  char 
acter  to  confound  the  fictions  of  slander.  And  on  this  very 
subject  I  have  not  up  to  this  hour  given  one  word  of  explana 
tion  to  any  human  being.  All  the  explanation  that  can  be 
given  amounts  to  no  more  than  this — That  the  thing  is  an 
absolute  and  abominable  lie." 

It  does  not  appear  that  his  silence  with  regard  to  the  rumor 
did  any  perceptible  damage  to  Burr  at  the  time.  Before  his 
own  party  his  character  shone  with  all  its  previous  luster,  and 
no  well-informed  Federalist  could  believe  a  story  so  ground 
less  and  improbable.  Nevertheless,  any  whisper  against  a 
man's  honor,  whether  probable  or  improbable,  whether  be 
lieved  or  scouted,  prepares  the  way  for  the  slanders  that  blast 
his  good  name  for  ever. 

The  circumstances  of  Colonel  Burr  at  this  time  were,  as  Mr. 
Adams  stated,  embarrassed.  This  was  chiefly  owing  to  the 
unfortunate  issue  of  certain  land  speculations  in  which  he  had 
participated,  and  to  his  devotion  to  politics.  His  practice, 
however,  was  so  large  that,  with  proper  care  and  average  for- 

11 


242  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUEB. 

tune,  he  would  have  recovered  his  losses,  and  founded  an 
estate.  But  just  now,  more  than  ever,  there  was  a  demand 
for  all  the  resources  of  his  mind  in  preparing  for  the  impending 
struggle  between  the  two  great  parties.  To  this  contest  he 
had  devoted  himself. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE     ELECTION     OF     1800. 

GLOOMY  PROSPKCTS  OF  THE  REPUBLICANS  —  BURR  CONFIDENT  —  FEDERAL  ERROKS —  AR 
REST  OF  JUDGE  PECK  — HAMILTON'S  SCHEME  FOR  CHEATING  THE  PEOPLE  — JOHN 
ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE  — BURR'S  TACTICS  — HE  WINS  OVER  GENERAL  GATES  — JUDGB 
LIVINGSTON  AND  GOVERNOR  CLINTON  —  HAMILTON  AND  BURR  AT  THE  POLLS  —  TUB 
VICTORY  —  HAMILTON'S  UNWORTHY  EXPEDIENTS  —  BURR  FRUSTRATES  THEM — TUB 
TIE  BETWEEN  JEFFERSON  AND  BURR. 

IT  was  Aaron  Burr  who  taught  the  democratic  party  how 
to  conquer. 

The  prospect  was  gloomy.  As  the  time  for  choosing  presi 
dential  electors  drew  near,  it  became  apparent  that  the  State 
of  New  York  would  decide  the  contest  in  the  Union,  and  that 
the  city  would  decide  the  contest  in  the  State.  To  every 
leading  Republican  in  the  country,  except  one,  defeat  looked 
inevitable.  John  Jay,  in  1798,  had  been  elected  governor 
over  Chancellor  Livingston  by  a  majority  of  2,382,  which  was 
then  a  great  majority.  In  1799,  the  Republican  ticket  in  the 
city,  headed  by  the  name  of  Aaron  Burr,  had  been  defeated 
by  a  majority  of  900.  In  April,  1800,  the  electing  legislature 
was  to  be  chosen.  Jefferson  might  well  say,  as  he  did  say, 
one  month  before  the  New  York  election,  that  he  considered 
the  contest  more  doubtful  than  that  of  1796.  But  Burr  would 
not  admit  the  idea  of  failure.  He  breathed  the  fire  of  his  own 
sanguine  disposition  into  the  hearts  of  his  followers,  and  kept 
every  faculty  on  the  alert  to  take  instant  advantage  of  the  en 
emy's  mistakes. 

His  house  became  the  rendezvous  of  the  more  ardent  and 
resolute  members  of  the  party,  who  were  proud  of  their  chief, 
and  confident  that  in  the  abounding  resources  of  his  ingenious 
intellect  alone  lay  the  means  of  victory.  Mr.  Davis  tells  us 
that  this  devoted  band  was  composed  of  young  men  of  gal- 


244  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

lant  bearing  and  disinterested  views,  who  beheld  in  Colonel 
Burr  a  patriot  hero  of  the  Revolution,  who  had  mingled  with 
their  fathers  on  the  battle-field,  and  periled  his  all  in  their 
country's  cause.  In  this  circle  no  local  or  personal  interests 
were  allowed  to  be  discussed.  One  object  alone  was  ever 
mentioned  or  considered,  and  that  was  the  triumph  of  the  Re 
publican  party.  The  talents,  the  energy,  the  reckless  courage, 
and  the  reckless  generosity  of  the  young  politicians,  whom  the 
fascinating  manner  and  chivalrous  sentiments  of  Colonel  Burr 
had  attracted  arid  leagued  around  him,  are  testified  to  by 
many  writers  of  the  time. 

Then  it  was  that  the  party  began  to  submit  to  that  disci 
pline  which  gave  it  twenty-five  years  of  victory.  "  All  \\:ko,, 
numbered  themselves  as  its  members,"  says  Professor  RQU- 
wick  (Life  of  De  Witt  Clinton) ,  "  were  required  to  yield 
implicit  obedience  to  the  will  of  its  majority ;  that  majority 
was  made  to  move  at  the  beck  of  committees,  which  concen 
trated  the  power  in  the  hands  of  a  few  individuals.  Denunci 
ation  as  a  traitor  was  the  fate  of  him  who  ventured  to  act  in 
conformity  to  his  individual  opinion,  when  it  did  not  meet 
with  the  general  sanction."  This  omnipotent  organization 
was  not  completed  in  a  campaign,  but  it  began  in  1799,  and 
grew  out  of  the  precepts  and  the  example  of  Aaron  Burr  and 
his  '  myrmidons.' 

The  efforts  of  Burr  and  his  friends  were  most  opportunely 
assisted  by  the  errors  of  the  Federalists.  The  government 
was  exasperating  a  loyal  nation  by  its  stringent  enforcement 
of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws.  Thirty  thousand  Frenchmen 
and  five  thousand  "  United  Irishmen,"  refugees  from  political 
storms  at  home,  now  felt  themselves  unsafe  in  the  land  which 
had  been  extolled  as  the  asylum  for  the  oppressed  of  all  na 
tions.  Th0y  were  loud  and  furious  against  the  law  which 
empowered  the  President  to  banish  aliens  whom  he  should 
deem  dangerous  to  the  peace  of  the  United  States.  Among 
the  victims  of  the  Sedition  Law  was  the  pious  politician,  Judge 
Peck,  who  was  prosecuted  for  merely  circulating  a  bitterly- 
worded  petition  for  the  repeal  of  the  odious  laws.  Nothing 
better  could  have  happened  for  the  Republicans.  A  bench- 


THE     ELECTION     OK     1800.  245 

warrant  was  issued.  Peck  was  arrested  in  Otsego,  and  con 
veyed  all  the  way  to  New  York,  affording  to  the  State  an  un 
paralleled  and  rousing  spectacle.  "  A  hundred  missionaries  in 
the  cause  of  democracy,"  remarks  Dr.  Hammond,  "stationed 
between  New  York  and  Cooperstown,  could  not  have  done  so 
much  for  the  Republican  cause  as  the  journey  of  Judge  Peck, 
as  a  prisoner,  from  Otsego  to  New  York.  It  was  nothing  less 
than  the  public  exhibition  of  a  suffering  martyr  for  the  free 
dom  of  speech  and  the  press,  and  the  right  of  petitioning,  to 
the  view  of  the  citizens  of  the  various  places  through  which 
the  marshal  traveled  with  his  prisoner." 

Yet  such  was  the  horror  of  democracy  in  the  northern 
States,  after  the  total  failure  of  the  French  Revolution,  and 
such  was  the  strength  of  old  habits  and  ideas,  that  even  events 
like  these  were  not  sufficient  to  change  the  politics  of  the 
nation. 

But  there  was  trouble  brewing  between  the  Federal  lead 
ers.  In  spite  of  his  cabinet,  Mr.  Adams  had  made  peace  with 
France,  and  thus  frustrated  the  military  aspirations  of  General 
Hamilton.  Besides,  Adams  was  a  most  unmanageable  man. 
Pie  did  not  like  Hamilton,  and  Hamilton  could  not  endure 
him,  and  was  determined,  by  fair  means  or  by  foul,  to  get  rid 
of  him.  By  lair  means,  this  could  not  have  been  done,  for, 
in  New  England,  the  home  and  stronghold  of  Federalism, 
Adams  was  the  strongest  man.  Hamilton's  scheme  was,  that 
John  Adams  and  C.  C.  Pinckney  should  be  the  Federal  candi 
dates  for  President  and  Vice-President,  but  Pinckney  should, 
by  secret  maneuvers,  be  made  to  receive  a  vote  or  two  more 
than  Adams,  and  thus  be  elected  to  the  first  office.  The  peo 
ple  icere  to  be  deliberately  cheated.  They  were  to  be  deluded 
with  the  idea,  that,  while  voting  for  certain  legislators,  they 
were  voting  John  Adams  into  a  second  term  of  the  Presi 
dency  ;  but  their  votes  were  really  to  have  the  effect  of  put 
ting  Adams  back  again  into  the  Vice-Presidency,  and  of 
making  General  Pinckney  President ! 

John  Adams's  own  graphic  version  of  the  story  is  as  fol 
lows  :  "  Hamilton  made  a  journey  to  Boston,  Providence,  etc., 
to  persuade  the  people  and  their  legislatures,  but  without  sue- 


246  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

cess,  to  throw  away  some  of  their  votes,  that  Adams  might 
not  have  the  unanimous  vote  of  New  England  ;  consequently, 
that  Pinckney  might  be  brought  in  as  President,  and  Adams 
as  Yice-President.  Washington  was  dead,  and  the  Cincinnati 
were  assembled  at  New  York  to  choose  Hamilton  for  their 
new  President.  Whether  he  publicly  opened  his  project  to 
the  whole  assembly  of  the  Cincinnati  or  not,  I  will  not  say  ; 
but  of  this  I  have  such  proof  as  I  can  not  doubt,  namely,  that 
he  broached  it  privately  to  such  members  as  he  could  trust ; 
for  the  learned  and  pious  doctors,  D wight  and  Badcock,  who, 
having  been  chaplains  in  the  army,  were  then  attending  as 
two  reverend  knights  of  the  order,  with  their  blue  ribbons 
and  bright  eagles  at  their  sable  button-holes,  were  heard  to 
say  repeatedly  in  the  room  where  the  society  met,  i  We  must 
sacrifice  Adams,'  l  We  must  sacrifice  Adams?  Of  this  fact  I 
have  such  evidence  that  I  should  dare  to  appeal,  if  it  were 
worth  while,  to  the  only  survivor,  Dr.  D  wight,  of  New  Haven 
University. 

"  About  the  same  time,  walking  in  the  streets  of  Philadel 
phia,  I  met  on  the  opposite  sidewalk,  Colonel  Joseph  Lyman, 
of  Springfield,  one  of  the  most  amiable  men  in  Congress,  and 
one  of  the  most  candid  men  in  the  world.  As  soon  as  he  saw 
me  he  crossed  over  to  my  side  of  the  street,  and  said,  '  Sir,  I 
cross  over  to  tell  you  some  news.'  '  Ay !  what  news  ?  I 
hope  it  is  good !'  '  Hamilton  has  divided  the  Federalists,  and 
proposed  to  them  to  give  you  the  go-by,  and  bring  in  Pinck 
ney.  By  this  step  he  has  divided  the  Federalists,  and  given 
great  offense  to  the  honestest  part  of  them.  I  am  glad  of  it, 
for  it  will  be  the  ruin  of  his  faction.'  My  answer  was,  'Colo 
nel  Lyman,  it  will  be,  as  you  say,  the  ruin  of  his  faction  ;  but 
it  will  also  be  the  ruin  of  honester  men  than  any  of  them.' 
And  with  these  words  I  marched  on,  and  left  him  to  march 
the  other  way.' 

"  I  was  soon  afterward  informed,  by  personal  witnesses  and 
private  letters,  that  Hamilton  had  assembled  a  meeting  of  the 
citizens  and  made  an  elaborate  harangue  to  them.  He  spoke 
of  the  President,  John  Adams,  with  respect !  But  with  what, 
respect,  I  leave  you,  sir,  to  conjecture.  Hamilton  soon  after 


THE     ELECTION     OF     1800.  247 

called  another  and  more  secret  caucus  to  prepare  a  list  of 
representatives  for  the  city  of  New  York,  in  their  State  leg 
islature,  who  were  to  choose  electors  of  President  and  Vice- 
President.  He  fixed  upon  a  list  of  his  own  friends,  people  of 
little  weight  or  consideration  in  the  city  or  the  country.  Burr, 
who  had  friends  in  all  circles,  had  a  copy  of  this  list  brought  to 
him  immediately.  He  read  it  over,  with  great  gravity  folded 
it  up,  put  it  in  his  pocket,  and  without  uttering  another  word, 
said,  '  Now  I  have  him  hollow?  " 

And  he  really  had  him  hollow.  In  a  moment,  the  means 
of  carrying  the  city,  upon  which  all  depended,  flashed  upon 
his  mind,  and  he  proceeded  forthwith  to  execute  the  scheme. 

His  first  step  was  to  prepare  a  list  of  candidates  to  represent 
the  city  in  the  Assembly.  But  a  difficulty  arose  at  the  very 
outset :  Hamilton's  whole  heart  was  in  this  election,  and  it 
was  certain  that  he  would  take  an  active  personal  part  in  the 
campaign  ;  and  that,  particularly,  during  the  three  days  of 
the  election,  his  harangues  to  the  people  would  be  more  effect 
ive  than  ever  before.  Burr,  too,  must  be  on  the  ground. 
It  was  also  thought  indispensable  to  the  complete  success  of 
the  plan,  that  he  should  be  a  member  of  the  legislature.  But 
if  his  name  were  on  the  city  ticket,  it  would  neutralize  his  ex 
ertions,  as  he  would  seem  to  be  electioneering  and  haranguing 
for  himself.  Some  votes  would  also  be  diverted  from  the  Re 
publican  side  by  the  recollection  of  Burr's  agency  in  the  Man 
hattan  Bank  affair.  In  this  dilemma,  it  was  suggested  that  he 
should  be  a  candidate  for  the  Assembly  in  Orange  county, 
where  he  was  better  known  and  more  popular  than  in  any 
other  county.  This  part  of  the  plan  was  confided  to  influen 
tial  Democrats  of  that  county,  and,  it  may  as  well  be  stated  at 
once,  was  successful. 

This  matter  disposed  of,  the  city  ticket  was  drawn  up. 
With  matchless  audacity,  Burr  proposed  to  his  confederates 
the  following  persons  as  candidates  for  the  Assembly.  At 
the  head  of  his  ticket,  he  placed  the  name  of  George  Clin 
ton,  so  long  the  Governor  of  the  State,  now  retired  from 
all  public  employments,  and  declining  into  the  vale  of  years. 
Next  came  the  name,  not  less  distinguished,  of  the  conqueror 


248  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

of  Burgoyne,  General  Horatio  Gates.  Then  followed  Samuel 
Osgood,  Henry  Rutgers,  Elias  Xeusen,  Thomas  Storm,  George 
Warner,  Philip  J.  Arcularws,  James  Hunt,  Ezekiel  Bobbins, 
Brockholst  Livingston,  and  John  Swartwout ;  all  of  them  gen 
tlemen  who,  for  one  reason  or  another,  added  peculiar  strengtli 
to  the  ticket.  Osgood,  for  example,  had  been  a  member  of 
Congress,  and  Washington's  Postmaster-General,  and  was  a 
man  of  the  highest  estimation  in  the  city.  Livingston  was  a 
very  eminent  lawyer,  afterward  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States.  He  was  a  son  of  that  Governor  of  New 
Jersey  whose  noble  eulogy  of  Burr's  father  I  have  elsewhere 
quoted.  Swartwout,  very  popular  for  his  manly  bearing  arid 
amiable'  qualities,  was  Burr's  most  devoted  friend.  The  name 
of  Rutgers  is  still  familiar  in  a  New  Yorker's  ear,  as  it  lives  in 
that  of  the  street  where  he  resided.  In  a  word,  Burr's  ticket, 
from  the  celebrity  of  some  of  its  names,  the  eminent  respect 
ability  of  others,  and  the  peculiar  popularity  of  the  rest,  was 
the  strongest  ever  offered  for  the  popular  suffrages  in  this 
State.  Above  all,  it  was  an  obvious  and  striking  contrast  to 
Hamilton's. 

To  draw  up  an  imposing  catalogue  of  names  is  not  a  diffi 
cult  feat.  To  induce  those  gentlemen  to  stand  was  a  matter 
beset  with  difficulties,  such  as,  perhaps,  no  man  in  the  world 
could  have  overcome  but  Aaron  Burr.  The  consent  of  the 
jiine  less  known  persons  was  obtained  without  much  trouble. 
But  Clinton,  Livingston,  and  Gates,  each  representing  a  fac 
tion  of  the  great  Republican  party,  each  with  personal  aims, 
claims  and  jealousies,  neither  disposed  to  act  with  the  others, 
were,  for  a  long  time,  deaf  to  arguments  and  to  entreaties, 
and  immovable  in  their  resolve  not  to  allow  their  names  to 
be  used.  Gates  was  one  of  Burr's  peculiar  adherents,  and  ex 
tremely  averse  to  Hamilton  and  Schuyler,  with  whom  he  had 
been  ill  friends  ever  since  the  time  of  the  cabal  in  the  revolu 
tionary  war.  Yet  neither  liis  friendship  for  Burr  nor  his  en 
mity  to  Schuyler,  nor  his  party  spirit,  nor  all  these  together, 
•were  strong  enough  to  overcome  his  repugnance  to  being  a 
candidate.  Livingston  proved  the  most  tractable.  After  re 
peated  interviews,  Burr  wrung  from  him  a  reluctant  consent 


THE     ELECTION     OF     1800.  249 

to  run,  provided  Governor  Clinton  and  General  Gates  were 
candidates  also. 

This  was  a  great  point  gained.  Burr  now  applied  himself  to 
Gates  with  redoubled  energy.  There  are  vague  traditions 
that  the  art  with  which  Burr  worked  upon  the  foibles  and 
judgment  of  Gates  was  among  the  finest  displays  of  his  pecu 
liar  talent.  When  all  other  expedients  failed,  he  resorted  to 
importunate  persuasions,  and  the  general  was  induced  at  last 
to  say  that  he  would  stand,  if  Governor  Clinton  would. 

But  Clinton  was  the  hardest  case  of  all.  Clinton's  friends 
called  him  a  very  firm  man ;  his  opponents  thought  him  very 
obstinate.  His  portrait  shows  the  strong,  downright,  immov 
able,  north-Ireland  character  of  the  man.  He  had  thick 
bushy  eye-brows,  a  well  developed  lower  face  and  double 
chin,  a  closed  large  mouth,  a  scrutinizing  lookout  of  the  eyes,  a 
good  medium  forehead,  with  his  scanty  gray  hair  combed  up  to 
hide  its  bald  summit.  It  is  the  plain,  shaggy-looking  face  of 
an  honest,  wary  north-of-Irelander.  Now  Clinton  himself  had 
pretensions  to  the  presidency.  In  1793,  when  lie  received 
fifty  electoral  votes  out  of  a  hundred  and  thirty-two,  and  Jef 
ferson  had  but  four,  it  was  Clinton,  not  Jefferson,  that  seemed 
to  be  on  the  high  road  to  the  presidential  mansion.  The  rea 
sons  that  induce  a  party  to  change  its  standard-bearer  seldom 
convince  the  man  who  is  displaced.  In  a  word,  George  Clin 
ton  did  not  like  Thomas  Jefferson.  He  was  now  solicited  to 
stand  for  the  Assembly,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  helping  Jeffer 
son  into  the  presidential  chair;  and  he  was  asked  to  do  this 
by  the  man  who,  though  a  stripling  aid-de-camp  when  George 
Clinton  was  the  foremost  man  of  the  State,  and  a  person  of 
national  importance,  had  in  1797  received  thirty  electoral 
votes  to  Clinton's  four !  Governor  Clinton  was  an  able  and 
patriotic  man,  but  such  personal  considerations  as  these  have 
an  influence  over  all  but  the  very  best  of  the  species. 

Burr  never  had  a  harder  task  than  to  win  over  this  strong, 
prejudiced,  determined  man  to  the  purposes  of  the  party. 
Clinton  said  that  he  did  not  think  highly  of  Jefferson's  states 
manship,  and  had  not  faith  in  his  sincerity  as  a  Republican,  nor 
even  in  his  integrity  as  a  man.  He  thought  him  a  trimmer  ; 

11* 


250  L  I  P  E     OF     AARON     BURR. 

and  so  thinking,  he  said  he  could  not  conscientiously  support 
him  for  the  highest  office.  "  But,"  said  the  governor,  on  one 
occasion,  "if  you,  Mr.  Burr,  were  the  candidate  for  the  pres 
idential  chair,  I  would  act  with  pleasure,  and  with  vigor."  To 
such  objections  as  these,  Burr  replied  in  his  mild,  persuasive 
way,  with  not  the  smallest  appearance  of  effect.  Committees 
and  sub-committees  and  individuals,  by  turns,  besieged  the 
governor's  ear,  for  three  days.  There  was  a  final  interview 
at  length,  between  the  governor  and  the  nominating  com 
mittee,  at  Burr's  own  house.  All  the  old  arguments  were  used, 
and  new  ones  offered.  The  committee  expostulated,  and  the 
committee  entreated,  but  the  tough  old  soldier  stood  to  his 
purpose  with  a  pertinacity  worthy  of  his  race.  Burr  then 
said,  that  it  was  a  right  inherent  in  a  community  to  command 
the  services  of  an  individual  at  a  great  crisis,  and  declared  the 
intention  of  the  party  to  nominate  and  elect  Governor  Clinton, 
without  regard  to  his  inclination.  The  governor  at  last  made 
this  slight  concession,  that  he  would  not  publicly  repudiate  the 
nomination.  He  afterward  agreed  that,  during  the  canvass,  he 
would  refrain,  in  his  ordinary  conversation,  from  denouncing 
Jefferson  in  the  style  that  had  become  habitual  to  him.  The 
old  man  was  true  to  his  promise,  but  neither  he  nor  his  rising 
nephew, -De  Witt  Clinton,  nor  his  son,  nor  any  of  his  connec 
tions,  personally  assisted  in  the  campaign,  as  they  had  been 
wont  to  do  in  previous  contests. 

The  curtain  was  now  lifted.  A  public  meeting  under  im 
posing  auspices  was  held,  at  which  the  ticket  was  announced 
and  ratified  with  enthusiasm.  It  gave  life  and  hope  to  the 
despairing  Republicans.  It  alarmed  the  Federalists,  who,  till 
now,  had  been  confident  of  a  victory. 

In  arranging  the  details  of  the  campaign,  Burr's  skillful 
hand  was  employed  with  good  effect.  The  finance  committee 
had  prepared  a  list  of  the  wealthy  Republicans,  with  the  sum 
which  they  proposed  to  solicit  attached  to  each  name.  On 
looking  over  the  list,  Colonel  Burr  observed  that  a  certain 
rich  man,  equally  remarkable  for  zeal  and  parsimony,  was 
assessed  one  hundred  dollars. 

"  Strike  out  his  name,"  said  Burr,  "  for  you  will  not  get  the 


THE     ELECTION     OF      1800.  251 

money;  and  from  the  moment  the  demand  is  made  upon  him, 
his  exertions  will  cease,  and  you  will  not  see  him  at  tlio  polls 
during  the  election." 

The  name  was  erased.  Lower  down  in  the  catalogue,  lie 
noticed  the  same  sum  placed  opposite  the  name  of  another 
man  who  was  liberal  with  his  money,  but  incorrigibly  lazy. 

"Double  it,"  said  he,  "and  tejl  him  no  labor  will  be  ex 
pected  from  him,  except  an  occasional  attendance  in  the  com 
mittee-rooms  to  help  fold  the  tickets.  He  will  pay  you  the  two 
hundred  dollars,  and  thank  you  for  letting  him  off  so  easily."1 

This  was  done.  The  result,  in  both  cases,  proved  the  truth 
of  Burr's  prediction.  The  lazy  man  paid  the  money  without 
a  demur,  and  the  zealous  man  worked  day  and  night. 

Last  of  all,  Colonel  Burr  devoted  himself  to  operating  di 
rectly  on  the  public  mind.  He  provided  for  a  succession  of 
ward  and  general  meetings,  most  of  which  he  himself  attended 
and  addressed.  He  kept  the  canvass  all  alive  by  his  indefat 
igable  activity.  He  declared  everywhere  that  the  party  really 
had  a  majority  in  the  city  ;  and  it  was  only  necessary  to  awaken 
such  an  interest  in  the  election  as  would  draw  out  every  Re 
publican  vote,  and  the  victory  was  theirs.  This  was  no  ran 
dom  assertion.  By  means  of  lists  of  the  voters,  with  the  polit 
ical  history  of  each,  appended  in  parallel  columns,  which  were 
incessantly  added  to  and  corrected,  as  new  information  was 
obtained,  he  had  reduced  the  important  department  of  polit 
ical  prophecy  almost  to  certainty.  He  would  have  made  it 
quite  certain,  but  for  circumstances  which,  though  they  often 
decide  elections,  can  not,  in  the  nature  of  things,  be  foretold. 
The  weather  of  election  day  is  one  of  these.  In  Burr's  lists, 
not  only  a  man's  opinions  were  noted,  but  his  degree  of  zeal, 
his  temperament,  his  health,  his  habits,  all  these  things  were 
taken  into  account,  to  ascertain  what  quantity  of  excitement 
or  inducement  was  necessary  to  overcome  the  i'atal  propensity 
of  the  comfortable  citizen  to  neglect  voting.  Thus,  on  one 
occasion,  when  Colonel  Burr  was  running  for  office,  and  the 
first  two  days  of  the  election  had  passed  without  either  can 
didate  getting  a  decided  advantage,  he  said,  "If  it  is  a  fine 
day  to-morrow  I  shall  get  a  small  majority  in  the  city  ;  if  m>t. 


252  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

not."  The  day  was  fine,  and  the  event  justified  his  confident 
prediction.  The  leaders  of  the  party  in  the  city,  knowing  the 
accuracy  and  extent  of  his  information,  received  his  prophe 
cies  of  success  on  the  present  occasion  more  as  information 
than  as  prediction.  They  were  buoyant  with  hope,  that  the 
party,  after  twelve  years  of  defeat,  was  now  on  the  eve  of  a 
national  triumph.* 

The  polls  opened  on  the  morning  of  April  29th,  and  closed 
at  sunset  on  the  2d  of  May.  During  these  three  days,  the 
exertions  of  both  parties  were  immense.  Hamilton  was  in 
the  field  animating  his  followers  with  his  powerful  declama 
tion.  Burr  addressed  large  assemblages  of  Republicans.  Some 
times  both  champions  appeared  on  the  same  platform,  and 
addressed  the  multitude  in  turn,  upon  the  questions  in  dispute. 
On  these  occasions,  their  bearing  toward  one  another  was  so 
gracefully  courteous,  as  to  be  remembered  by  many  in  the 
crowd  they  addressed,  long  after  the  matter  of  their  speeches 
was  forgotten. 

The  contest  closed.  Before  the  rival  chiefs  slept  on  the 
night  of  the  2d  of  May,  the  news  was  brought  to  them  that 
the  Republicans  had  carried  the  city  by  a  majority  of  490 
votes. 

Hamilton  was  not  prepared  for  defeat,  and  the  news  struck 
him  like  a  blow.  Nothing  but  some  desperate  expedient 

*  Colonel  Knapp,  author  of  a  short  memoir  of  Burr,  written  in  a  friendly 
spirit,  says  a  few  words  respecting  the  manner  of  Burr's  intercourse  with  the 
party  out  of  doors,  which  may  be  quoted  here.  I  copy  it  the  more  willingly, 
because  the  great  mass  of  what  I  quote  from  others  respecting  Burr  was  con 
ceived  in  enmity  or  repugnance  to  him.  "Colonel  Burr,"  says  Mr.  Knapp, 
"never  courted  the  mob  by  mingling  with  them,  and  sharing  their  move 
ments  ;  for  it  was  seldom  they  met  him.  He  made  no  converts  by  pewter 
mug  stories,  and  they  liked  him  the  better  for  all  this  abstraction  from  the 
great  body  of  democracy ;  but  whenever  he  came  in  contact  with  the  hum 
blest  of  his  admirers,  it  was  well  known  that  he  treated  them  so  blandly  that 
his  manners  were  remembered  when  the  whole  conversation  was  forgotten. 
His  manners  were  the  most  courtly  of  any  one  of  his  age.  He  had  not  the 
parade  of  Morris,  nor  the  gravity  of  Jay ;  but  he  never  for  a  moment  forgot 
himself  by  assumption  or  too  much  familiarity.  The  self-possession  which 
he  always  sustained  gave  him  great  advantages  over  other  men  who  are  vas 
sals  to  their  passions,  and  at  times  can  not  hide  their  weaknesses." 


THH      ELECTION     OF      1800.  253 

could  now  save  the  Union  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
Philistines ;  and  in  the  frenzy  of  his  disappointment  he  re 
solved  upon  trying  a  desperate  expedient. 

The  next  day,  while  the  city  was  in  the  first  Hush  of  excite 
ment  at  the  news,  Hamilton  called  together  a  few  of  the  most 
influential  Federalists,  and  laid  before  them  his  scheme  ;  which 
was,  to  induce  Governor  Jay  to  call  an  extra  session  of  the 
old  legislature  (whose  term  of  service  had  still  eight  weeks 
to  run),  for  the  purpose  of  changing  the  mode  of  choosing 
presidential  electors.  Two  years  before,  Burr  had  attempted 
to  carry  a  bill  through  the  legislature,  providing  .hat  the 
electors  should  be  chosen  directly  by  the  people,  \-ting  by 
districts.  His  object,  since  he  then  despaired  of  getting  a  Re 
publican  majority  in  the  legislature,  was  to  secure  part  of  the 
electoral  college  of  the  State  for  the  democratic  candidate  at 
the  next  presidential  election.  The  Federalists  saw  hi?  object, 
and  defeated  it,  though  a  juster  measure  was  never  pro-posed. 
Hamilton,  a  sudden  convert  to  this  policy,  was  now  bent  on 
accomplishing,  by  unworthy  means,  what  Colonel  Burr  had 
honorably  endeavored  before  him.  The  Federal  caucus  jumped 
at  the  mean  expedient,  and  Hamilton,  the  next  day,  wrotfl  an 
elaborate  letter  to  the  governor,  unfolding  the  plan,  and  urg 
ing  its  instant  execution. 

The  anti-Federal  party,  he  wrote,  was  a  composition  of  very 
incongruous  materials,  but  all  of  them  tending  to  mischief ; 
some  to  the  emasculation  of  the  government,  others  to  revolu 
tionizing  it  in  the  style  of  Bonaparte.  The  government  must 
not  be  confided  to  the  custody  of  its  enemies.  True,  the  mea 
sure  proposed  was  open  to  objection.  But  a  popular  govern 
ment  could  not  stand  if  one  party  called  to  its  aid  all  the 
resources  which  vice  could  give,  and  the  other,  however 
pressing  the  emergency,  felt  itself  obliged  to  confine  itself 
within  the  ordinary  forms  of  delicacy  and  decorum.  These 
forms  were  valuable  ;  but  they  ought  not  to  hinder  the  taking 
of  a  step  strictly  legal  and  constitutional,  to  prevent  an  atJieist 
in  religion  and  a  fanatic  in  politics  from  getting  possession 
of  the  helm  of  State. 

The  letter  was  dispatched.     Judge  of  the  consternation  of 


254  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUB  11. 

its  author  and  his  caucus  when  they  read,  in  a  Republican 
newspaper  of  the  following  day,  a  full  exposure  of  the  scheme, 
including  an  account  of  the  caucus,  its  proceedings,  and  the 
measure  it  had  concluded  to  recommend.  The  public  read 
this  article  with  incredulity.  Even  the  Federal  editors,  who 
were  not  in  the  secret,  denounced  it  as  the  basest  of  slanders. 
"  Where  is  the  American,"  exclaimed  one  of  them,  "who  will 
not  detest  the  author  of  this  infamous  lie  ?  If  there  is  a  man 
to  be  found  who  wrill  sanction  this  publication,  he  is  worse  than 
the  worst  of  Jacobins!"  No  doubt,  many  a  Federalist  went 
to  his  grave  in  the  belief  that  the  story  was  a  weak  invention 
of  the  enemy.  Among  the  papers  of  Governor  Jay,  Hamil 
ton's  letter  was  found,  with  this  honest  indorsement,  in  the 
governor's  hand  :  "Proposing  a  measure  for  party  purposes, 
which  I  think  it  would  not  become  me  to  adopt."  For  party 
purposes,  says  the  candid  governor,  summarily  disposing  of 
Hamilton's  self-deceiving  array  of  fine  motives. 

That  Hamilton  should  have  deliberately  made  such  a  pro 
posal,  shows  more  than  the  limitedness  of  his  understanding, 
and  his  ignorance  of  the  state  of  things  in  which  he  lived.  It 
shows  that,  with  all  his  gentlemanliness  of  demeanor  and  feel 
ing,  he  was  not  a  thorough-bred  gentleman ;  a  character,  the 
distinguishing  and  essential  quality  of  which  is,  a  love  of  FAIR 
PLAY.  He  had,  of  his  ovrn  free  will,  gone  down  into  the 
arena,  and  accepted  battle  on  the  known  and  usual  conditions. 
He  was  beaten  fairly.  Then  he  attempted,  by  a  secret  and 
unworthy  maneuver,  to  steal  the  laurel  from  the  victor's 
brow  while  he  slept. 

But  the  victor  was  not  asleep.  Before  the  election,  Bun- 
had  obtained  an  intimation  from  some  quarter  that  if  the  Re 
publicans  should  carry  the  city,  means  would  be  found  to  de 
prive  them  of  the  fruits  of  their  triumph.  Upon  this  hint  he 
acted.  From  the  moment  the  polls  closed  every  movement 
was  watched.  The  counting  of  the  votes  was  closely  scrutin 
ized.  The  goings  and  comings  of  the  leading  Federalists  were 
observed,  and  thus  the  meeting  of  the  caucus  was  ascertained, 
and  its  schemes  exposed  and  baffled.  The  particular  means 
by  which  the  proceedings  of  the  caucus  were  discovered,  I 


THE     ELECTION     OF     1800. 

not  been  able  to  ascertain.  The  whisper  at  the  time  was 
thai  Hamilton  and  Burr  were  both  enamored  of  the  same  frail 
woman,  who  really  loved  Burr,  but  endured  Hamilton  only 
that  she  might  beguile  him  of  secrets  with  which  to  ingratiate 
herself  with  his  rival.  I  utterly  disbelieve  this  wretched  gos 
sip.  Nearly  every  such  tale  of  noted  men  proves,  when  exam 
ined,  to  be  a  fable.  Neither  Hamilton  nor  Burr  was  blameless 
toward  women  ;  but  neither  of  them,  I  am  sure,  ever  addicted 
himself  to  the  kind  of  debauchery  which  is  implied  in  the  story 
referred  to. 

The  news  of  the  result  of  the  New  York  election  took  the 
country  by  surprise.  To  Jefferson  all  eyes  were  now  turned 
as  the  man  destined  soon  to  wield  the  power  and  patronage 
of  the  government.  The  Federalists  had  been  so  long  accus 
tomed  to  conquer,  and  the  Republicans  to  be  only  a  vehe 
ment,  despised,  and  hopeless  opposition,  that  the  probability 
of  the  two  parties  changing  positions,  produced  an  effect  which 
may  be  imagined.  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Dr. 
Rush,  records  the  effect  of  the  startling  intelligence  upon  the 
mind  of  President  Adams. 

"  On  the  day,"  wrote  Jefferson,  u  on  which  we  learned  in 
Philadelphia  the  vote  of  the  city  of  New  York,  which  it  was 
well  known  would  decide  the  vote  of  the  State,  and  that  again 
the  vote  of  the  Union,  I  called  on  Mr.  Adams  on  some  official 
business.  He  was  very  sensibly  affected,  and  accosted  me 
with  these  words :  4  Well,  I  understand  that  you  are  to  beat 
me  in  this  contest,  and  I  will  only  say  that  I  will  be  as  faith 
ful  a  subject  as  any  you  will  have.' 

"  '  Mr.  Adams,'  said  I,  *  this  is  no  personal  contest  between 
you  and  me.  Two  systems  of  principles,  on  the  subject  of 
government,  divide  our  fellow-citizens  into  two  parties.  With 
one  of  these  you  concur,  and  I  with  the  other.  As  we  have 
been  longer  on  the  public  stage  than  most  of  those  now  living, 
our  names  happen  to  be  more  generally  known.  One  of  these 
parties,  therefore,  has  put  your  name  at  its  head,  the  other 
mine.  Were  we  both  to  die  to-day,  to-morrow  two  other 
names  would  be  in  the  place  of  ours,  without  any  change  in 


256  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUEK. 

the  motion  of  the  machinery.  Its  motion  is  from  its  princude, 
not  from  you  or  myself.' 

"  '  I  believe  you  are  right,'  said  he,  '  that  we  are  but  pas 
sive  instruments,  and  should  not  suffer  this  matter  to  affect 
our  personal  dispositions.'  " 

Hamilton  did  not  yet  despair.  One  of  his  first  letters,  writ 
ten  after  the  loss  of  New  York,  concedes  the  probability  of  a 
Republican  success,  but  he  adds  that  his  scheme  of  secretly 
supporting  Pinckney  for  the  presidency,  instead  of  Adams, 
"  is  the  only  thing  that  can  save  us  from  the  fangs  of  Jeffer 
son."  A  few  days  after,  he  writes  to  the  same  friend,  that 
"  under  Adams,  as  under  Jefferson,  the  government  will  sink." 
A  week  or  two  later,  to  another  gentleman,  he  quotes  Frank 
lin's  character  of  Adams  ("always  honest,  sometimes  great, 
but  often  mad"),  and  adds  that  Adams  is  honest  indeed,  but 
only  "  as  far  as  a  man  excessively  vain  and  jealous,  and  igno 
bly  attached  to  place,  can  be."  Thenceforth  Hamilton's  ef 
forts  were  directed  to  the  single  object  of  concentrating  upon 
Pinckney  the  entire  strength  of  the  Federal  party,  north  and 
south.  For  this  he  schemed,  and  wrote,  and  talked,  and  toiled, 
and  traveled  during  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1800.  But 
he  had  a  nimble,  a  dexterous,  a  sleepless  adversary. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  summer,  Hamilton  prepared  a 
pamphlet,  in  which  he  stated  his  reasons  for  objecting  to  the 
reelection  of  the  President,  descanting  freely  upon  his  public 
conduct,  and  his  personal  infirmities.  This  pamphlet  was  en 
titled  :  "  A  Letter  from  Alexander  Hamilton,  concerning  the 
Public  Conduct  and  Character  of  John  Adams,  Esquire,  Pres 
ident  of  the  United  States."  It  was  designed,  first,  to  serve 
as  a  circular  letter  to  very  confidential  friends  in  New  En 
gland,  and,  secondly,  to  be  disseminated  extensively  in  the 
South,  particularly  in  South  Carolina,  at  so  late  a  period  of 
the  canvass  that  the  double-play  could  not  be  known  at  the 
North  till  the  election  was  over.  The  pamphlet  was  sent  to 
the  printer,  under  the  most  stringent  stipulations  that  the 
work  should  be  executed  secretly,  and  every  copy  delivered 
into  Hamilton's  own  hands.  The  story  goes,  that  Colonel 
Burr,  who  was  ever  an  early  riser,  was  walking  in  the  streets 


THE     ELECTION     OF     1800.  257 

nearjrfamilt  on's  house,  very  early  one  morning,  when  he  met 
a  boy  carrying  a  covered  basket. 

"  What  have  you  there,  my  lad  ?"  asked  Burr,  who  was 
prone  to  accost  young  people  that  he  met  in  the  streets. 

"  Pamphlets  for  General  Hamilton,"  replied  the  boy,  not 
knowing  their  importance. 

Burr  asked  for  one,  and  the  boy  complied  without  hesita 
tion.  Burr  took  the  pamphlet,  and,  at  one  glance,  saw  what 
a  prize  chance  had  thrown  in  his  way.  Tins  is  the  current 
story  •  but  it  is  improbable.  Mr.  Davis  merely  says,  that 
Colonel  Burr,  having  ascertained  that  such  a  pamphlet  was 
in  press,  made  "  arrangements"  for  procuring  a  copy  as  soon 
as  the  printing  should  be  completed.  How  he  obtained  the 
pamphlet  is,  therefore,  uncertain,  but  the  essential  fact  re 
mains,  that  he  obtained  it. 

In  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  he  summoned  to  his  house 
three  of  his  confederates,  John  Swartwout,  Robert  Swart- 
wont,  and  M.  L.  Davis,  to  whom  he  read  the  pamphlet,  and 
unfolded  the  plan  he  had  formed  of  hurling  it,  a  hissing  bomb 
shell,  into  the  camp  of  the  enemy.  He  simply  proposed  to 
give  the  leading  contents  of  the  pamphlet  sudden  and  univer 
sal  publicity.  Extracts  were  accordingly  made  on  the  spot, 
and  Davis  was  charged  with  the  duty  of  procuring  their 
simultaneous  insertion  in  one  of  the  principal  Republican 
journals  of  Xew  England,  and  in  the  Aurora  of  Philadelphia. 
The  extracts  appeared.  They  produced  all  the  effect  the  bit 
terest  enemy  of  the  Federal  party  could  have  desired.  Aston 
ishment  and  incredulity,  by  turns,  beset  the  Federal  intellect, 
but  the  publication  of  new  passages,  from  time  to  time,  to 
gether  with  the  popular  recognition  of  Hamilton's  style,  soon 
banished  all  doubt  that  the  great  leader  had  been  playing  a 
double  game.  He  thought  it  best,  at  length,  to  publish  the 
pamphlet  entire,  and  a  few  days  before  the  presidential  elect 
ors  were  to  be  chosen  it  appeared. 

This  exposure  destroyed  the  last  hope  of  the  Federalists. 
"  It  rent  the  party  in  twain,"  as  a  writer  truly  observes.  A 
month  after  the  pamphlet  appeared,  William  Duane,  editor  of 
the  Aurora,  that  terror  of  the  respectable  Federalists,  sent 


258  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURR. 

a  copy  of  it  to  General  Collot,  of  Paris.  Chance  prSRrved 
that  copy,  and,  within  these  few  years,  brought  it  back  to  the 
United  States,  with  the  note  that  originally  accompanied  it, 
which  reads  thus : 

"  CITIZEN-GENERAL. — This  pamphlet  has  done  more  mis 
chief  to  the  parties  concerned,  than  all  the  labors  of  the 
Aurora.  WILLIAM  DUANE." 

Adams  said  of  it,  that  "if  the  single  purpose  had  been  to 
defeat  the  President,  no  more  propitious  moment  could  have 
been  chosen."  And  again  :  "  One  thing  I  know,  that  Cicero 
was  not  sacrificed  to  the  vengeance  of  Antony  by  the  unfeel 
ing  selfishness  of  the  latter  triumvirate,  more  egregiously  than 
John  Adams  was  to  the  unbridled  ambition  of  Alexander 
Hamilton  in  the  American  triumvirate !" 

John  Adams  was,  indeed,  so  thoroughly  disgusted  with 
Hamilton's  treason  to  the  head  of  his  party,  that,  down  to  a 
late  period  of  his  life,  he  could  seldom  write  his  name  without 
adding  to  it  an  epithet  of  repugnance.  Burr  he  always  men 
tions  with  respect. 

Hamilton's  conduct  in  this  business  was  utterly  unjustifiable. 
Not  a  thousand  voters  in  the  country  had  so  much  as  thought 
of  Pinckney  for  President.  In  the  newspapers,  and  the  public 
meetings,  Adams,  and  only  Adams,  was  named  as  the  Fed 
eral  candidate  for  the  first  office.  Hamilton's  intrigue  was 
therefore  a  design  to  frustrate  the  people's  will  by  putting  into 
the  presidential  chair  a  man  who  had  not  even  been  named  for 
the  office  before  the  people.  Two  palliating  circumstances, 
however,  may  be  mentioned.  One  is  that  Hamilton,  being  a 
Tory  by  nature,  had  really  no  conception  of  what  Democrats 
mean  by  the  rights  of  the  people.  Another  is,  that,  at  that 
day,  presidential  electors  were  not  quite  the  mere  formality 
they  have  since  become ;  but  were  supposed  to  nave,  in  some 
degree,  a  right  of  choice.  It  may  also  be  said  of  Alexander 
Hamilton,  that  if  he  intrigued  dishonorably,  he  did  so  from  an 
honorable  motive.  Of  his  rival,  we  may  say,  that  he  intrigued, 
for  the  most  part,  honorably  and  for  good  purposes,  but  with 
out  being  animated  by  public  spirit.  No  one,  I  think,  can 
long  read  the  writings  of  Hamilton  without  feeling  himself  to 


THE     ELECTION     OF     1800.  259 

be  in  contact  with  a  nature  essentially  good  ;  but  narrow  and 
inflexible  for  that  expanding  age;  that  era  of  hope,  idea,  and 
invention ;  that  glorious  dawn  of  a  better  Day  than  the  world 
has  ever  known.  He  saw  that  democracy  is  a  resolving  of 
society  back  again  into  its  original  elements!  Democracy. is 
chaos  he  would  say.  True,  Democracy  contending  with  Privi 
lege  is  chaos.  But  after  chaos  comes  CREATION  ! 

A  President  and  Vice-President  were  now  to  be  chosen  by 
the  electors.  Among  the  Republicans  there  was  but  one  name 
mentioned  for  the  first  office,  and  that  was  Thomas  Jefferson. 
But  for  the  second  there  were  competitors.  In  those  days, 
what  we  now  accomplish  by  nominating  conventions,  was  done 
by  party  caucuses  of  the  members  of  Congress.  A  few  days 
after  the  news  of  the  great  New  York  election  reached  Phila 
delphia,  a  Republican  caucus  was  held  for  the  purpose  of  de 
ciding  upon  a  candidate  for  the  vice-presidency.  A  nomina 
tion  was  equivalent  to  an  election,  and  the  caucus  therefore 
proceeded  cautiously.  At  the  first  meeting  it  was  only  set 
tled  that  the  candidate  should  be  selected  from  ISTew  York,  as 
it  was  Xew  York  that  had  just  made  the  final  victory  more 
than  probable.  A  gentleman  was  appointed  to  converse  with 
the  leading  politicians  of  that  State  and  report  to  the  caucus 
their  preferences.  The  choice,  it  was  found,  lay  between  three 
men,  Chancellor  Livingston,  George  Clinton,  and  Aaron  Burr. 
It  was  at  once  concluded  that  Chancellor  Livingston's  deafness 
was  an  insuperable  objection  to  an  officer  who  would  have  to 
preside  over  a  deliberative  body,  and  he  was  set  aside.  Clin 
ton  and  Burr  were  the  two  remaining.  Of  the  negotiation 
which  resulted  in  the  selection  of  Burr  various  accounts  have 
been  given.  The  probable  version  is  that  George  Clinton  de 
sired  the  nomination,  and  that  his  family  and  friends  demanded 
it  for  him  ;  but  that  the  Burrites,  urging  the  palpable  fact, 
that  to  Burr,  and  Burr  alone,  the  democratic  victory  was 
due,  claimed  it  strenuously  for  their  chief.  In  '96,  they 
might  have  urged,  he  had  received  thirty  electoral  votes;  and 
as  the  party  used  his  name  when  success  was  scarcely  hoped 
for  by  the  most  sanguine,  it  was  but  fair  that  it  should  be 
taken  up  when  success  was  nearly  certain.  Burr  was  norai- 


260  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

nated.  Clinton  was  soon  after  elected  once  more  to  the  gov 
ernorship  of  the  State. 

Hamilton  was  dreadfully  embittered  against  Burr  by  the 
events  of  this  summer.  The  rage  of  his  "  faction,"  says  John 
Adams,  "  appeared  to  me  then,  and  has  ever  since  appeared, 
an  absolute  delirium."  In  August,  we  find  Hamilton  writing 
to  his  friend  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  in  the  following  strain  upon 
the  prospects  of  the  campaign  : 

"  There  seems  to  be,"  said  he,  "  too  much  probability  that 
Jefferson  or  Burr  will  be  President.  The  latter  is  intriguing 
with  all  his  might  in  New  Jersey,  Rhode  Island,  and  Ver 
mont  ;  and  there  is  a  possibility  of  some  success  in  his  in 
trigues.  He  counts  positively  on  the  universal  support  of  the 
anti-Federalists ;  and  that  by  some  adventitious  aid  from  other 
quarters,  lie  will  overtop  his  friend  Jefferson.  Admitting  the 
first  point,  the  conclusion  may  be  realized,  and,  if  it  is  so,  Burr 
will  certainly  attempt  to  reform  the  government  a  la  Buona 
parte.  He  is  as  unprincipled  and  dangerous  a  man  as  any 
country  can  boast — as  true  a  Catiline  as  ever  met  in  midnight 
conclave." 

Hamilton's  assertions  respecting  the  movements  and  char 
acter  of  his  opponents,  are  absolutely  worthless  as  evidence. 
They  show  nothing  but  the  liveliness  of  his  imagination,  the 
intensity  of  his  feelings,  and  the  smallness  of  his  information. 
The  passage  quoted  is  about  as  credible  as  a  story  published 
in  the  Boston  Independent  Chronicle,  in  the  summer  of  1800, 
to  the  effect,  that  General  Hamilton  had  been  heard  to  say 
that  "if  Mr.  Pinckney  was  not  elected  President,  a  revolution 
would  be  the  consequence,  and  that,  within  the  next  four 
years,  he  should  lose  his  head,  or  be  the  leader  of  a  triumph 
ant  army."  I  do  not  say  that  what  Hamilton  says  of  Burr  was 
certainly  not  true,  but  that  it  is  not  to  be  believed  because 
Hamilton  says  it. 

Other  leadin^  Federalists  had  no  such  horror  of  our  dexter- 

O 

ous  hero.  Some,  despairing  of  their  own  candidates,  even  en 
tertained  the  thought  of  giving  him  votes  enough  to  elect  him 
President  over  Jefferson.  Senator  Cabot,  of  Massachusetts, 
wrote  to  Hamilton  upon  this  project,  in  the  month  of  August : 


THE     ELECTION     OF     1800.  261 

"  The  question  has  been  asked,"  said  Cabot,  "  whether,  if  the 
Federalists  can  not  carry  their  first  points,  they  would  not  do 
well  to  turn  the  election  from  Jefferson  to  Burr.  They  conceive 
Burr  to  be  less  likely  to  look  to  France  for  support,  than  Jef 
ferson,  provided  he  could  be  supported  at  home.  They  con 
sider  Burr  as  actuated  by  ordinary  ambition,  Jefferson  by  that 
and  the  pride  of  the  Jacobinical  philosophy.  The  former  may 
be  satisfied  by  power  and  property,  the  latter  must  see  the 
roots  of  our  society  pulled  up,  and  a  new  course  of  cultiva 
tion  substituted ;  certainly  it  would  have  been  fortunate  for 
the  United  States  if  the  second  candidate  on  the  Jacobin 
side  had  been  one  who  might  be  safely  trusted." 

The  venerable  Carroll,  of  Carrollton,  would  have  preferred 
Burr,  as  he  supposed  Burr  would  "  act  with  more  decision 
than  Jefferson,  and  go  better  with  his  party."  With  either, 
however,  the  old  gentleman  thought  the  country  on  the  road 
to  ruin  ;  Jacobinical  chaos  or  Bonapartean  usurpation  was  sure 
to  overtake  the  doomed  republic,  sooner  or  later.  Among 
the  ultra  Federalists  this  opinion  was  universal. 

About  the  middle  of  December,  the  leaders  of  both  parties 
knew  how  the  election  had  gone.  The  result  struck  both 
sides  with  disappointment :  Jefferson,  73  ;  Burr,  73 ;  Adams, 
65  ;  Pinckney,  G4  ;  Jay,  1. 

Such  was  the  doubtful  issue  of  so  many  years  of  labor,  of 
so  much  honorable  effort,  and  so  much  not-very-honorable 
maneuvering.  The  tie,  of  course,  threw  the  election  into  the 
House  of  Representatives.  The  politicians,  instead  of  resting 
from  their  toils,  were  suddenly  stimulated  to  such  an  activity 
of  intrigue  as  never  was  known  before.  The  country  was 
wild  with  excitement.  Aaron  Burr  soared  at  once  into  a  po 
sition  of  national  importance  such  as  he  had  never  before 
held. 


V 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

THE   TIE    INTRIGUES. 

THE  WORKS  OF  WASHINGTON,  JEFFERSON,  ADAMS  AND  HAMILTON  —  LETTER  FKOM  BUKF. 
TO  WILKINSON  —  LETTER  FROM  JEFFERSON  TO  BURR  — LETTER  FROM  BURR  TO  HON.  S. 
SMITH  APPOINTING  HIM  HIS  PROXY  —  LETTER  FROM  HAMILTON  TO  SECRETARY  WOLCOTT 
DENOUNCING  BURR  —  TlIE  FEDERALISTS  BENT  ON  ELECTING  BlIRR  PRESIDENT — LETTER 
FROM  OTIS  TO  HAMILTON  ASKING  ADVICE  RESPECTING  THE  PROJECT  —  SECOND  LETTER 
FROM  HAMILTON  TO  WOLCOTT  AGAINST  BURR  —  LETTER  FROM  JEFFERSON  TO  MADISON 
DENOUNCING  THE  FEDERAL  INTRIGUES — HONEST  LETTER  FROM  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS — 
LETTER  FROM  HAMILTON  TO  SEDGWICK,  DENOUNCING  BURR  —  LETTERS  FROM  HAMILTON 
TO  MORRIS  AND  BAYARD  AGAINST  BURR  —  EEPLIES  OF  MORRIS  AND  BAYARD  TO  HAM 
ILTON —  LETTER  FROM  GENERAL  GREEN  TO  HAMILTON  —  LETTER  OF  GOVERNOR  RUT- 
LEDGE  TO  HAMILTON  —  SEDGWICK'S  REPLY  TO  HAMILTON  —  LONG  LETTER  OF  HAMILTON 
TO  BAYARD  —  HAMILTON  TO  MORRIS  AGAIN  —  THE  ELECTION  IN  THE  HOUSE  —  SCENE 
BETWEEN  JEFFERSON  AND  ADAMS  — PROOF  OF  BURR'S  POLITICAL  INTEGRITY  —  THE 
INAUGURATION. 

WHAT  occurred  among  the  politicians  from  the  middle 
of  December,  when  the  tie  was  first  known,  to  the  middle 
of  February,  when  the  House  voted  upon  it,  shall  be,  as  far 
as  possible,  shown,  not  told.  The  publications  of  the  last  few 
years  enable  us  to  read  the  history  of  that  time  in  the  very 
words  of  its  leading  personages. 

Among  the  volumes  which  "  no  gentleman's  library  is  com 
plete  without,"  and  which,  in  most  gentlemen's  libraries,  slum 
ber  on  the  shelves  with  uncut  leaves,  are  the  forty  ponderous 
octavoes,  containing  the  works  of  George  Washington,  Thomas 
Jefferson,  John  Adams,  and  Alexander  Hamilton.  That  these 
volumes  should  be  so  utterly  neglected  as  they  are  is  not 
creditable  to  the  national  intelligence.  In  the  Mercantile 
Library  of  the  city  of  New  York,  which  counts  its  subscribers 
by  thousands,  the  condition  in  which  these  books  were  found 
by  me,  two  or  three  years  ago,  was  as  follows :  the  first  vol 
ume  of  each  set  showed  marks  of  having  been  taken  out  and 
looked  through,  two  or  three  times.  The  second  volume  had 
evidently  been  handled  by  some  one  adventurous  person,  and 


THE     TIE     INTRIGUES.  263 

about  half  of  its  leaves  were  cut.  Beyond  the  second  volume, 
no  traces  of  the  hand  of  man  were  discovered  ;  a  boundless 
continuity  of  virgin  pages  gave  the  reader  a  pleasing  con 
sciousness  that  he  was  the  explorer  of  untrodden  regions. 
Yet  it  is  by  the  perusal  of  these  works,  aided  by  the  memoirs 
of  the  time,  that  alone  a  knowledge  of  the  country's  history, 
during  the  period  in  which  alone  it  had  a  history,  can  be  ob 
tained.  Along  with  much  that  the  modern  reader  may  skip, 
with  many  essays  upon  government  that  once  were  vital  and 
glowing,  but  can  not  now  be  read  by  any  mortal,  these  works 
contain  a  mass  of  reading,  instructive,  interesting,  and  suggest 
ive. 

The  letters  and  diaries  are  the  best  part  of  them.  These 
are  full  of  life  and  nature.  Some  of  them  are  eloquent  and 
impressive,  the  offspring  of  vigorous  minds,  wrought  up  to 
their  highest  strain  by  having  to  grapple  with  distractingly  dif 
ficult  circumstances.  The  letters  correct  one  another.  None 
of  the  writers,  except  Washington  could  make  due  allowance 
for  one  another's  errors  and  foibles,  and  they  often  speak  of 
political  adversaries  in  terms  of  bitter  depreciation.  Hamilton 
is  especially  vituperative.  He  had  the  fine,  declamatory  tal 
ent  which  is  often  possessed  by  men  of  ardent  feelings  and 
limited  understandings  ;  and  he  used  that  talent  in  denouncing 
his  opponents. 

In  this  chapter,  I  propose  to  extract  such  passages  of  the 
letters  written  by  leading  politicians  during  the  sixty  days 
of  the  Tie  excitement,  which  throw  light  upon  the  character 
and  history  of  Aaron  Burr,  or  upon  the  complicated  events  in 
which  he  now  played  a  passive  but  conspicuous  part,  or  upon 
the  state  of  things  in  the  country  at  this  great  crisis  of  the 
contention  between  the  Old  and  the  New.  By  thus  bringing 
to  a  focus  many  scattered  rays,  the  TRUTH,  so  long  obscured, 
will,  I  trust,  become  visible  to  all  but  unwilling  eyes.  The 
extracts  shall  be  arranged  in  the  order  of  their  dates.  It 
may  be  as  well  to  mention  that,  during  the  greater  part  of 
these  sixty  days,  Hamilton  was  in  New  York,  Jefferson  at 
Washington,  and  Burr  at  Albany.  Colonel  Burr,  it  may  be 
remembered,  was  a  member  of  the  State  legislature.  So  far 


264  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUER. 

from  being  "shrouded  in  mystery"  at  Albany,  as  two  historians 
have  it,  he  was  there  for  the  simple  purpose  of  performing  his 
duty  in  the  Assembly,  of  which  body  he  was  always  a  busy 
member. 

Another  fact  should  he  borne  in  mind.  Up  to  this  time,  and 
ffor  years  after,  Hamilton  and  Burr  were,  to  all  appearance, 
Excellent  friends.  They  consulted  together  on  points  of  law. 
fThey  met  at  the  houses  of  common  friends.  Hamilton  dined 
at  Burr's  table  occasionally,  and  Burr  at  Hamilton's.  The 
lovely  Theodosia  visited  Mrs.  Hamilton  and  her  daughters. 
Many  gentlemen  who  knew  both  Hamilton  and  Burr,  and 
knew  them,  as  they  supposed,  intimately,  had  no  knowledge 
of  Hamilton's  embittered  feelings  against  Burr.  Burr  him 
self  had  not.  With  all  his  acuteness  and  dexterity  he  was 
remarkably  confiding ;  and  though  he  was  aware  of  Hamil 
ton's  intense  partisan  feelings,  he  did  not,  at  this  time,  know 
the  manner  in  which  his  rival  was  accustomed  to  write  and 
speak  of  him.  Far  indeed  was  he  from  supposing  Hamilton 
capable  of  using  against  him  the  careless  words  that  fell  from 
his  lips  at  his  own  hospitable  table !  But  to  proceed. 

October  10^,  1800.  First  I  will  copy  entire  a  letter*  writ 
ten  by  Burr  to  General  Wilkinson,  after  the  democratic  vic 
tory  was  known,  but  before  the  tie  had  been  announced.  It 
may  serve  as  a  specimen  of  his  cautious  manner  of  writing  to 
confidential  friends.  It  was  written  at  Ballston,  in  the  State 
of  New  York: 

"That  through  Biddle,  and  the  other  of  the  29th,  came  safe 
to  me  at  Albany  yesterday,  P.M.,  just  as  I  was  mounting  my 
horse  to  ride  hither  for  my  daughter,  who  has  been  passing  a 
few  days  with  a  friend  in  this  neighborhood,  while  I  was  at 
tending  on  public  duties  at  Albany.  Having  made  electors, 
and  a  Senator,  all  democratic,  the  legislature  adjourned,  to 
meet  on  the  last  Tuesday  in  January,  when  I  shall  be  again  in 
Albany.  To-morrow  I  move  toward  New  York  ;  and  shall 
remain  there  for  at  least  two  months.  From  all  this  you  will 

*  This  letter  is  from  the  Appendix  to  the  second  volume  of  Wilkinson's 
"  Memoirs." 


THE     TIE     INTKIGUES.  265 

know  how  to  address  me  ;  and  as  to  the  mode  of  conveyance, 
I  take  the  mail  to  be  the  most  secure.  Our  post-offices  in 
New  York  and  in  Albany  are  perfectly  safe.  If  yours  in 
Washington,  or  where  else  you  may  be,  should  be  safe,  you  may 
write  fully.  My  curiosity  as  to  S.,  is  indeed  gratified,  even  to 
satiety.  I  wish  her  well,  and  something  more.  I  regret  the 
book  for  the  injury  it  will  do  (has  done)  to  the  reputation  of 
one  honest  man,  and  the  feelings  of  another.  John's  pride 
will  be  much  wounded.  In  Jersey,  I  suspect,  Adams  will  not 
have  a  vote.  Among  the  electors  I  see  some  pf  his  known 
political  enemies,  not  Democrats,  but  high-going  Feds.  "Vir 
ginia  is  pledged  as  far  forth  as  faith  and  honor  can  bind  men. 
You  must  be  deceived  as  to  S.  C.  When  I  receive  your 
cypher  and  your  address,  you  shall  hear  from  me.  Till  then, 

"Adieu.  A.  BUKR," 

"  Noah  Webster,  the  printer,  has,  I  am  told,  published  a 
letter  against  A.  II.  I  have  not  seen  it." 

December  15^/i,  1800.  —  Jefferson,  who  had  been  for  four  or 
five  years,  a  correspondent  of  BUST'S,  writes  him  to-day  a  con 
gratulatory  letter  upon  the  happy  result  of  the  election.  The 
exact  result  was  not  yet  known ;  but  there  wras  no  doubt 
the  Republicans  had  triumphed.  The  tie  was  dimly  fore 
shadowed.  After  some  preliminary  observations  of  no  import 
ance  now,  Mr.  Jefferson  proceeds  thus : 

"  It  was  badly  managed  not  to  have  arranged  with  certainty 
what  seems  to  have  been  left  to  hazard.  It  was  the  more  ma 
terial,  because  I  understand  several  high-flying  Federalists 
have  expressed  their  hope  that  the  two  Republican  tickets 
may  be  equal,  and  their  determination  in  that  case  to  prevent 
a  choice  in  the  House  of  Representatives  (which  the)  are 
strong  enough  to  do),  and  let  the  government  devolve  on  a 
President  of  the  Senate.  Decency  required  that  I  shoulcMbe 
so  entirely  passive  during  the  late  contest,  that  I  never  once 
asked  whether  arrangements  had  been  made  to  prevent  so 
many  from  dropping  votes  intentionally  as  might  frustrate 
half  the  Republican  wish ;  nor  did  I  doubt,  till  lately,  that 
such  had  been  made. 

12 


260  T.  1  F  K      OF     A  A  R  O  N      15  U  R  R. 

"  While  I  must  congratulate  you,  my  dear  sir,  on  the  issue 
of  this  contest,  because  it  is  more  honorable,  and,  doubtless, 
more  grateful  to  you  than  any  station  within  the  competence 
of  the  chief  magistrate  ;  yet,  for  myself,  and  for  the  substan 
tial  service  of  the  public,  I  feel  most  sensibly  the  loss  we  sus 
tain  of  your  aid  in  our  new  administration.  It  leaves  a  chasm 
in  my  arrangements  which  can  not  be  adequately  filled  up.  I 
had  endeavored  to  compose  an  administration  whose  talents, 
integrity,  names,  and  dispositions  should  at  once  inspire  un 
bounded  confidence  in  the  public  mind,  and  insure  a  perfect 
harmony  in  the  conduct  of  the  public  business.  I  lose  you 
from  the  list,  and  am  not  sure  of  all  the  others.  Should  the 
gentlemen  who  possess  the  public  confidence  decline  taking  a 
part  in  their  affairs,  and  force  us  to  take  persons  unknown  to 
the  people,  the  evil  genius  of  this  country  may  realize  his 
avowal  that  '  he  will  beat  down  the  administration.'  The  re 
turn  of  Mr.  Van  Benthuysen,  one  of  your  electors,  furnishes 
me  a  confidential  opportunity  of  writing  this  much  to  you, 
which  I  should  not  have  ventured  through  the  post-office  at 
this  prying  season.  We  shall,  of  course,  see  you  before  the 
4th  of  March." 

The  "  evil  genius  of  this  country,"  according  to  Mr.  Jeffer 
son,  was  Alexander  Hamilton,  and,  doubtless,  he  was  the  indi 
vidual  referred  to  in  this  epistle.  At  a  later  and  calmer  day, 
Jefferson  was  j aster  to  Hamilton. 

December  IQth.  —  One  day  after  the  above  was  written,  and 
three  or  four  days  before  it  could  have  reached  its  destina 
tion,  Colonel  Burr  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr.  S.  Smith,  a  member 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  from  Maryland,  the  material 
part  of  which  was  the  following : 

"  It  is  highly  probable  that  I  shall  have  an  equal  number  of 
votes  with  Mr.  Jefferson  ;  but,  if  such  should  be  the  result, 
/  every  man  who  knows  me  ought  to  know  that  I  would  utterly 
'    disclaim  all  competition.     Be  assured  that  the  Federal  party 
can  entertain  no  wish  for  such  an  exchange.    As  to  my  friends, 
they  would  dishonor  my  views  and  insult  my  feelings  by  a  sus 
picion  that  I  would  submit  to  be  instrumental  "in  counteracting 


THE     TIK     INTRIGUES.  267 

the  wishes  and  the  expectations  of  the  United  States.  And  I 
now  constitute  you  my  proxy  to  declare  these  sentiments  if 
the  occasion  should  require." 

As  this  letter  came,  afterward,  to  be  thought  insincere,  it  is 
proper  to  mention  that,  at  the  time,  it  was  highly  applauded 
by  the  Republicans.  At  public  dinners  and  other  meetings,  it 
was  quoted  as  a  proof  of  Burr's  respect  for  the  will  of  the  peo 
ple.  He  also  received  addresses  and  letters,  applauding  it. 

December  IGth.  —  Hamilton,  too,  writes  a  letter  to-day. 
Wolcott,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  Washington  and 
Adams,  and  a  '  high-flying  Federalist,'  was  the  individual  ad 
dressed.  This  letter  contains  a  passage  relative  to  Burr  and 
the  tie,  that  breathes  the  very  spirit  of  meanness.  After  stat 
ing,  among  other  things,  that  Burr  was  "  bankrupt  beyond 
redemption,  except  by  the  plunder  of  his  country,"  which  was 
at  least  an  exaggeration,  he  opposes  the  Federal  project  of  sup 
porting  Burr,  and  adds  the  following  despicable  words : 

"  Yet  it  may  be  well  enough  to  throw  out  a  lure  for  him,  in 
order  to  tempt  him  to  start  for  the  plate,  and  then  lay  the  foun 
dation  of  disunion  between  the  two  chiefs." 

December  17 th.  —  But,  among  the  Federalists,  there  had 
sprung  up  a  perfect  furore  for  electing  Burr  over  Jefferson  — 
so  abhorrent  to  them  was  the  prospect  of  seeing  the  arch- 
Democrat  in  the  presidential  chair.  To-day,  Mr.  Otis,  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  writes  to  Hamilton,  the  "father-confessor"  of  the 
Federal  party,  to  ask  his  opinion  how  the  Federalists  could 
best  improve  the  accident  of  the  tie.  "  It  is  palpable,"  wrote 
Mr.  Otis,  "  that  to  elect  Burr  would  be  to  cover  the  opposi 
tion  with  chagrin,  and  to  sow  among  them  the  seeds  of  a  mor 
bid  division."  Shall  we,  he  continues,  open  negotiations  with 
Burr  ?  If  yes,  how  ?  Will  he  stand  to  his  engagements  ? 
We  in  Massachusetts  do  not  know  the  man.  You  do.  Ad 
vise  us. 

December  IltJi.  —  On  the  same  day,  Hamilton  writes  a  sec 
ond  letter  to  Wolcott,  rebuking  vehemently  the  proposal  to 


268  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

elect  Burr  President  by  Federal  votes.  If  the  Federal  party, 
he  says,  succeeds  in  electing  Burr,  "  it  will  have  done  nothing 
more  nor  less  than  place  in  that  station  a  man  who  will  possess 
the  boldness  and  daring  necessary  to  give  success  to  the  Ja 
cobin  system,  instead  of  one  who,  for  want  of  that  quality,  will 
be  less  fitted  to  promote  it. 

"  Let  it  not  be  imagined  that  Mr.  Burr  can  be  won  to  the 
Federal  views.  It  is  a  vain  hope.  Stronger  ties  and  stronger 
inducements  than  they  can  offer,  will  impel  him  in  a  different 
direction.  His  ambition  will  not  be  content  with  those  ob 
jects  which  virtuous  men  of  either  party  will  allot  to  it,  and 
his  situation  and  his  habits  will  oblige  him  to  have  recourse  to 
corrupt  expedients,  from  which  he  will  be  restrained  by  no 
moral  scruple.  To  accomplish  his  end,  he  must  lean  upon 
unprincipled  men,  and  will  continue  to  adhere  to  the  myrmi 
dons  who  have  hitherto  surrounded  him.  To  those  he  will,  no 
doubt,  add  able  rogues  of  the  Federal  party,  but  he  will  em 
ploy  the  rogues  of  all  parties  to  overrule  the  good  men  of  all 
parties,  and  to  prosecute  projects  which  wise  men  of  every  de 
scription  will  disapprove. 

"  These  things  are  to  be  inferred,  with  moral  certainty, 
from  the  character  of  the  man.  Every  step  in  his  career 
proves  tjiat  he  has  formed  himself  upon  the  model  of  Catiline, 
and  that  he  is  too  cold-blooded,  and  too  determined  a  conspir 
ator  ever  to  change  his  plan. 

"  What  would  you  think  of  these  toasts  and  this  conversa 
tion,  at  his  table  within  the  last  three  or  four  weeks  ?  1st.  The 
French  Republic ;  2d.  The  Commissioners  on  both  sides  who 
instigated  the  Convention  (between  France  and  the  United 
States) ;  3d.  Bonaparte ;  4th.  La  Fayette. 

"  What  would  you  think  of  his  having  seconded  the  posi 
tions  that  it  was  the  interest  of  this  country  to  allow  the  belli 
gerent  powers  to  bring  in  and  sell  their  prizes,  and  build  and 
equip  ships  in  our  ports  ?  Can  it  be  doubted  that  a  man  who 
has,  all  his  life,  speculated  upon  the  popular  prejudices,  will 
consult  them  in  the  object  of  a  war,  when  he  thinks  it  is  expe 
dient  to  make  one  ?  Can  a  man  who,  despising  democracy, 
has  chimed  in  with  all  its  absurdities,  be  diverted  from  the 


THE     TIE     TNTTCIOUE8.  269 

plan  of  ambition  which  must  have  directed  his  course  ?  They 
who  suppose  it  must  understand  little  of  human  nature.  *  *  * 
Alas !  when  will  men  consult  their  reason  rather  than  their 
passions  ?  Whatever  they  may  imagine,  the  desire  of  morti 
fying  the  adverse  party  must  be  the  chief  spring  of  the  dispo 
sition  to  prefer  Mr.  Burr.  *  *  *  Adieu  to  the  Federal 
Troy  if  they  once  introduce  this  Grecian  horse  into  their  cit 
adel  !» 

Hamilton's  horror  of  Burr's  innocent  and  characteristic 
toasts  (which,  in  another  letter,  he  says  he  himself  heard  Burr 
give  at  Burr's  own  table),  strikes  the  modern  reader  with  sur 
prise.  The  toasts  were  simply  those  of  the  ultra  Democrats. 
They  were  strictly  party  toasts.  Bonaparte  had,  indeed, 
usurped  the  government;,  but  the  French  Republic  still  lived 
in  name,  and  the  American  Republicans  could  toast  the  First 
Consul  as  "  the  armed  soldier  of  democracy,"  and  the  great 
enemy  of  their  great  enemy,  England.  Burr,  as  a  military 
man,  could  not  but  admire  the  greatest  of  soldiers.  That 
Hamilton  should  have  held  up  as  monstrous  such  toasts  as 
these,  shows,  something  of  the  humor  and  the  caliber  of  the 
man,  and  of  his  party.  It  shows  that,  at  that  day,  the  ultra 
Federalists  looked  upon  democratic  opinions,  as  common-place 
clergymen  regard  heretical  opinions,  not  merely  as  an  errone 
ous  way  of  thinking,  but  as  a  flagrant  moral  often se.  A 
significance  was  then  attached  to  toasts  of  which,  in  these 
unconvivial  times,  we  can  form  little  idea.  Toasts  were 
among  the  missive  weapons  of  party  warfare.  By  toasts, 
the  sentiments  of  party  were  expressed,  and  the  measures  of 
party  foreshadowed. 

December  19th.  —  Jefferson  writes  to  his  friend  Madison,  an 
nouncing  and  deploring  the  tie  ;  which,  he  says,  "has  produced 
great  dismay  and  gloom  on  the  Republican  gentlemen  here 
(Washington),  and  exultation  in  the  Federalists,  who  openly 
declare  they  will  prevent  an  election,  and  will  name  a  Presi 
dent  of  the  Senate  pro  tern,  by  what,  they  say,  would  only  be 
a  stretch  of  the  Constitution." 


270  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURR. 

December  19th.  —  To-day  was  written  the  only  honest,  and, 
therefore,  the  only  sensible  letter,  which  was  written  by  a 
Federafet  during  the  Tie  controversy.  The  writer  was 
GOUVENEUR  MORRIS,  a  name  ever  to  be  held  in  respect  from 
his  having  penned  this  epistle.  The  letter  appears  to  have 
been  written  at  Washington  or  Philadelphia.  After  mention 
ing  the  tie,  and  saying  that  there  was  a  likelihood  of  the 
Federalists  taking  up  Burr,  but  that  some  proposed  prevent 
ing  an  election  altogether,  and  putting  the  government  upon 
a  President  of  the  Senate,  Mr.  Morris  proceeded  thus : 

"  Not  meaning  to  enter  into  intrigues,  I  have  merely  ex 
pressed  the  opinion,  that,  SINCE  IT  WAS  EVIDENTLY  THE  INTEN 
TION  OF  OUR  FELLOW-CITIZENS  TO  MAKE  MR.  JEFFERSON  THEIR 

PRESIDENT,  IT  SEEMS  PROPER  TO  FULFIL  THAT  INTENTION. 

"  The  answer  is  simple,  and,  on  mere  reasoning,  conclusive, 
but  it  is  conclusive  only  to  unimpassioned  sentiment.  Let 
the  representatives  do  what '  they  may,  they  will  not  want 
arguments  to  justify  them,  and  the  situation  of  our  country 
(doomed  perhaps  to  sustain,  unsupported,  a  war  against 
France  or  England)  seems,  indeed,  to  call  for  a  vigorous, 
practical  man.  Mr.  Burr  will,  it  is  said,  come  hither,  and 
some  who  pretend  to  know  his  views  think  he  will  bargain 
with  the  Federalists.  Of  such  a  bargain  I  shall  know  noth 
ing,  and  have  declared  my  determination  to  support  the  con 
stitutionally  appointed  administration,  so  long  as  its  acts  shall 
not,  in  my  judgment,  be  essentially  wrong.  My  personal  line 
of  conduct  gives  me  no  difficulty,  but  I  am  not  without  se 
rious  apprehension  for  the  future  state  of  things. 

"  The  anti-Federal  party  is,  beyond  question,  the  most  nu 
merous  at  present,  and  should  they  be  disappointed  in  their 
expectations  as  to  the  President,  they  will  generally,  I  believe, 
oppose  the  government  with  embittered  rancor.  The  best 
Federalists  will,  I  apprehend,  support  but  feebly  a  man  whom 
(unjustly,  perhaps)  they  consider  as  void  of  principle  ;  and  a 
government  whose  force  lies  in  public  opinion,  will,  under  such 
circumstances,  be  critically  situated." 

In  all  Hamilton's  correspondence  on  this  subject,,  not  one 
allusion  can  be  found  to  the  only  right  reason  for  prefei  ring 


UK     TIE     INTRIGUES.  1'  7 1 

Jefferson,  which  is  so  well  stated  by  Gouveneur  Morris  in  the 
above  letter. 

December  22d. —  Hamilton  writes  to  Theodore  Sedgwick  of 
Connecticut,  formerly  a  friend  and  correspondent  of  Burr's. 
To  Sedgwick  he  says,  that  "  the  appointment  of  Burr  as  Pres 
ident  will  disgrace  our  country  abroad.  No  agreement  with 
him  could  be  relied  upon."  And  more  to  the  same  effect. 
x. 

December  24th. — Hamilton  replies  to  Morris,  briefly  repeat 
ing  his  denunciations  of  Burr. 

December  2Qth. —  A  similar  letter  from  Hamilton  to  Morris, 
in  which  he  "  trusts  the  Federalists  will  not  be  so  mad  as  to 
vote  for  Burr."  "  If,"  he  adds,  "  there  be  a  man  in  the  world 
I  ought  to  hate,  it  is  Jefferson.  With  JBurr  I  have  always 
been  person  ally  well.  But  the  public  good  must  be  paramount 
to  every  private  consideration." 

December  21th.  —  To-day,  Hamilton  writes  a  long  and  very 
earnest  letter  to  Mr.  Bayard  of  Delaware,  a  member  of  the 
House,  who  carried  the  vote  of  his  State  in  his  pocket.  He 
denounces  his  friend  Burr,  as  "a  voluptuary  by  system,"  and 
adds  the  following : 

CiXo  engagement  that  can  be  made  with  him  can  be  de 
pended  upon  ;  while  making  it,  he  will  laugh  in  his  sleeve  at 
the  credulity  of  those  with  whom  he  makes  it ;  and  the  first 
moment  it  suits  his  views  to  break  it,  he  will  do  so.  Let  me 
add,  that  I  could  scarcely  name  a  discreet  man  of  either  party 
in  our  State  who  does  not  think  Mr.  Burr  the  most  unfit  man 
in  the  United  States  for  the  office  of  President.  Disgrace 
abroad,  ruin  at  home,  are  the  probable  fruits  of  his  elevation. 
To  contribute  to  the  disappointment  and  mortification  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  would  be,  on  my  part,  only  to  retaliate  for  unequiv 
ocal  proofs  of  enmity  ;  but  in  a  case  like  this,  it  would  be  base 
to  listen  to  personal  considerations." 

In  this  letter  Hamilton  repeats  the  toasts,  before  quoted, 
which  he  had  heard  from  Burr's  lips,  when,  as  he  now  says, 


272  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

"  I  dined  with  him  lately."  He  adds :  "  The  peculiarity  of 
the  occasion  will  excuse  my  mentioning,  in  confidence,  the 
occurrences  of  a  private  table." 

January  5th,  1 801.  —  Gouveneur  Morris  replies  to  Hamilton. 
In  the  course  of  his  letter,  he  says :  "  Some,  indeed  most,  of 
our  eastern  friends,  are  warm  in  support  of  Burr,  and  their 
pride  is  so  much  up  about  the  charge  of  influence  that  it  is 
dangerous  to  quote  an  opinion."  He  adds  that  the  excitement 
among  the  politicians  is  fearful,  and  his  own  position  of  calm 
spectator  difficult  to  support.  "  You  who  are  temperate  in 
drinking,"  he  observes,  "  have  never,  perhaps,  noticed  the 
awkward  situation  of  a  man  who  continues  sober  after  the 
company  are  drunk." 

January  1th.  —  We  are  now  getting  into  the  interior  circles. 
To-day  Bayard,  who  held  the  power  to  decide  the  question  by 
his  single  vote,  replies  to  Hamilton  at  length,  and  with  great 
apparent  candor.  He  acknowledges  Hamilton's  letter,  and 
thanks  him  for  it ;  mentions  Burr's  letter  to  Mr.  Smith,  of 
Maryland,  declining  to  frustrate  the  people's  intention  ;  and 
then  proceeds  thus : 

"  It  (Burr's  letter  to  Smith)  is  here  (Washington)  under 
stood  to  have  proceeded  either  from  a  false  calculation  as  to 
the  result  of  the  electoral  votes,  or  was  intended  as  a  covf  r  to 
blind  his  own  party.  By  persons  friendly  to  Mr.  Burr,  it  is 
distinctly  stated  that  he  is  willing  to  consider  the  Federalists 
as  his  friends,  and  to  accept  the  office  of  President  as  their 
gift.  I  take  it  for  granted  that  Mr.  Burr  would  not  only 
gladly  accept  the  office,  but  will  neglect  no  means  in  his 
power  to  secure  it."  He  then  calculates  his  chances,  and 
adds : 

"  I  assure  you,  sir,  there  appears  to  be  a  strong  inclination 
in  a  majority  of  the  Federal  party  to  support  Mr.  Burr.  The 
current  has  already  acquired  considerable  force,  and  manifestly 
increasing.  The  vote  which  the  representation  of  a  State  en 
ables  me  to  give  would  decide  the  question  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Jefferson.  At  present  I  am  by  no  means  decided  as  to  "the 


THE     TIE     INTRIGUES.  273 

object  of  preference.  If  the  Federal  party  should  take  up  Mr. 
Burr,  I  ought  certainly  to  be  impressed  with  the  most  un- 
doubting  conviction  before  I  separated  myself  from  them. 
"With  respect  to  the  personal  quality  of  the  competitors,  I 
should  fear  as  much  from  the  sincerity  of  Mr.  Jefferson  (if  he 
is  sincere),  as  from  the  want  of  probity  in  Mr.  Burr.  There 
would  be  really  cause  to  fear  that  the  government  would  not 
survive  the  course  of  moral  and  political  experiments  to  which 
it  would  be  subjected  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  But 
there  is  another  view  of  the  subject  which  gives  me  inclination 
in  favor  of  Burr.  I  consider  the  State  ambition  of  Virginia 
as  the  source  of  present  party.  The  faction  who  govern  that 
State  aim  to  govern  the  United  States.  Virginia  will  never 
be  satisfied  but  when  this  state  of  things  exists.  If  Burr  should 
be  the  President,  they  wrill  not  govern,  and  his  acceptance  of 
the  office,  which  would  disappoint  their  views,  which  depend 
upon  Jefferson,  would,  I  apprehend,  immediately  create  a  schism 
in  the  party,  which  would  soon  rise  into  open  opposition. 

"I  can  not  deny,  however,  that  there  are  strong  consid 
erations  which  give  a  preference  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  The  sub 
ject  admits  of  many  doubtful  views,  and  before  I  resolve  on 
the  part  I  shall  take,  I  shall  wait  the  approach  of  the  crisis, 
which  may  probably  bring  with  it  circumstances  decisive  of 
the  event.  The  Federal  party  meets  on  Friday,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  forming  a  resolution  as  to  their  line  of  conduct.  I 
have  not  the  least  doubt  as  to  their  agreeing  to  support  Burr. 
Their  determination  will  not  bind  me,  for  though  it  might  cost 
me  a  painful  struggle  to  disappoint  the  views  and  wishes  of 
many  gentlemen  with  whom  I  have  been  accustomed  to  act, 
yet  the  magnitude  of  the  subject  forbids  the  sacrifice  of  a 
strong  conviction.  -i 

"  I  can  not  answer  for  the  coherence  of  my  letter,  as  I  have 
undertaken  to  write  to  you  from  the  Chamber  of  Representa 
tives,  with  an  attention  divided  by  the  debate  which  occupies 
the  House. 

"  I  have  not  considered  myself  at  liberty  to  show  your  let 
ter  to  any  one,  though  I  think  it  would  be  serviceable  if  you 
could  trust  my  discretion  in  the  communication  of  it." 

12* 


274  LIFE     OF     A  AH  ON     BUKK. 

January  9th.  —  General  Gunn,  a  leading  Federalist  of  Geor 
gia,  acknowledges  to-day  a  letter  from  Hamilton  on  the  en 
grossing  topic,  and  adds  some  interesting  statements.  He 
writes  from  Washington : 

"On  the  subject  of  choosing  a  President,  some  revolution 
ary  opinions  are  gaining  ground,  and  the  Jacobins  are  deter 
mined  to  resist  the  election  of  Burr  at  every  hazard — most 
of  the  Jacobin  members  will  be  instructed  not  to  vote  for 
Colonel  Burr.  I  have  seen  a  letter  from  Mr.  Madison  to  one 
of  the  Virginia  representatives,  in  which  he  says,  that,  in  the 
event  of  the  present  House  of  Representatives  not  choosing 
Mr.  Jefferson  President,  that  the  next  House  of  Representa 
tives  will  have  a  right  to  choose  one  of  the  two  having  the 
highest  number  of  votes,  and  that  the  nature  of  the  case, 
aided  with  the  support  of  the  great  body  of  the  people,  will 
justify  Jefferson  and  Burr  jointly  to  call  together  the  mem 
bers  of  the  next  House  of  Representatives,  previous  to  the 
3d  of  December  next,  for  the  express  purpose  of  choosing  a 
President,  and  that  he  is  confident  they  will  make  a  proper 
choice."  In  other  parts  of  his  letter,  he  speaks  of  America  be 
ing  degraded  by  the  attempt  to  elect  Burr  President.  "  What 
say  you,  my  friend  ?  the  little  Virginian  must  have  been  a  lit 
tle  ferocious  at  the  time  he  wrote  to  his  friend.  I  am  confi 
dent  the  present  House  will  not  elect  Colonel  Bun-,  and  am 
persuaded  the  Democrats  have  taken  their  ground  with  a 
fixed  resolution  to  destroy  the  government  rather  than  yield 
their  point.  I  fear  some  of  our  friends  have  committed  them 
selves  by  writing  improperly  to  Burr.  We  know  the  man, 
and  those  who  put  themselves  in  his  power  will  repent  their 
folly." 

/ 

January  10th.  —  Governor  John  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina, 
replies  to  a  letter  from  Hamilton,  in  a  way  to  enhance  poster 
ity's  contempt  for  the  Federal  party  of  1800. 

"  My  determination,"  he  says,  "  to  support  Mr.  Burr  has 
been  shaken  by  your  communication,  and  I  shall  make,  among 
those  who  with  you  are  anxious  to  preserve  public  order  at 
this  crisis,  all  the  use  of  it  that  its  seasonableness  and  value 


THK     TIE     INTlilGUES.  275 

will  enable  me  to  do.  Viewing  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Burr 
separately,  eaeh  appears  improper  for  the  presidency  ;  but 
looking  on  them  together,  and  comparatively,  the  Federalists 
think  their  preferring  Burr  will  be  the  least  mischief  they  can 
do.  His  promotion  will  be  prodigiously  afflicting  to  the  Vir 
ginia  faction,  and  must  disjoint  the  party.  If  Mr.  B.'s  presi 
dency  be  productive  of  evils,  it  will  be  very  easy  for  us  to  ex 
cite  jealousy  respecting  his  motives,  and  to  get  rid  of  him. 
Opposed  by  the  Virginia  party,  it  will  be  his  interest  to  con 
ciliate  the  Federalists;  and  we  are  assured  by  a  gentleman 
who  lately  had  some  conversation  with  Mr.  B.  on  this  subject, 
that  he  is  disposed  to  maintain  and  expand  our  systems. 
Should  he  attempt  a  usurpation,  he  will  endeavor  to  accom 
plish  his  ends  in  a  bold  manner,  and  by  the  union  of  daring 
spirits  —  his  project  in  such  a  shape  can  not  be  very  formidable, 
and  those  employed  in  the  execution  of  it  can  very  easily  be 
made  way  with.  Should  Mr.  Jefferson  be  disposed  to  make 
(as  he  would  term  it)  an  improvement  (and  as  we  should 
deem  it,  a  subversion)  of  our  Constitution,  the  attempt  would 
be  fatal  to  us,  for  he  would  begin  by  democratizing  the  people, 
and  end  by  throwing  every  tiling  into  their  hands." 

January  IQth. — Theodore  Sedgwick  replies  to  Hamilton's 
letter  of  December  22.  The  wrong-headedness  of  the  Federal 
leaders  is  conspicuously  shown  in  this  epistle.  Mr.  Sedgwick 
begins  by  saying  that  all  the  Democrats  are  for  Jefferson,  and 
most  of  the  Federalists  for  Burr.  He  then  admits,  that  the 
people's  intention  was,  that  Jefferson  should  be  President. 
But  why  did  the  people  prefer  Jefferson  ? 

"Because,"  says  Mr.  Sedgwick,  "he  was  known  to  be  hos 
tile  to  all  those  great  systems  of  administration,  the  combined 
effect  of  which  is  our  national  prosperity,  and  all  we  possess 
of  national  character  and  respectability  ;  because  he  is  a  sin 
cere  and  enthusiastic  Democrat  in  principle,  plausible  in  man 
ner,  crafty  in  conduct,  persevering  in  the  pursuit  of  his  object, 
regardless  of  the  means  by  which  it  is  attained,  and  equally 
regardless  of  an  adherence  to  truth,  as  demonstrated  by  his 


276  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

letter  to  Mazzei,*  his  declaration  in  the  Senate,  on  his  first 
taking  his  seat  there,  etc.,  etc. ;  because  he  is  known  to  be  de 
voted  to  the  views  of  those  men  in  his  State,  whose  unceasing 
effort  it  has  been,  and  is,  to  reduce  in  practice  the  adminis 
tration  of  their  government  to  the  principles  of  the  old  con 
federation,  in  which  that  State,  by  her  numerous  representa 
tives,  and  the  influence  which  she  has  on  surrounding  States, 
will  be  the  dictator ;  because  he  is  known  to  be  servilely  de 
voted  to  one  foreign  nation,  under  any  form  of  government,  and 
pursuing  any  system  of  measures,  however  hostile  to  this 
country,  and  unrelentingly  hostile  to  another  nation  ;  and 
those  the  two  nations  with  which  we  have  the'  most  interest 
ing  relations,  and  with  which  it  is  most  important  to  preserve 
an  equal  and  impartial  regard.  Ought  we,  then,  to  respect 
the  preference  which  is  given  to  this  man  from  such  motives, 
and  by  such  friends  ¥ 

"  As  to  the  other  candidate,  there  is  no  disagreement  as  to  his 
character.  He  is  ambitious,  selfish,  profligate.  His  ambition  is 

*  Mazzei  was  a  learned  Italian,  who  had  resided  in  Virginia,  near  Monti- 
cello,  where  he  became  intimate  with  Jefferson.  Upon  his  return  to  Europe 
he  wrote  to  Jefferson.  Jefferson's  reply,  by  some  means,  got  into  the  news 
papers,  and  made  a  prodigious  clamor.  Of  this  letter,  dated  April  24,  1795, 
the  following  is  the  part  relating  to  public  events : 

"  The  aspect  of  our  politics  has  wonderfully  changed  since  you  left  us.  In 
place  of  that  noble  love  of  liberty  and  republican  government,  which  car 
ried  us  triumphantly  through  the  war,  an  Anglican  monarchical  aristocratical 
party  has  sprung  up,  whose  avowed  object  is  to  draw  over  us  the  substance, 
as  they  have  already  done  the  forms,  of  the  British  government.  The  main 
body  of  our  citizens,  however,  remain  true  to  their  republican  principles ;  the 
whole  landed  interest  is  republican,  and  so  is  a  great  mass  of  talents.  Against 
us  are  the  Executive,  the  Judiciary,  two  out  of  three  branches  of  the  Legisla 
ture,  all  the  officers  of  the  government ;  all  who  want  to  be  officers,  all 
timid  men,  who  prefer  the  calm  of  despotism  to  the  boisterous  sea  of  liberty. 
British  merchants,  and  Americans  trading  on  British  capital,  speculators  and 
holders  in  the  banks  and  public  funds,  a  contrivance  invented  for  the  purpose 
of  corruption,  and  for  assimilating  us  in  all  things  to  the  rotten  as  well  as 
the  sound  part  of  the  British  model.  It  would  give  you  a  fever  were  I  to 
name  to  you  the  apostates  who  have  gone  over  to  these  heresies,  men  who 
were  Samsons  in  the  field  and  Solomons  in  the  council,  but  who  have  had 
their  heads  shorn  by  the  harlot  England." 


THE     TIE     INTRIGUES.  277 

of  the  worst  kind  ;  it  is  a  mere  love  of  power,  regardless  of  fame, 
but  as  its  instrument ;  his  selfishness  excludes  all  social  affec 
tion,*  and  his  profligacy  unrestrained  by  any  moral  sentiments, 
and  defying  all  decency.  This  is  agreed,  but  then  it  is  known 
that  his  manners  are  plausible  —  that  he  is  dexterous  in  the  ac 
quisition  and  use  of  the  means  necessary  to  effect  his  wishes. 
Nothing  can  be  a  stronger  evidence  of  tins  than  the  situation  in 
which  he  stands  at  this  moment  —  without  any  pretension  from 
connections,  fame,  or  services  —  elevated  by  his  own  indepen 
dent  means  to  the  highest  point  to  which  all  those  can  carry  the 
most  meritorious  man  in  the  nation.  He  holds  to  no  previous 
theories,  but  is  a  mere  matter-of-fact  man.  His  very  selfishness 
prevents  his  entertaining  any  mischievous  predilections  for  for 
eign  nations.  The  situation  in  which  he  lives  has  enabled  him  to 
discern,  and  justly  appreciate  the  benefits  resulting  from  our 
commercial  and  other  national  systems,  and  thi,i  same  selfish 
ness  will  afford  some  security  that  he  will  not  only  patronize 
their  support,  but  their  invigoration. 

"  There  are  other  considerations.  It  is  very  evident  that  the 
Jacobins  dislike  Mr.  Burr  as  President  —  that  they  dread  his 
appointment  more  than  even  that  of  General  Pinckney. 

"  On  his  part,  he  hates  them  for  the  preference  given  to  his 
rival.  He  has  expressed  his  displeasure  at  the  publication  of 
his  letter  by  General  Smith.  This  jealousy,  and  distrust,  and 
dislike,  will  every  day  more  and  more  increase,  and  more  and 
more  widen  the  breach  between  them.  If  then  Burr  should 
be  elected  by  the  Federalists  against  the  hearty  opposition  of 
the  Jacobins,  the  wounds  mutually  given  and  received  will 
probably  be  incurable.  Each  will  have  committed  the  un 
pardonable  sin.  Burr  must  depend  on  good  men  for  his  sup 
port,  and  that  support  he  can  not  receive  but  by  a  conformity 
to  their  views. 

"In  these  circumstances,  then,  to  what  evils  shall  we  expose 
ourselves  by  the  choice  of  Burr,  which  we  should  escape  by 
the  election  of  Jefferson  ?  It  is  said  that  it  would  be  more 

*  The  reader  will  observe,  that  many  of  the  leading  Federalists,  in  denounc 
ing  Burr,  use  Hamilton's  own  phrases  —  so  familiar  had  Hamilton  made  those 
a  by  repetition. 


278  LIFE     OF     AARON     BU&B. 

disgraceful  to  our  country,  and  to  the  principles  of  our  gov 
ernment.  For  myself,  I  declare  I  think  it  impossible  to  pre 
serve  the  honor  of  our  country  or  the  principles  of  our  Con 
stitution,  by  a  mode  of  election  which  was  intended  to  secure 
to  prominent  talents  and  virtues  the  first  honors  of  our  coun 
try,  and  for  ever  to  disgrace  the  barbarous  institutions  by 
which  executive  power  is  to  be  transmitted  through  the  organs 
of  generation.  We  have  at  one  election  placed  at  the  head 
of  our  government  a  semi-maniac  (Adams),  and  who,  in  his 
soberest  senses,  is  the  greatest  marplot  in  nature ;  and,  at  the 
next  a  feeble  and  false  enthusiastic  theorist  (Jefferson)  and 
a  profligate  (Burr)  without  character  and  without  property, 
bankrupt  in  both.  But  if  there  remains  any  thing  for  us,  in 
this  respect,  to  regard,  it  is  with  the  minority  in  the  presiden 
tial  election ;  and  can  they  be  more  disgraced  than  by  assent 
ing  to  the  election  of  Jefferson  —  the  man  who  has  proclaimed 
them  to  the  world  as  debased  in  principle,  and  as  detestable 
and  traitorous  in  conduct  ?  Burr  is  indeed  unworthy,  but  the 
evidence  of  his  unworthiness  is  neither  so  extensively  known 
nor  so  conclusive  as  that  of  the  other  man. 

"  It  must  be  confessed  that  there  is  part  of  the  character  of 
Burr  more  dangerous  than  that  of  Jefferson.  Give  to  the 
former  a  probable  chance,  and  he  would  become  a  usurper. 
The  latter  might  not  incline,  he  certainly  would  not  dare,  to 
make  the  attempt.  I  do  not  believe  that  either  would  suc 
ceed,  and  I  am  confident  that  such  a  project  would  be  rejected 
by  Burr  as  visionary. 

"At  first,  I  confess,  I  was  strongly  disposed  to  give  Jeffer 
son  the  preference ;  but  the  more  I  have  reflected,  the  more  I 
have  inclined  to  the  other;  yet,  however,  I  remain  unpledged, 
even  to  my  friends,  though  I  believe  I  shall  not  separate  from 
them." 

January  IQth.  —  A  long  letter  from  Hamilton  to  Gouveneur 
Morris  about  the  ratification  of  the  convention  with  France, 
concludes : 

"So  our  eastern  friends  want  to  join  the  armed  neutrality 
and  make  war  upon  Britain.  I  infer  this  from  their  mad  pro- 


T II  K     TIE     INTRIGUES.  279 

pensity  to  make  Burr  President.  If  Jefferson  has  prejudices 
leading  to  that  result,  he  has  defects  of  character  to  keep  him 
back.  Burr,  with  the  same  propensities,  will  find  the  thing 
necessary  to  his  projects,  and  will  dare  to  hazard  all  conse 
quences.  They  may  as  well  think  to  bend  a  giant  by  a  cob 
web,  as  his  ambition  by  promises." 

January  15th.  —  Burr's  own  letters  during  this  period  are 
quite  in  his  usual  manner,  light,  jocular,  and  brief.  An  allu 
sion  to  the  tie  occurs  in  a  note  to  his  son-in-law,  Mr.  Joseph 
Alston,  of  South  Carolina.  "  The  equality  of  Jefferson  and 
Burr  excites  great  speculation  and  much  anxiety.  I  believe 
that  all  will  be  well,  and  that  Jefferson  will  be  our  President." 
The  subject  is  not  mentioned  in  any  other  of  his  published 
letters. 

January  IQth.  —  The  importance  of  Mr.  Bayard,  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  House  holding  the  entire  vote  of  a  State,  induced 
Hamilton  to  try  all  his  power  to  bring  him  over  to  his  opinion. 
To  Bayard,  accordingly,  he  now  writes  the  most  carefully 
elaborated  letter  that  the  crisis  elicited.  It  is  the  most  com 
plete  expression  of  Hamilton's  feelings  as  a  patriot  and  as  a 
partizaii,  that  has  come  down  to  us. 

"  1  was  glad  to  find,  my  dear  sir,  by  your  letter,"  he  began, 
"  that  you  had  not  yet  determined  to  go,  with  the  consent  of 
the  Federal  party,  in  support  of  Mr.  Burr ;  and  that  you  were 
resolved  to  hold  yourself  disengaged  till  the  moment  of  final 
decision.  Your  resolution  to  separate  yourself,  in  this  instance, 
from  the  Federal  party,  if  your  conviction  shall  be  strong  of 
the  unfitness  of  Mr.  Burr,  is  certainly  laudable.  So  much 
does  it  coincide  with  my  ideas,  that  if  the  party  shall,  by  sup 
porting  Mr.  Burr  as  President,  adopt  him  for  their  official 
chief,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  consider  myself  as  an  isolated  man. 
It  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  reconcile  with  my  motives  of 
honor  or  policy,  the  continuing  to  be  of  a  party  which,  ac 
cording  to  my  apprehension,  will  have  degraded  itself  and  the 
country. 

"  I  am  sure,  nevertheless,  that  the  motives  of  manv  will  be 


280  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

good,  and  I  shall  never  cease  to  esteem  the  individuals,  though 
I  shall  deplore  a  step  which  I  fear  experience  will  show  to 
be  a  very  fatal  one.  Among  the  letters  which  I  receive, 
assigning  the  reasons,  pro  and  con.,  for  preferring  Burr  to  Jef 
ferson,  I  observe  no  small  exaggeration  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
latter,  and  some  things  taken  for  granted  as  to  the  former, 
which  are  at  least  questionable.  Perhaps  myself  the  first,  at 
some  expense  of  popularity,  to  unfold  the  true  character  of 
Jefferson,  it  is  too  late  for  me  to  become  his  apologist.  Nor 
have  I  any  disposition  to  do  it. 

"  I  admit  that  his  politics  are  tinctured  with  fanaticism ;  that 
he  is  too  much  in  earnest  in  his  democracy ;  that  he  has  been 
a  mischievous  enemy  to  the  principal  measures  of  our  past 
administration  ;  that  he  is  crafty  and  persevering  in  his  ob 
jects  ;  that  he  is  not  scrupulous  about  the  means  of  success, 
nor  very  mindful  of  truth,  and  that  he  is  a  contemptible  hyp 
ocrite.  But  it  is  not  true,  as  is  alleged,  that  he  is  an  enemy 
to  the  power  of  the  executive,  or  that  he  is  for  confounding 
all  the  powers  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  is  a  fact, 
which  I  -have  frequently  mentioned,  that,  while  we  were  in  the 
administration  together,  he  was  generally  for  a  large  construc 
tion  of  the  executive  authority,  and  not  backward  to  act  upon 
it  in  cases  which  coincided  with  his  views.  Let  it  be  added 
that,  in  his  theoretic  ideas,  he  has  considered  as  improper  the 
participations  of  the  Senate  in  the  executive  authority.  I  have 
more  than  once  made  the  reflection  that,  viewing  himself  as 
the  reversioner,  he  was  solicitous  to  come  into  the  possession 
of  a  good  estate.  Nor  is  it  true,  that  Jefferson  is  zealous 
enough  to  do  any  thing  in  pursuance  of  his  principles,  which 
will  contravene  his  popularity  or  his  interest.  He  is  as  likely 
as  any  man  I  know  to  temporize ;  to  calculate  what  will  be 
likely  to  promote  his  own  reputation  and  advantage,  and  the 
probable  result  of  such  a  temper  is  the  preservation  of  systems, 
though  originally  opposed,  which  being  once  established,  could 
not  be  overturned  without  danger  to  the  person  who  did  it. 
To  my  mind,  a  true  estimate  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  character  war 
rants  the  expectation  of  a  temporizing,  rather  than  a  violent 
system.  That  Jefferson  has  manifested  a  culpable  predilection 


THE     TIE     INTRIGUES.  281 

for  France  is  certainly  true ;  bnt  T  think  it  a  question  whether 
it  did  not  proceed  quite  as  much  from  her  popularity  among 
us  as  from  sentiment ;  and  in  proportion  as  that  popularity  is 
diminished,  his  zeal  will  cool.  Add  to  this  that  there  is  no 
fur  reason  to  suppose  him  capable  of  being  corrupted,  which 
is  a  security  that  he  will  not  go  beyond  certain  limits.  It  is 
net  at  all  improbable  that,  under  the  change  of  circumstances, 
Jefferson's  Gallicism  has  considerably  abated. 

"  As  to  Burr,  these  things  are  admitted,  and  indeed  can 
not  be  denied,  that  he  is  a  man  of  extreme  and  irregular  am 
bition  ;  that  he  is  selfish  to  a  degree  which  excludes  all  social 
affections  ;  .and  that  he  is  decidedly  profligate.  But  it  is  said, 
]st,  that  he  is  artful  and  dexterous  to  accomplish  his  ends; 
2d,  that  he  holds  no  pernicious  theories,  but  is  a  mere  matter- 
off  act  man ;  3d,  that  his  very  selfishness  is  a  guard  against 
mischievous  foreign  predilection  ;  4th,  that  his  local  situation 
has  enabled  him  to  appreciate  the  utility  of  our  commercial 
and  fiscal  systems,  and  the  same  qualities  of  selfishness  will 
lead  him  to  support  and  invigorate  them ;  5th,  that  he  is  now 
disliked  by  the  Jacobins  ;  that  his  elevation  will  be  a  mortal 
stab  to  them,  breed  an  invincible  hatred  to  him,  and  compel 
him  to  lean  on  the  Federalists ;  6th,  Burr's  ambition  will  ho 
checked  by  his  good  sense,  by  the  manifest  impossibility  of 
succeeding  in  any  scheme  of  usurpation,  and  that,  if  attempted, 
there  is  nothing  to  fear  from  the  attempt. 

"These  topics  are,  in  my  judgment,  more  plausible  than 
solid.  As  to  the  first  point,  the  fact  must  be  admitted ;  but 
those  qualities  are  objections  rather  than  recommendations, 
when  they  are  under  the  direction  of  bad  principles.  As  to  the 
second  point,  too  much  is  taken  for  granted.  If  Burr's  con 
versation  is  to  be  credited,  he  is  not  very  far  from  being  a 
visionary.  He  has  quoted  to  me  Connecticut*  as  an  example 
of  the  success  of  the  democratic  theory,  and  as  authority, 
serious  doubts  whether  it  was  not  a  good  one.  It  is  ascer 
tained  that  in  some  instances  he  has  talked  perfect  Godwinism. 
I  have  myself  heard  him  speak  with  applause  of  the  French 

*  The  colonial  government  of  Connecticut  was  more  democratic  than  that 
of  the  other  colonies. 


282  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

system,  as  unshackling  the  mind,  and  leaving  it  to  its  natural 
energies ;  and  I  have  been  present  when  he  has  contended 
against  banking  systems  with  earnestness,  and  with  the  same 
arguments  that  Jefferson  would  use.  (Note  by  Hamilton. 
"  Yet  he  has  lately,  by  a  trick,  established  a  bank,  a  perfect 
monster  in  its  principles,  but  a  very  convenient  instrument  of1 
profit  and  influence.") 

"  The  truth  is,  that  Burr  is  a  man  of  a  very  subtle  imagin 
ation,  and  a  mind  of  this  make  is  rarely  free  from  ingenious 
whimsies.  Yet  I  admit  that  he  has  no  fixed  theory,  and  that 
his  peculiar  notions  will  easily  give  way  to  his  interest.  But 
is  it  a  recommendation  to  have  no  theory  f  Can  that  man  be 
a  systematic  or  able  statesman  who  has  none  ?  I  believe  not. 
No  general  principles  will  hardly  work  much  better  than 
erroneous  ones. 

"  As  to  the  third  point,  it  is  certain  that  Burr,  generally 
speaking,  has  been  as  warm  a  partisan  of  France  as  Jefferson  ; 
that  he  has,  in  some  instances,  shown  himself  to  be  so  with 
passion.  But  if  it  was  from  calculation,  who  will  say  that  his 
calculations  will  not  continue  him  so  ?  His  selfishness,  so  far 
from  being  an  obstacle,  may  be  a  prompter.  If  corrupt,  as 
well  as  selfish,  he  may  be  a  partisan  for  the  sake  of  aid  to  his 
views.  No  man  has  trafficked  more  than  he  in  the  floating 
passions  of  the  multitude.  Hatred  to  Great  Britain  and  at 
tachment  to  France  in  the  public  mind  will  naturally  lead  a 
man  of  his  selfishness,  attached  to  place  and  power,  to  favor 
France  and  oppose  Great  Britain.  The  Gallicism  of  many  of 
our  patriots  is  to  be  thus  resolved,  and,  in  my  opinion,  it  is 
morally  certain  that  Burr  will  continue  to  be  influenced  by 
this  calculation, 

"  As  to  the  fourth  point,  the  instance  I  have  cited  with 
respect  to  banks,  proves  that  the  argument  is  not  to  be  relied 
upon.  If  there  was  much  in  it,  why  does  Chancellor  Living 
ston  maintain  that  we  ought  not  to  cultivate  navigation,  but 
ought  to  let  foreigners  be  our  carriers?  France  is  of  this 
opinion  too ;  and  Burr,  for  some  reason  or  other,  will  be  very 
apt  to  be  of  the  opinion  of  France. 

"  As  to  the  fifth  point,  nothing  can  be  more  fallacious.     It 


THE     TIE     INTRIGUES.  283 

is  demonstrated  by  recent  facts  that  Burr  is  solicitous  to  keep 
upon  anti-Federal  ground  to  avoid  compromitting  himself  by 
any  engagement  with  the  Federalists.  With  or  without  such 
engagement,  he  will  easily  persuade  his  former  friends  that  he 
does  not  stand  on  that  ground ;  and  after  their  first  resent 
ment,  they  will  be  glad  to  rally  under  him.  In  the  mean  time, 
he  will  take  care  not  to  disoblige  them  ;  and  he  will  always 
court  those  among  them  who  are  best  fitted  for  tools.  He 
will  never  choose  to  lean  on  good  men,  because  he  knows  that 
they  will  never  support  his  bad  projects  ;  but,  instead  of  this, 
he  will  endeavor  to  disorganize  both  parties,  and  to  form  out 
of  them  a  third,  composed  of  men  fitted  by  their  characters  to 
be  conspirators  and  instruments  of  such  projects. 

"  That  this  will  be  his  future  conduct,  may  be  inferred  from 
his  past  plan,  and  from  the  admitted  quality  of  irregular  am 
bition.  Let  it  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Burr  has  never  ap 
peared  solicitous  for  fame,  and  that  great  ambition,  unchecked 
by  principle,  or  the  love  of  glory,  is  an  unruly  tyrant,  which 
never  can  keep  long  in  a  course  which  good  men  will  approve. 
As  to  the  last  point,  the  proposition  is  against  the  experience  of 
all  times.  Ambition,  without  principle,  was  never  long  under 
the  guidance  of  good  sense.  Besides  that,  really,  the  force  of 
Mr.  Burr's  understanding  is  much  overrated.  He  is  far  more 
cunning  than  wise,  far  more  dexterous  than  able. 

["Fjpry,  very  confidential.  —  In  my  opinion  he  is  inferior  in 
real  ability  to  Jefferson.  There  are  also  facts  against  the  sup 
position.  It  is  past  all  doubt  that  he  has  blamed  me  for  not 
having  improved  the  situation  I  once  was  in  to  change  the 
government.  That  when  answered  that  this  could  not  have 
been  done  without  guilt,  he  replied,  Les  grands  ames  se  sou- 
dent  peu  des  petits  moraux  •*  that  when  told  the  thing  was 
never  practicable,  from  the  genius  and  situation  of  the  coun 
try,  he  answered,  4  That  depends  upon  the  estimate  we  form 
of  the  human  passions,  and  of  the  means  of  influencing  them.' 
Does  this  prove  that  Mr.  Burr  would  consider  a  scheme  of 
usurpation  as  visionary  ?] 

"  The  truth  is,  with  great  apparent  coldness  he  is  the  most 
*  Great  souls  care  little  for  the  mbior  morals. 


284  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

sanguine  man  in  the  world.  He  thinks  every  thing  possible 
to  adventure  and  perseverance ;  and  though  I  believe  he  will 
fail,  I  think  it  almost  certain  he  will  attempt  usurpation,  and 
the  attempt  will  involve  great  mischief. 

"  But  there  is  one  point  of  view  which  seems  to  me  decis 
ive.  If  the  anti-Federalists,  who  prevailed  in  the  election,  are 
left  to  take  their  own  man,  they  remain  responsible,  and  the 
Federalists  remain  free,  united,  and  without  stain,  in  a  situa 
tion  to  resist  with  effect  pernicious  measures.  If  the  Federal 
ists  substitute  Burr,  they  adopt  him,  and  become  answerable 
for  him.  Whatever  may  be  the  theory  of  the  case,  abroad  and 
at  home  (for  so  from  the  beginning  it  will  be  taught),  Mr.  Burr 
must  become,  in  fact,  the  man  of  our  party;  and  if  he  acts  ill, 
we  must  share  in  the  blame  and  disgrace.  By  adopting  him, 
we  do  all  we  can  to  reconcile  the  minds  of  Federalists  to  him, 
and  we  prepare  them  for  the  effectual  operation  of  his  acts. 
He  will,  doubtless,  gain  many  of  them;  and  the  Federalists 
will  become  a  disorganized  and  contemptible  party.  Can 
there  be  any  serious  question  between  the  policy  of  leaving  the 
anti-Federalists  to  be  answerable  for  the  elevation  of  an  objec 
tionable  man,  and  that  of  adopting  ourselves,  and  becoming 
answerable  for  a  man  who,  on  all  hands,  is  acknowledged  to 
be  a  complete  Catiline  ?  'Tis  enough  to  state  the  question  to 
indicate  the  answer,  if  reason,  not  passion,  presides  in  the  de 
cision.  . 

"  You  may  communicate  this  and  my  former  letter  to  dis 
creet  and  confidential  friends." 

Upon  this  letter  a  remark  or  two  may  be  permitted.  A 
man  who,  after  knowing  Jefferson  as  intimately  as  Hamilton 
had,  could  deliberately  pronounce  him  "  a  contemptible  hypo 
crite,"  was  no  judge  of  men  ;  and  nothing,  therefore,  which  he 
says  of  an  opponent  has  any  value.  Jefferson  still  lives  in  the 
history  of  his  administration  —  lives  in  the  stamp  he  left  upon 
his  country's  intellect — lives  in  the  nine  volumes  of  his  letters. 
Read  all  these,  and  learn  whether  Thomas  Jefferson  was  or 
was  not  a  contemptible  hypocrite,  or  in  any  sense  contempt 
ible.  The  horror  which  Hamilton  expresses  of  Godwin,  that 
gentle-hearted  enthusiast,  that  passionate  lover  of  justice  and 


THE     TIE     INTUIGUUS.  265 

of  man,  that  friend  of  the  most  loveablc  gentleman  of  Ins  day, 
Charles  Lamb,  is  ineffably  absurd.  If  Burr  really  said  that 
great  souls  do  not  much  regard  the  minor  moralities,  he  ut 
tered  as  deadly  a  falsehood  as  ever  fell  from  lips.  Great 
souls,  indeed,  know  no  minor  morals ;  to  them  all  morals  are 
great,  august,  controlling.  They  know  no  degrees  in  right 
and  wrong.  Hamilton,  in  his  letter  to  Governor  Jay,  advising 
the  defeat  of  the  Republicans  by  a  governmental  trick,  utters 
sentiments  not  unlike  that  which  he  here  attributes  to  Burr. 
But  no  man  who  knows  men  will  judge  of  what  a  man  will  do 
by  what,  in  unguarded  moments,  he  says.* 

With  regard  to  Hamilton's  chronic  dread  of  Burr's  usurping 
the  government,  it  was  only  one  of  the  symptoms  of  the  JSarr- 
iphobia  under  which  he  labored.  Scheming  for  a  reelection 
is  enough  to  keep  an  ambitious  man  amused  in  the  presiden 
tial  chair.  Two  things,  however,  strengthened  Hamilton's 
fear  of  usurpation.  One  was  the  recent  example  of  Bonaparte ; 
the  other,  the  very  general  opinion  among  the  wealthier 
classes  in  the  United  States,  that  the  Constitution  had  been 
tried  and  found  wanting.  Hamilton  was  of  that  opinion.  Of 
the  two,  Hamilton  was  more  likely  to  have  made  an  attempt 
to  subvert  the  government  than  Burr ,  for  Hamilton  was  al 
ready  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  its  subversion.  If  Burr 
had  formed  any  thing  like  a  purpose,  however  vague,  however 
remote  its  probable  execution,  to  seize  the  supreme  authority, 
he  would  not  have  begun  by  awakening  the  suspicions  of  the 
man  who  would  certainly  be  the  first  to  lead  an  outraged  peo 
ple  against  the  usurper. 

January  (No  date  named,  but  probably  about  the  20th). 
Hamilton  writes,  in  hot  haste,  to  Gouveneur  Morris,  at 

• 

*  Jefferson's  integrity,  as  a  man,  has  never  been  disputed,  I  believe.  But 
in  one  of  his  letters  to  Dr.  Rush,  dated  January  3,  1808,  the  following  pas 
sage  occurs  :  "  Thus  I  estimate  the  qualities  of  the  mind :  1st.  Good  Humor, 
2d.  Integrity,  3d.  Industry,  4th.  Science.  The  preference  of  the  first  to  the 
second  quality  may  not  at  first  be  acquiesced  in ;  but,  certainly,  we  had  all 
rather  associate  with  a  good-humored,  light-principled  man,  than  with  an  ill- 
tempered  rigoridt  in  morality." 


286  LIFE     OF     AAROX     BURR. 

Washington,  to  communicate  some  information  for  use  against 
Burr. 

"  I  hasten,"  he  says,  "  to  give  you  some  information  which 
may  be  useful.  I  know,  as  a  fact,  that  overtures  have  been 
made  by  leading  individuals  of  the  Federal  party  to  Mr.  Burr, 
who  declines  to  give  any  assurance  respecting  his  future  in 
tentions  and  conduct,  saying  that  to  do  it  might  injure  him 
with  his  friends,  and  hinder  their  cooperation  ;  that  all  ought 
to  be  inferred  from  the  necessity  of  his  future  situation,  as  it 
regarded  the  disappointment  and  animosity  of  the  anti-Feder 
alists  ;  that  the  Federalists,  relying  upon  this,  might  proceed 
in  the  certainty  that,  upon  a  second  ballot,  New  York  and 
Tennessee  would  join  him.  It  is  likewise  ascertained  that  he 
perfectly  understands  himself  with  Edward  Livingston,  who 
will  be  his  agent  at  the  seat  of  government. 

"  Thus  you  see  that  Mr.  Burr  is  resolved  to  preserve  him 
self  in  a  situation  to  adhere  to  his  former  friends,  engage 
ments,  and  projects,  and  to  use  the  Federalists  as  tools  of  his 
aggrandizement. 

"  He  will  satisfy  them  that  he  has  kept  himself  free  to  con 
tinue  his  relations  with  them,  and  as  many  of  them  are  secretly 
attached  to  him,  they  will  all  be  speedily  induced  to  rally  un 
der  his  standard,  to  which  he  will  add  the  unprincipled  of  our 
party,  and  he  will  laugh  at  the  rest. 

"  It  is  a  fact  that  Mr.  Burr  is  now  in  frequent  and  close  con 
ference  with  a  Frenchman,  who  is  suspected  of  being  an  agent 
of  the  French  government,  and  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  he 
will  be  the  firm  ally  of  Buonaparte. 

"You  are  at  liberty  to  show  this  letter  to  such  friends  as 

I,  of  Delaware,  in  whose 
much  confidence. 

"  Depend  upon  it,  men  never  played  a  more  foolish  game 
than  will  do  the  Federalists,  if  they  support  Burr." 

From  this  letter  we  learn,  that  Hamilton's  information  re 
specting  an  opponent  must  be  received  with  the  same  caution 
as  his  opinion.  Edward  Livingston  was  no  agent  of  Burr's. 
He  was,  at  this  time,  as  will  soon  appear,  true  to  himself  and 
to  his  party,  and  one  of  Jefferson's  most  confidential  friends. 


\YiJi   uc   LIIC  ni  U-L  <*uj    <-/-i  -uuuiiajjcn  tc. 

"  You  are  at  liberty  to  show  this 
you  think  fit,  especially  Mr.  Bayard, 

\\    principles  and  sound  sense  I  have  mu< 
Hi  i  •    //  -f-\          -i          _   -,  _i_. 


THE  -TIE     INTRIGUES.  287 

January  21st.  —  A  hurried  letter  from  Hamilton  to  Sedg- 
wick.  Refers  him  to  his  long  letter  to  Bayard.  Begs  him  to 
reconsider  his  preference  for  Burr.  Adds:  " I  never  was  so 
much  mistaken  as  I  shall  be  if  our  friends,  in  the  event  of  their 
success,  do  not  rue  the  preference  they  will  give  to  that  Cati 
line." 

Hamilton's  warnings  were  little  heeded  by  the  Federalists. 
His  denunciations  of  Colonel  Burr  were  attributed  to  profes 
sional  jealousy,  or  personal  enmity,  and  the  Federal  members 
burned  with  desire  to  disappoint  the  Republicans  by  electing 
Burr. 

The  day  for  the  election  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
arrived.  The  House  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  six  mem 
bers,  of  which  a  majority  were  Federalists.  There  were  then 
sixteen  States  in  the  Union  ;  a  majority  of  the  States  was 
necessary  to  an  election  ;  and  the  House  was  limited  in  its 
choice  to  the  two  candidates  who  had  received  the  highest 
number  of  electoral  votes.  If  a  simple  majority  of  the  mem 
bers  would  have  sufficed,  Burr  would  certainly  have  been 
elected  on  the  first  ballot.  Before  proceeding  to  the  great 
business  of  the  day,  the  House  resolved  not  to  adjourn  till  a 
President  had  been  chosen  —  which,  John  Randolph  says,  was 
a  Federal  expedient  designed  to  starve  or  worry  the  unde 
cided  members  into  voting  for  Burr.  During  the  balloting, 
the  public  were  excluded  from  the  galleries,  but,  on  the  floor 
of  the  House,  seats  were  provided  for  the  Senators  and  the 
President.  It  chanced  that  some  of  the  members  were  sick  at 
the  time  —  for  them  sofas  were  provided.  One  gentleman, 
who  was  seriously  ill,  was  attended  in  the  House  by  his  wife. 

On  the  first  ballot  eight  States  voted  for  Jefferson,  namely, 
New  York,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  North  Carolina,  Vir 
ginia,  Kentucky,  Georgia,  and  Tennessee.  Six  States  voted 
for  Burr,  namely,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Isl 
and,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  and  South  Carolina.  Vermont 
and  Maryland  were  divided  equally  between  the  two  candi 
dates.  Neither  on  this  ballot,  nor  on  any  future  one,  did  Jef 
ferson  receive  more  than  fifty-one  votes.  The  balloting  con- 


288  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

tinned,  at  intervals,  all  that  day,  all  through  the  night,  and 
until  noon  of  the  day  following.  The  vote  was  taken  twenty- 
nine  times  without  the  slightest  change  or  prospect  of  change. 
Then  the  exhausted  members  evaded  their  resolution  not  to 
adjourn,  by  agreeing  to  take  a  recess.  Dogged  obstinacy  sat 
on  every  countenance. 

For  seven  days  the  country  was  kept  in  suspense,  and  Rumor, 
with  all  her  tongues,  was  busy.  During  this  period,  and  im 
mediately  after  it,  certain  letters  were  written,  and  entries 
made  in  private  journals,  the  perusal  of  which  will  complete 
the  reader's  knowledge  of  the  Tie,  and  the  Tie  intrigues. 

February  10th.  —  On  the  first  day  of  the  balloting,  Judge 
Cooper  of  New  York  (father  of  J.  Fennimore  Cooper),  a  re 
markably  '  highflying  Federalist,'  and,  at  that  time,  a  member 
of  the  House,  wrote  as  follows  to  his  friend  Thomas  Morris: 

"  We  have  this  day  locked  ourselves  up  by  a  rule  to  pro 
ceed  to  choose  a  President  before  we  adjourn.  *  *  *  We 
shall  run  Burr  perseveringly.  You  shall  hear  of  the  result 
instantly  after  the  fact  is  ascertained.  A  little  good  manage 
ment  would  have  secured  our  object  on  the  first  vote,  but  now 
it  is  too  late  for  any  operation  to  be  gone  into,  except  that  of 
adhering  to  Burr,  and  leave  the  consequences  to  those  who 
have  heretofore  been  his  friends.  If  we  succeed,  a  faithful 
support  must,  on  our  part,  be  given  to  his  administration, 
which,  I  hope,  will  be  wise  and  energetic." 

Two  days  after,  Judge  Cooper  writes  again  to  Mr.  Morris : 
"We  have  postponed,  until  to-morrow  11  o'clock,  the  voting 
for  President.  All  stand  firm.  Jefferson  eight — Burr  six — 
divided  two.  Had  Burr  done  any  thing  for  himself,  he 
would  long  ere  this  have  been  President.  If  a  majority  would 
answer,  he  would  have  it  011  every  vote." 

Y 

February  ikth.  — This  was  the  second  day  of  the  balloting. 
Jefferson,  who  was  then  in  his  place  as  President  of  the  Sen 
ate,  enters  in  his  diary  the  following  gossip  : 

"  Edward  Livingston  tells  me  that  Bayard  applied  to-day 
or  last  night,  to  General  Samuel  Smith,  and  represented  to 


THE     TIE     INTIJIGUES.  289 

him  the  expediency  of  his  coming  over  to  the  States  who  vote 
for  Burr,  that  there  was  nothing  in  the  way  of  appointment 
which  he  might  not  command,  and  particularly  mentioned  the 
secretaryship  of  the  navy.  Smith  asked  him  if  he  was  author 
ized  to  make  the  offer.  He  said  he  was  authorized.  Smith 
told  this  to  Livingston,  and  to  W.  C.  Nichols,  who  confirms  it 
to  me.  Bayard  in  like  manner  tempted  Livingston,  not  by 
offering  any  particular  office,  but  by  representing  to  him  his, 
Livingston's,  intimacy  and  connection  with  Burr;  that  from 
him  he  had  every  thing  to  expect,  if  he  would  come  over  to 
him.  To  Dr.  Linn  of  New  Jersey,  they  have  offered  the 
government  of  New  Jersey." 

The  part  which  Bayard  took  in  the  business  will  be  narrated 
by  himself  in  a  moment.  Upon  the  publication  of  the  volume 
of  Mr.  Jefferson's  work  which  contains  the  above,  General 
Smith,  then  a  "Senator  from  Maryland,  declared  in  the  Senate 
that  no  such  proposition  was  made  to  him  by  Mr.  Bayard. 

February  14£A,  Jefferson  records  the  following:  "General 
Armstrong  tells  me  that  Gouvenenr  Morris,  in  conversation 
with  him  to-day  on  the  scene  which  is  passing,  expressed  him 
self  thus.  'How  conies  it,'  says  he,  'tha.t  Burr,  who  is  four 
hundred  miles  off  (at  Albany)  has  agents  here  at  work  with 
great  activity,  while  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  is  on  the  spot,  does 
nothing  ?' " 

A  year  or  two  after  the  "  scene"  was  over,  it  became  the 
subject  of  conversation,  one  day,  at  Jefferson's  table.  After 
dinner,  Jefferson  wrote  in  his  diary  as  follows :  "  Matthew 
Lyon  noticed  the  insinuations  against  the  Republicans  of  Wash 
ington,  pending  the  presidential  election,  and  expressed  his 
wish  that  every  thing  was  spoken  out  which  was  known  ;  that 
it  would  then  appear  on  which  side  there  was  a  bidding  for 
votes,  and  he  declared  that  John  Brown  of  Rhode  Island, 
urging  him  to  vote  for  Colonel  Burr,  used  these  words,  '  What 
is  it  you  want,  Colonel  Lyon  ?  Is  it  office,  is  it  money  ?  Only 
say  what  you  want,  and  you  shall  have  it.' " 

Who  can  believe  a  man  to  whom  such  a  proposition  could 
have  been  even  remotely  hinted?  Jefferson  shows  himself 
weak  in  recording  stuff  of  this  kind, 

13 


290  LIFE     OF     AARON     BU  RE. 

That  every  thing  against  Burr  may  appear,  I  copy  the  follow 
ing  from  Jefferson's  diary  of  a  still  later  date,  January,  1804 : 
"  Colonel  Ilitchburn  of  Massachusetts  reminded  me  of  a  letter 
he  had  written  me  from  Philadelphia,  pending  the  presidential 
election,  says  he  did  not  therein  give  the  details.  That  he  was 

in  company  at  Philadelphia  with  Colonel  Burr  and  : 

that  in  the  course  of  the  conversation  on  the  election,  Colonel 
Burr  said,  4  We  must  have  a  President,  and  a  constitutional 
one,  in  some  way.'  i  How  is  it  to  be  done  ?'  says  Ilitchburn  ; 
*  Mr.  Jefferson's  friends  will  not  quit  him,  and  his  enemies 
are  not  strong  enough  to  carry  another.'  '  Why,'  says  Burr, 
c  our  friends  must  join  the  Federalists,  and  give  the  President.' 
The  next  morning  at  breakfast,  Colonel  Burr  repeated  nearly 
the  same,  saying,  '  We  can  not  be  without  a  President,  onr 
friends  must  join  the  Federal  vote.'  c  But,'  says  Ilitchburn, 
'  we  shall  then  be  without  a  Vice-President,  who  is  to  be  our 
Vice-President  ?'  Colonel  Burr  answered,  '  Mr.  Jefferson.'  " 

This  sounds  like  the  toadying  tale  of  an  office-seeker. 

February  15th.  —  Mr.  Jefferson  writes  to  his  friend  Monroe : 
"  If  the  Federalists  could  have  been  permitted  to  pass  a  law 
for  putting  the  government  into  the  hands  of  an  officer,  they 
would  certainly  have  prevented  an  election.  But  we  thought 
it  best  to  declare,  one  and  all,  openly  and  firmly,  that  the  day 
such  an  act  passed,  the  middle  States  would  arm ;  and  that  no 
such  usurpation,  even  for  a  single  day,  should  be  submitted 
to.  This  first  shook  them ;  and  they  were  completely  alarmed 
at  the  resource  for  which  we  declared,  namely,  to  reorganize 
the  government,  and  to  amend  it.  The  very  word  convention 
givres  them  the  horrors,,  as  in  the  present  democratical  spirit  of 
America  they  fear  they  should  lose  some  of  the  favorite  mor 
sels  of  the  Constitution." 

One  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  letters  to  Dr.  Rush  records  a  scene 
that  occurred,  during  this  terrible  week,  between  himself  and 
President  Adams : 

"  When  the  election  between  Burr  and  myself,"  wrote  Jef 
ferson,  "  was  kept  in  suspense  by  the  Federalists,  and  they 


THE     TIE     INTRIGUES.  291 

were  meditating  to  place  the  President  of  the  Senate  at  the 
head  of  the  government,  I  called  on  Mr.  Adams,  with  a  view 
to  have  this  desperate  measure  prevented  by  his  negative.  He 
grew  warm  in  an  instant,  and  said,  with  a  vehemence  he  had 
not  used  toward  me  before, 

" 4  Sir,  the  event  of  the  election  is  in  your  own  power.  You 
have  only  to  say  you  will  do  justice  to  the  public  creditors, 
maintain  the  navy,  and  not  disturb  those  holding  offices,  and 
the  government  will  instantly  be  put  into  your  hands.  We 
know  it  is  the  wish  of  the  people  it  should  be  so.' 

"  *  Mr.  Adams,'  said  I,  ;  I  know  not  what  part  of  my  con 
duct,  in  either  public  or  private  life,  can  have  authorized  a 
doubt  of  my  fidelity  to  the  public  engagements.  I  say,  how 
ever,  I  will  not  come  into  the  government  by  capitulation  —  I 
will  not  enter  on  it  but  in  perfect  freedom  to  follow  the  dic 
tates  of  my  own  judgment.' 

"  I  had  before  given  the  same  answer  to  the  same  intima 
tion  from  Gouveneur  Morris. 

"  *  Then,'  said  he,  *  things  must  take  their  course.' 

"  I  turned  the  conversation  to  something  else,  and  soon  took 
my  leave.  It  was  the  first  time  in  our  lives  we  had  ever 
parted  with  any  thing  like  dissatisfaction." 

February  22d. — The  great  question  had  been  decided,  but 
Hamilton  had  not  heard  the  news.  He  writes  to-day,  a  last 
letter  to  a  friend  at  Washington,  mentioning  a  fact  which,  he 
hoped,  would  utterly  defeat  the  election  of  Burr.  As  one  of 
the  hundred  proofs  of  Burr's  consistency  and  integrity,  as  a 
politician,  it  deserves  attention.  Hamilton  says  : 

"  After  my  ill  success  hitherto,  I  ought  perhaps,  in  prudence, 
to  say  nothing  further  on  the  subject.  But  situated  as  things 
now  are,  I  certainly  have  no  advice  to  give.  Yet  I  may,  with 
out  impropriety,  communicate  a  fact  —  it  is  this : 

"Colonel  Burr  is  taking  an  active  personal  part  in  favor  of 
Mr.  Clinton,  against  Mr.  Van  Rensselaer,  as  Governor  of  this 
State.  I  have,  upon  my  honor,  direct  and  indubitable  evi 
dence,  that  between  two  and  three  weeks  past,  he  wrote  a 
very  urgent  letter  to  Oliver  Phelps,  of  the  western  part  of 


292  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUKK. 

this  State,  to  induce  his  exertions  in  favor  of  Clinton.  Is  not 
this  an  unequivocal  confirmation  of  what  I  predicted,  that  he 
will,  in  any  event,  continue  to  play  the  Jacobin  game  ?  Can 
any  thing  else  explain  his  conduct  at  such  a  moment,  and 
under  such  circumstances  ?  I  might  add  several  other  things 
to  prove  that  he  is  resolved  to  adhere  to,  and  cultivate  his 
own  party,  who  lately,  more  than  ever,  have  shown  the  cloven 
foot  of  rank  Jacobinism." 

To  what  a  ridiculous  pitch  Hamilton's  feelings  were  wrought 
during  the  struggle,  is  shown  by  his  subsequent  avowal  to  Mr. 
Bayard  :  "  It  is  believed  to  be  an  alarming  fact,  that  while  the 
question  of  the  presidential  election  was  pending  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  parties  were  organizing  in  several  of  the 
cities,  in  the  event  of  their  being  no  election,  to  cut  off  the 
leading  Federalists  and  seize  the  government  /" 

March  8th.  —  After  seven  days  of  occasional  dogged  ballot 
ing,  the  excitement  in  the  country  ever  on  the  increase,  and 
threatening  to  become  serious,  the  struggle  was  terminated 
by  Mr.  Bayard.  The  manner  in  which  he  did  this  he  related 
at  the  time  in  a  letter  to  Hamilton,  wrhich  letter  is  an  import 
ant  link  in  Burr's  vindication. 

u  Your  views,"  wrote  Mr.  Bayard,  on  the  8th  of  March, 
"  in  relation  to  the  election  differed  very  little  from  my  own, 
but  I  was  obliged  to  yield  to  a  torrent,  which  I  perceived 
might  be  diverted,  but  could  not  be  opposed. 

"In  one  case  I  was  willing  to  take  Burr,  but  I  never  consid- 
dered  it  a»a  case  likely  to  happen.  If  by  his  conduct  he  had 
completely  forfeited  the  confidence  and  friendship  of  his  party, 
and  left  himself  no  resort  but  the  support  of  the  Federalists, 
there  are  many  considerations  which  would  have  induced  me 
to  prefer  him  to  Jefferson.  But  I  was  enabled  soon  to  dis 
cover  that  he  was  determined  not  to  shackle  himself  with 
Federal  principles ;  and  it  became  evident  that  if  he  got  in 
without  being  absolutely  committed  to  his  own  party,  that  he 
would  be  disposed  and  obliged  to  play  the  game  of  M'Kean 
upon  an  improved  plan  and  enlarged  scale. 

"  In  the  origin  of  the  business,  I  had  contrived  to  lay  hold 


THE     TIE     INTRIGUES.  203 

of  all  the  doubtful  votes  in  the  House,  which  enabled  me,  ac 
cording  to  views  which  presented  themselves,  to  protract  or 
terminate  the  controversy. 

"  This  arrangement  was  easily  made  from  the  opinion  read 
ily  adopted  from  the  consideration  that,  representing  a  small 
State  without  resources  which  could  supply  the  means  of  self- 
protection,  I  should  not  dare  to  proceed  to  any  lengths  which 
would  jeopardize  the  Constitution,  or  the  safety  of  my  State. 
When  the  experiment  was  fully  made,  and  acknowledged  upon 
all  hands  to  have  completely  ascertained  that  Burr  was  re 
solved  not  to  commit  himself,  and  that  nothing  remained  but 
to  appoint  a  President  by  law,  or  leave  the  government  with 
out  one,  I  came  out  with  the  most  explicit  and  determined 
declaration  of  voting  for  Jefferson.  You  can  not  well  imagine 
the  clamor  and  vehement  invective  to  which  I  was  subjected 
for  some  days.  We  had  several  caucuses.  All  acknowledged 
that  nothing  but  desperate  measures  remained,  which  several 
were  disposed  to  adopt,  and  but  few  were  willing  openly  to 
disapprove.  We  broke  up  each  time  in  confusion  and  dis 
cord,  and  the  manner  of  the  last  ballot  was  arranged  but  a 
few  minutes  before  the  ballot  was  given.  Our  former  har 
mony,  however,  has  since  been  restored. 

"  The  public  declarations  of  my  intention  to  vote  for  Jeffer 
son,  to  which  I  have  alluded,  were  made  without  a  general 
consultation,  knowing  that  it  would  be  an  easier  task  to  close 
the  breach  which  I  foresaw,  when  it  was  the  result  of  an  act 
done  without  concurrence,  than  if  it  had  proceeded  from  one 
against  a  decision  of  the  party.  Had  it  not  been  tor  a  single 
gentleman  from  Connecticut,  the  eastern  States  would  finally 
have  voted  in  blank,  in  the  same  manner  as  done  by  South 
Carolina  and  Delaware ;  but  because  he  refused,  the  rest  of 
the  delegation  refused ;  and  because  Connecticut  insisted  on 
continuing  the  ballot  for  Burr,  New  Hampshire,  Massachu 
setts,  and  Rhode  Island  refused  to  depart  from  their  former 
vote. 

"  The  means  existed  of  electing  Burr,  but  this  required  his 
cooperation.  By  deceiving  one  man  (a  great  blockhead), 
and  tempting  two  (not  incorruptible),  he  might  have  secured 


294  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

a  majority  of  the,  States.  He  will  never  have  another  chance 
of  being  President  of  the  United  States ;  and  the  little  use 
he  has  made  of  the  one  which  has  occurred,  gives  me  but  an 
humble  opinion  of  the  talents  of  an  unprincipled  man." 

Thus  ended  the  great  struggle,  during  which  the  Constitu 
tion  was  subjected  to  the  severest  strain  it  has  ever  known, 
and  bore  it  without  one  moment's  real  danger  of  giving  way. 
Its  history  has  been  here  given  in  the  language  of  Colonel 
Burr's  bitter  enemies.  The  impression  which  that  history  so 
related  will  leave  on  the  mind  of  the  reader,  can  not  be  fore 
seen.  It  was  the  diligent  reading  of  Burr's  political  history 
in  the  letters,  pamphlets,  and  newspapers  of  his  enemies  and 
opponents,  which  convinced  me  that,  as  a  partizan,  he  acted 
throughout  with  the  strictest  honor  and  consistency ! 

The  4th  of  March,  1801,  was  a  day  of  rejoicing  throughout 
the  United  States.  After  a  period  of  painful  anxiety,  the  coun 
try  breathed  again.  Processions,  orations,  and  banquets  tes 
tified,  in  the  larger  cities  and  towns,  to  the  public  joy.  The 
inauguration  was  happily  achieved  at  the  usual  hour.  In  the 
evening,  President  Jefferson  and  Vice-President  Burr  received 
the  congratulations  of  gentlemen  of  both  parties  at  the  presi 
dential  mansion,  where  all  but  a  few  of  the  most  bigoted  Fed 
eral  Senators  and  Representatives  were  to  be  seen  in  the 
throng  that  gathered  round  the  victorious  chiefs.  The  in 
auguration  speech  had  lulled  the  apprehensions  of  the  Feder 
alists,  and  the  new  order  of  things  was  accepted  with  a  good 
grace. 

Far  away,  at  Albany,  the  Republicans  of  the  New  York 
legislature  were  banqueting  hilariously.  In  reporting  the 
proceedings  of  this  occasion,  the  Albany  Register  informed 
the  world  that  the  company  "  did  not  forget  the  important 
success  of  the  Republicans  in  the  choice  of  that  firm  and  tried 
patriot,  Aaron  Burr,  as  Vice-President  of  the  United  States." 
Next  to  the  toast  given  in  honor  of  the  President,  the  follow 
ing  was  offered : 

"  Aaron  Burr,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  ;  his  uni- 


THE    TIE    INTRK;  r  i«:s.  295 

form  and  patriotic  exertions  in  favor  of  Republicanism  eclipsed 
only  by  his  late  disinterested  conduct." 

Not  a  whisper  of  dissension  was  heard.  Do  Witt  Clinton, 
who  had  held  aloof  from  the  great  campaign  of  1800,  was 
present  at  the  banquet,  and  oifered  this  toast : 

"  Our  Republican  brethren  of  the  South  —  may  we  always  be 
united  with  them  in  the  elevation  of  patriots,  and  the  promo 
tion  of  good  principles." 

Fiery  John  Adams  could  not  submit  with  decent  dignity  to 
his  fate.  "  The  last  day,"  says  Jefferson,  "  of  his  political 
power,  the  last  hour,  and  even  beyond  midnight,  were  em 
ployed  in  filling  all  offices,  and  especially  permanent  ones, 
with  the  bitterest  Federalists,  and  providing  for  me  the  alter 
native,  either  to  execute  the  government  by  my  enemies, 
whose  study  it  would  be  to  thwart  and  defeat  all  my  meas 
ures,  or  to  incur  the  odium  of  such  numerous  removals  from 
office  as  might  bear  me  down."  By  daybreak  on  the  morning 
of  the  inauguration  the  ex-President  had  left  the  seat  of  gov 
ernment  for  ever.* 

The  Federal  party  tasted  the  sweets  of  power  no  more. 
The  leaders  continued,  and  continue,  to  forebode  the  country's 
ruin,  while  they  enjoy  the  lion's  share  of  its  prosperity. 

Hamilton  bought  a  few  acres  of  land  near  the  city,  and  re 
lieved  the  monotony  of  law  by  improving  his  grounds.  When 
next  he  wrote  to  General  Pinckney,  he  begins  his  letter  by 
requesting  his  friend  to  send  him  some  Carolina  melon-seed 

*  John  Adams  went  to  his  grave  without  understanding  the  nature  of  the 
revolution  which  ousted  him.  In  1811  he  wrote  to  Dr.  Rush  :  "  In  point  of 
Republicanism,  all  the  difference  I  ever  knew  or  could  discover  between  you 
and  me,  or  between  Jefferson  and  me,  consisted, 

"1.  In  the  difference  between  speeches  and  messages.  I  was  a  monarchist 
because  I  thought  a  speech  more  manly,  more  respectful  to  Congress  and  the 
nation.  Jefferson  and  Rusli  preferred  messages. 

"  2.  I  held  levees  once  a  week,  that  all  my  time  might  not  be  wasted  by 
idle  visits.  Jefferson's  whole  eight  years  was  a  levee. 

"  3.  I  dined  a  large  company  once  or  twice  a  week.  Jefferson  dined  a 
dozen  every  day. 

"  4.  Jefferson  and  Rush  were  for  liberty  and  straight  hair.  I  thought  curled 
hair  was  as  Republican  as  straight." 


296  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

for  his  new  garden,  and  some  Carolina  parroquets  for  his 
daughter.  "  A  garden,  you  know,  is  a  very  usual  refuge  for 
a  disappointed  politician,"  said  he.  His  letters,  indeed,  were 
still  full  of  politics,  but  they  were  often  couched  in  the  lan 
guage  of  despair.  "  Mine  is  an  odd  destiny,"  he  wrote  to 
Gouveneur  Morris.  "  Perhaps  no  man  in  the  United  States 
has  sacrificed  or  done  more  for  the  present  Constitution  than 
myself;  and,  contrary  to  all  my  anticipations  of  its  fate,  as 
you  know,  from  the  very  beginning.  I  am  still  laboring  to 
prop  the  frail  and  worthless  fabric.  Yet  I  have  the  murmurs 
of  its  friends,  no  less  than  the  curses  of  its  foes,  for  my  re 
ward.  What  can  I  do  better  than  withdraw  from  the  scene  ? 
Every  day  proves  to  me,  more  and  more,  that  this  American 
! world  was  not  made  for  me." 

The  country  was  at  peace.  The  strife  of  parties,  for  the 
moment,  ceased.  The  real  wish  of  the  people  was  so  com 
pletely  satisfied  by  the  election  of  Jefferson,  that,  for  twenty- 
four  years  he  and  his  friends  kept  possession  of  the  govern 
ment  without  serious  opposition.  Jefferson  inherited  the 
errors  of  Adams  and  the  able  devices  of  Hamilton ;  by  aban 
doning  the  former,  and  retaining  the  latter,  and,  above  all,  by 
paying  homage  to  the  republican  idea  in  the  minor  arrange 
ments  of  his  house  and  administration,  he  won  a  vast  and  im 
movable  popularity. 

Minor  arrangements,  do  I  call  them  ?  Of  all  the  facts  that 
contributed  to  the  popularity  which  America  enjoyed  in 
Europe,  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  present  contention  be 
tween  Democracy  and  Slavery,  a  popularity  which  peopled  the 
free  States,  no  tale  was  so  captivating  to  the  European  im 
agination,  sick  of  tawdry  relics  of  barbarous  ages,  sick  of 
courts  and  their  stupid  usages,  as  this  :  In  America  any  man 
may  go  and  see  the  President,  and  shake  hands  with  him . 
Cheap  land  was  not  the  attraction.  Land  was  cheap  in  Aus 
tralia,  in  Canada,  in  Brazil,  in  Virginia.  It  was  that  little  fact, 
and  what  it  implied,  which  freighted  our  homeward-bound 
ships  with  wealth  in  its  most  condensed  and  productive  form, 
namely,  honest,  stalwart  human  beings ! 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE    VICE-PRESIDENT. 

THE  OFFICE  OF  YIOE-PRESIDENT — MARUIAGE  OF  THEODOSIA  —  HER  SON  —  BURR'S  DE 
LIGHT  ix  HIM  —  His  STYLK  OF  LIVING  —  His  COURTSHIP  OF  CELESTE  —  His  POPU 
LARITY  AND  GENERAL  GOOD  FORTUNE. 

WE  behold  our  hero  now  upon  the  summit  of  his  career. 
At  the  age  of  forty-five,  ten  years  after  becoming  known  in 
national  politics,  he  stands  one  step  below  the  highest  place 
to  which  by  politics  a  man  can  rise. 

The  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  besides 
the  chance  which  gives  it  importance,  has,  in  any  case,  an 
odor  of  nationality  about  it  which  gives  it  dignity.  Impetuous 
John  Adams  called  it  an  insignificant  office.  But  that  was 
when  the  old  war-horse  heard  the  noise  of  battle  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  or  saw  it  waging  before  him  in  the  Senate, 
-and  longed,  as  of  old,  to  plunge  into  the  thickest  of  the  fight. 
Adams  really  enjoyed  the  safe  honors  of  the  place  as  well  as 
any  man.  At  that  day,  something  of  the  old  sanctity  st.ill 
clung  to  high  office,  and  it  was  more  to  be  Vice-President  than 
it  is  now.  Burr,  too,  stood  in  the  line  of  succession.  Adams 
rose  from  the  second  office  to  the  first,  and  Jefferson  had  just 
done  the  same.  That  Aaron  Burr  should  in  like  manner  be 
advanced,  was  what  precedent  indicated,  what  his  partisans 
counted  on,  and  what  the  people  naturally  looked  for.  Mean 
while,  he  wore  his  honors  with  the  airy  dignity  which  be 
longed  to  the  man.  It  is  apparent  in  his  merry,  sprightly 
correspondence,  that  he  took  pleasure  in  filling  a  place  that; 
called  into  conspicuous  exercise  the  very  qualities  in  which  lie 
excelled  all  the  public  men  of  his  time. 

He  was  happy  in  his  domestic  circumstances.  His  two 
step-sons,  to  whom  he  had  ever  shown  more  than  a  father's 

13* 


298  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

• 

liberality,  had  prospered  well  in  life.  One  of  them  was  now 
Judge  Prevost,  Recorder  of  the  city  of  New  York ;  the 
other,  a  country  gentleman  of  competent  estate  in  Westches- 
ter  county.  A  young  lady  of  French  extraction,  whom  he 
had,  in  effect,  adopted,  and  who  had  grown  up  and  been  edu 
cated  with  Theodosia,  and  whom  he  loved  only  less  than  his 
own  child,  was  married,  about  this  time,  to  a  young  man  of  a 
distinguished  southern  family. 

And  Theodosia  was  married.  While  the  politicians  supposed 
that  Colonel  Burr  was  full  of  the  alleged  tie  negotiation,  and 
some  of  them  imagined  that  he  was  intriguing  with  all  his 
might  for  the  presidency,  he  was,  in  reality,  occupied  with  the 
marriage  of  his  daughter  with  Joseph  Alston  of  South  Caro 
lina,  which  occurred  while  the  great  question  was  pending. 
This,  with  his  duties  in  the  legislature,  absorbed  his  thoughts 
and  time.  It  was  a  marriage  in  every  respect  fortunate  and 
suitable.  Mr.  Alston  was  twenty-two  years  of  age,  a  gentle 
man  in  all  the  senses  of  the  word,  and  possessed  of  considerable 
property  in  rice  plantations.  He  was  also  a  man  of  talent,  as 
is  evident  from  his  subsequent  career,  and  from  the  elegance, 
ingenuity,  and  force  of  his  letters  to  Theodosia.  When  first 
he  became  her  accepted  suitor,  he  was  merely  the  young  man 
of  fortune,  without  any  definite  object  in  life.  He  had  been 
admitted  to  the  bar,  it  is  true,  but  had  never  had  nor  sought 
professional  employment.  Colonel  Burr  fired  him  with  his 
own  ambition,  stimulated  his  powers,  urged  and  directed  his 
studies,  advised  his  occasional  appearance  in  the  courts,  and 
induced  him  to  enter  the  political  arena.  Mr.  Alston  soon 
made  himself  prominent  in  the  politics  of  his  native  State,  of 
which,  in  due  time,  he  became  governor.  "  Burr  was  a  princely 
father-in-law,"  says  a  gentleman  still  living,  who  was  intimate 
with  both  families. 

I  can  well  believe  it.  u  You  know,"  he  wrote  to  Theodo- 
eia,  after  she  had  gone  to  her  southern  home,  "  that  you  and 
your  concerns  are  the  highest,  the  dearest  interest  I  have  in 
this  world,  one  in  comparison  with  which  all  others  are  insig 
nificant."  Father  and  daughter  were  on  delightful  terms  with 
one  another  :  he  playful  tender,  considerate,  wise,  confiding 


THE     VICE-PRESIDENT.  299 

every  tiling  to  her ;  she  amusing  him  with  her  graceful  wit, 
cheering  him  with  her  affection,  reposing  in  him  an  absolute 
trust.  He  still  directed  her  studies.  Indeed,  the  burden  of 
his  advice  to  her  always  was :  Never  cease  to  improve  your 
mind ;  better  lose  your  head  than  your  habits  of  study.  "  The 
longer  I  live,"  she  writes  to  him,  "  the  more  frequently  the 
truth  of  your  advice  evinces  itself,  that  occupation  is  necessary 
to  give  us  command  over  ourselves."  That  is  an  eminently 
Burr-ian  maxim. 

Her  removal  to  a  State  which  was  then  twenty  days'  journey 
from  New  York,  was  a  drawback  to  his  happiness  in  her  mar 
riage.  But,  during  these  happy  years,  Theodosia's  visits  to 
the  home  of  her  childhood  were  frequent  and  long.  And  who 
so  much  caressed  as  the  beautiful  young  matron  from  South 
Carolina,  the  daughter  of  the  Vice-President  ?  She  led  the 
society  of  two  States ;  and  was  worthy  to  lead  it.  It  is  not 
difficult  to  discover  that  she  preferred  her  northern  home. 
She  declared  that  the  society  of  New  York  was  so  superior  to 
that  of  the  South,  that  a  woman  must  be  a  fool  who  denied  it. 
Even  our  scenery  was  incomparably  finer,  she  thought.  One 
who  only  knows  the  outskirts  of  New  York,  as  they  now  ap 
pear,  tunneled,  excavated,  shantied,  and  every  way  disfigured 
by  the  advance-guard  of  the  marching  metropolis,  can  not 
recognize  Theodosia's  description  of  the  scene  as  it  was  in 
1802.  After  returning  to  her  father's  town-house  one  day, 
from  a  visit  to  Richmond  Hill,  which  excursion  she  called  "  a 
ride  into  the  country,"  she  wrote  to  her  husband  thus  :  "  Never 
did  I  behold  this  island  so  beautiful.  The  variety  of  vivid 
greens ;  the  finely-cultivated  fields  and  gaudy  gardens ;  the 
neat,  cool  air  of  the  cits'  boxes,  peeping  through  straight  rows 
of  tall  poplars,  and  the  elegance  of  some  gentlemen's  seats, 
commanding  a  view  of  the  majestic  Hudson,  and  the  high, 
dark  shores  of  New  Jersey,  altogether  form  a  scene  so  lively, 
so  touching,  and  to  me  now  so  new,  that  I  was  in  constant 
rapture." 

In  due  time  her  boy,  her  only  child,  was  born,  whom  she 
named  after  her  father.  Henceforth  this  boy,  next  to  Theo- 
dosia,  was  the  dearest  object  on  earth  to  Aaron  Burr.  Surely, 


300  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUKK. 

never  was  grandchild  so  loved  as  this  grandchild  was  by  him. 
He  was  never  weary  of  its  company.  He  could  never  hear 
enough  of  its  ways  and  words.  Theodosia  filled  wrhole  letters 
with  narratives  of  the  boy's  small  exploits  and  quaint  sayings; 
and  her  father  would  answer  :  "  You  are  a  dear,  good  little 
girl  to  write  me  so,  and  of  dear  little  Gampy,  too,  so  much  ; 
yet  never  enough.  God  bless  thee."  Gampy  was  the  child's 
mode  of  pronouncing  Grandpa,  and  Burr  never  called  him  by 
any  other  name,  unless  it  was  Gampillus,  Gampillo,  Gamp,  or 
some  other  variation  of  the  same  word.  How  proud  they  all 
were  of  the  child's  robust  beauty  and  his  quick  intelligence, 
and,  what  the  grandfather  valued  above  all  virtues,  his  cour 
age.  One  scene  of  his  early  years  gave  Burr  inexpressible  de 
light  to  witness,  and,  in  after  times,  to  describe.  The  boy  was 
playing  alone  in  a  field,  with  a  stick  in  his  hand,  as  tall  as  him 
self,  while  his  parents  and  grandfather  were  looking  on  from  a 
distance.  Suddenly,  a  goat  that  was  grazing  near  the  child 
began  to  make  hostile  demonstrations,  lowering  his  head  and 
sideling  up  to  the  boy,  in  the  way  usual  with  irate  goats  before 
making  an  assault.  The  boy  was  evidently  frightened.  Still, 
he  faced  the  enemy.  The  goat  advanced  close  to  him,  when, 
just  as  the  animal  was  about  to  open  an  attack,  little  Gamp 
lifted  his  stick  with  a  mighty  effort,  and  brought  it  down 
whack  upon  the  goat's  head,  which  so  astonished  the  beast 
that  he  ran  away.  The  child  was  only  in  his  third  or  fourth 
year  when  this  occurred.  Words  can  not  express  the  rapture 
with  which  the  grandfather  saw  the  boy's  gallantry.  From 
that  hour  he  bore  him  in  his  heart  of  hearts,  and  loved  all  the 
children  in  the  world  better  for  this  one's  sake. 

To  add  to  his  good  fortune,  his  pecuniary  prospects  bright 
ened,  on  his  accession  to  office.  New  York  was  then  a  city 
of  65,000  inhabitants,  and  was  advancing  with  great  rapidity. 
Theodosia  herself  remarks,  in  one  of  her  letters,  that  "  in  ten 
or  twenty  years,  a  hundred  and  thirty  acres  of  land  on  New 
York  Island  will  become  a  principality."  Colonel  Burr  owned 
a  large  tract  of  land  about  Richmond  Hill.  His  grounds  ex 
tended  to  the  North  River,  and,  nearer  the  city,  there  was  a 
piece  of  water  upon  his  estate  which  elderly  inhabitants  may  still 


THE     V  ICE-PRESIDENT.  301 

remember  as  the  favorite  skating-place  of  their  boyhood.  It 
was  called  "  Burr's  Pond"  years  after  it  ceased  to  be  his,  down 
even  to  the  time  when  it  was  filled  in,  and  built  over.  The 
progress  of  the  city  raised  the  value  of  all  the  land  on  the 
island,  and  particularly  of  that  which,  like  Richmond  Hill,  lay 
within  half-an-hour's  ride  of  the  city.  About  this  time,  Colonel 
Burr  was  much  occupied  with  negotiating  with  Mr.  John 
Jacob  Astor  for  the  sale  of  part  of  his  Richmond  Hill  estate. 
At  length,  Mr.  Astor  bought  all  but  the  mansion  and  a  few 
acres  around  it,  for  the  sum  of  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand 
dollars.  The  bargain,  for  some  reason,  was  afterward  can 
celed.  But,  finally,  the  sale  was  completed,  and  Colonel  Burr 
was,  for  the  time,  delivered  from  his  pecuniary  embarrass 
ments.  He  even  had  thoughts  of  buying  another  estate  fur 
ther  up  the  island.  It  is  evident  that  his  style  of  living  was 
such  as  was  then  supposed  to  become  an  elevated  station. 
Half  a  dozen  horses,  a  town-house  and  country-house,  a  nu 
merous  retinue  of  servants,  and  a  French  cook,  were  among 
the  sumptuosities  of  his  establishment.  Jerome  Bonaparte, 
then  on  the  eve  of  his  marriage  with  Miss  Patterson,  was  en 
tertained  at  dinner  and  at  breakfast  by  the  Vice-President, 
who  invited  large  companies  to  meet  the  future  monarch,  in 
whose  ante-chambers  Burr  was,  one  day,  to  kick  his  heels,  a 
suppliant  for  an  audience. 

Richmond  Hill  was  without  a  mistress.  In  these  fortunate 
years  it  was  that  Colonel  Burr  paid  his  court  to  one  of  the 
loveliest  of  Philadelphia's  ever  lovely  belles,  and  had  the  nar 
rowest  escape  from  a  second  marriage. 

They  met,  "  'twas  in  a  crowd ;"  and  each  was  smitten  with 
the  other's  pleasant  qualities.  Again,  he  saw  her  at  her  father's 
table,  where  his  attentions  were  equally  pointed  and  welcome. 
A  tete-d-tete,  which  he  sought  was  interrupted  by  the  entrance 
of  lepere,  but  her  manner  seemed  to  beckon  him  on.  He  was 
almost  in  love.  Summoning  her  father  to  his  apartments  by 
note,  and  the  old  gentleman  appearing  within  the  hour,  the 
enamored  one  came  to  the  point  with  a  promptness  and  self- 
possession  impossible  in  a  lover  under  forty. 

"  Is  Celeste  engaged  ?" 


302  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

"  She  is  not." 

"  Would  it  be  agreeable  to  her  parents  if  Colonel  Burr 
should  make  overtures  for  her  hand  ?" 

"  It  would  be  most  agreeable." 

The  lady  had  gone  to  spend  some  days  six  miles  into  the 
country,  and  thither  her  lover  rides  the  next  morning,  with 
an  eager,  but  composed  mind.  Celeste  enters  the  drawing- 
room,  though  he  had  not  asked  especially  for  her.  Conversa 
tion  ensues.  She  is  all  wit  and  gayety  ;  more  charming  than 
ever,  the  lover  thinks.  Pie  tries  to  turn  the  conversation  to 
the  subject  nearest  his  heart ;  but  she,  with  the  good-humored 
graceful  malice  of  lovely  woman,  defeats  his  endeavors,  and 
so  at  last,  quite  captivated,  he  takes  his  leave. 

The  same  hour  on  the  following  morning  finds  him,  once 
more,  tete-d-tete  with  the  beautiful  Celeste.  Conversation 
again.  But,  this  time,  the  great  question  was  put.  To  the 
surprise  of  this  renowned  lady-killer,  Celeste  replies  that  she 
is  firmly  resolved  never  to  marry  ! 

"I  am  very  sorry  to  hear  it,  madam  ;  I  had  promised  my 
self  great  happiness,  but  can  not  blame  your  determination." 

She  replied  :  "  No  ;  certainly,  sir,  you  can  not ;  for  I  recol 
lect  to  have  heard  you  express  surprise  that  any  woman  should 
marry,  and  you  gave  such  reasons,  and  with  so  much  elo 
quence,  as  made  an  indelible  impression  on  my  mind. 

The  disappointed  swain  received  the  rebuff  with  perfect 
courtesy  and  good  humor.  They  parted  the  best  friends. 

"  Have  you  any  commands  to  town,  madam  ?  I  wish  you 
a  good  morning." 

Two  days  passed.  Then,  a  note  from  Celeste  surprised  the 
Rejected,  informing  him  that  she  was  in  town  for  a  few  hours, 
and  would  be  glad  to  see  him.  He  was  puzzled,  and  hastened 
to  her  for  a  solution.  The  interview  lasted  two  hours,  in  the 
course  of  vvhicli  the  tender  subject  was  daintily  touched,  but 
the  lover  forbore  to  renew  his  suit ;  and  the  conversation 
ended  without  result.  Next  day,  another  note  from  the  lady, 
sent  in  from  the  country,  expressing  "  an  unalterable  determi 
nation  never  again  to  listen  to  his  suit,  and  requesting  that 
the  subject  might  never  be  renewed."  Late  in  the  evening 


THE     VICE-PRESIDENT.  flOo 

of  the  same  day,  on  returning  to  his  lodgings,  the  Vice-Presi 
dent  learned  that  a  boy  had  been  three  times  that  afternoon 
to  deliver  a  message  to  him,  but  had  refused  to  say  from 
whom  it  came.  At  last  Colonel  Burr's  servant  had  traced  the 
boy  to  the  town  residence  of  Celeste.  Early  next  morning  the 
message  came;  Celeste  requested  an  interview.  Post-haste 
the  Vice-President  hied  to  the  presence  of  his  beloved.  He 
found  her  engaged  with  a  visitor,  but  observed  that  she  was 
agitated  upon  his  entrance,  and  impatient  for  the  departure 
of  her  guest.  At  length  they  were  alone,  and  he  waited  for 
her  to  state  her  reasons  for  desiring  to  see  him.  With  ex 
treme  embarrassment,  she  stammered  out,  after  several  vain 
attempts  to  speak,  that  she  feared  her  note  had  not  been 
couched  in  terms  sufficiently  polite,  and  she  had  therefore 
wished  for  an  opportunity  to  apologize.  She  could  utter  no 
more.  He,  expecting  no  such  matter,  stared  in  dumb  aston 
ishment,  with  an  absurd  half-grin  upon  his  countenance.  As 
she  sat  deeply  engaged  in  tearing  to  pieces  some  roses,  and 
he  in  pinching  new  corners  in  the  rim  of  his  hat,  she  all 
blushes  and  confusion,  he  confounded  and  speechless,  the  pair, 
he  afterward  thought,  would  have  made  a  capital  subject  for 
a  painter.  He  was  the  first  to  recover  power  to  articulate. 
Denying  roundly  that  the  fatal  note  was  any  thing  but  polite 
and  proper,  he  offered  to  return  it,  proposed  that  it  should  be 
considered  canceled,  and  begged  to  be  allowed  to  call  the 
next  morning,  and  renew  his  suit.  To  this  she  objected, 
but  faintly.  Waiving  his  request  for  a  formal  permission, 
he  changed  the  subject,  and,  after  an  hour's  not  unpleasant 
conversation,  took  his  leave. 

He  now  confessed  to  Theodosia,  to  whom  the  affair  had 
been  circumstantially  related,  from  day  to  day,  that  he  was 
in  the  condition  of  a  certain  country  judge  before  whom  a 
cause  had  been  too  ingeniously  argued  by  the  lawyers.  "  Gen 
tlemen  of  the  jury,"  said  the  judge,  "you  must  get  along  with 
this  cause  as  well  as  you  can ;  for  my  part,  I'm  swamped." 
But  the  sapient  Theodosia  was  not  puzzled  in  the  least.  "  She 
meant,"  wrote  Theo.,  "  from  the  beginning  to  say  that  awful 
word,  yes  ;  but  not  choosing  to  say  it  immediately,  she  told 


304  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

you  that  you  had  furnished  her  with  arguments  against  matri 
mony,  which  in  French  means,  Please,  sir,  to  persuade  me  out 
of  them  again.  But  you  took  it  as  a  plump  refusal,  and  walked 
off.  She  called  you  back.  What  more  could  she  do  ?  I 
would  have  seen  you  to  Japan  before  I  should  have  done  so 
much." 

However,  the  offer  of  marriage  was  never  renewed.  The 
lover  was  probably  himself  undecided  as  to  the  desirableness 
of  the  match.  But  between  him  and  Celeste  there  was  always 
a  tender  friendship,  and  for  many  months  it  seemed  likely 
enough  that  at  some  unexpected  moment  the  conclusive  word 
would  be  spoken. 

To  complete  his  good  fortune,  he  began  his  official  life  a 
very  popular  man.  He  was  popular  with  his  party  for  giving 
it  victory.  He  was  admired  by  vast  numbers  of  honorable 
men,  because  he  had  disdained  to  seek  his  own  elevation  by 
defeating  the  will  of  a  majority  of  his  countrymen.  The 
eclat  of  office  was  added  to  his  reputation  as  a  soldier  and  as 
a  politician  ;  and  he,  of  all  men,  seemed  to  be  the  one  most 
likely  soon  to  have  at  his  disposal  the  favors  which  a  President 
can  confer.  There  chanced  to  be  in  1801,  before  the  Yice- 
President  had  yet  presided  over  the  Senate,  a  convention  in 
the  State  of  New  York  to  make  certain  amendments  to  the 
Constitution.  Upon  the  meeting  of  the  convention  the  Vice- 
President  was  made  chairman  by  a  unanimous  vote. 

Up  to  this  time,  Aaron  Burr  had  known  little  but  good  for 
tune.  He  had  been  a  successful  soldier,  a  more  successful 
lawyer,  a  most  successful  politician.  Fortunate  and  happy  in 
his  domestic  relations,  he  was  strengthened  now  by  the  alliance 
of  his  daughter  with  an  ancient  and  wealthy  family.  His  own 
estate  was  ample  and  improving.  His  rival  and  enemy  was 
distanced.  Still  in  the  very  prime  of  his  days,  there  was  but 
one  more  honorable  distinction  for  him  to  gain,  and  that 
seemed  almost  within  his  grasp.  High  in  the  esteem  of  his 
own  party,  he  enjoyed  also  the  general  respect  of  the  Fede 
ralists,  as  being  a  more  moderate  partisan  than  other  leading 
Republicans. 

Such  was  the  position  of  Aaron  Burr  in  the  year  1801. 


CHAPTER     XVIII. 


CLOUDS     GATHER. 

THR  GREAT  ERROR  OF  BURR'S  PUBLIC  LIFE  —  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  SPOILS  —  CUEET- 
IIAM  AND  TUE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN — BURR'S  COURSE  ON  THE  JUDICIARY  BlLL — TlIE 
SUPPRESSED  HISTORY  OF  ADAMS'S  ADMINISTRATION  —  HAMILTON'S  MORBID  APPRE 
HENSIONS—  BURR  AT  THE  WASHINGTON  BANQUET  —  HAMILTON'S  NEW  TACTICS  — 

CHEETHAM'S  CALUMNIES  —  THEIR  REFUTATION  —  THE  WAR  OF  PAMPHLETS  AND 
NEWSPAPERS  —  DUELING  THEN  —  HAMILTON'S  ELDEST  SON  FALLS  IN  A  DUEL  — 
DUEL  BETWEEN  JOHN  SWARTWOUT  AND  DE  WITT  CLINTON  —  ROBERT  SWARTWOUT 
AND  RICHARD  RIKER'S  DUEL  — DUEL  BETWEEN  COLEMAN  AND  CAPTAIN  THOMPSON 
— BURR  RUNS  FOR  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  YORK  —  THE  CONTEST  —  BURR  DEFEATED. 

' '  'fr» 

Buj'  Fortune  was  now  tired  of  befriending  this  man.  His 
position  was  imposing,  but  hollow.  As  a  politician,  he  never 
had  any  real  basis ;  such  as  great  ideas,  strong  convictions, 
important  original  measures,  a  grand  policy;  nor  were  his  pe 
culiar  gifts  of  a  nature  to  charm  the  multitude. 

Aaron  Burr  should  never  have  touched  politics.  He  had  no 
business  with  politics.  Having  made  up  his  mind  at  old  Dv. 
Bellamy's,  that  Honor  was  the  god  for  a  gentleman,  and  that 
Chesterfield  was  one  of  his  prophets,  he  should  have  been  con 
tent  to  practice  law,  get  a  fortune,  shine  in  society,  make  the 
tour  of  Europe,  patronize  the  fine  arts,  give  elegant  dinners  ; 
and  so  have  been  the  inane  and  aimless  individual  that  the 
rich  American,  since  the  Revolution,  has  usually  plumed  him 
self  upon  being.  Or,  he  should  have  emigrated  to  France. 
In  soldiers,  Frenchmen,  and  children,  ambition  is  a  nearly  in 
evitable  incentive  to  exertion,  and  therefore  pardonable.  But 
for  the  citizen  of  a  free  State  to  seek  or  accept  high  public 
office  for  any  smaller  object  than  the  public  good,  is  not 
pardonable,  but  pitiable.  The  fatal  day  in  the  life  of  Aaron 
Burr  was  not  on  which  he  and  his  amiable  foe  both  fell  on  the 
field  of  honor,  never  to  rise,  but  on  that  on  which  he  resolved, 
for  party  and  personal  reasons  chiefly,  to  turn  politician. 


306  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Accursed  be  Politics  for  ever !  The  maelstrom  that  has 
drawn  in  and  engulfed  so  many  able  and  worthy  men.  What 
talent  it  absorbs  that  is  so  needed  elsewhere !  How  many 
fair  reputations  it  has  blasted !  What  toil,  what  ingenuity, 
what  wealth,  what  lives  have  been  wasted  upon  it !  How 
mean  are  political  methods  and  expedients,  and  how  absurdly 
disproportioned  are  political  triumphs  to  their  cost !  Politics 
can  never  be  reformed.  To  abolish  politics  altogether  is  perhaps 
the  atonement  America  is  going,  one  day,  to  make  to  an  out 
raged  world,  for  sinking  to  the  deepest  dee]),  and  wallowing 
in  the  filthiest  filth  of  political  turpitude. 

Colonel  Burr  was  now  in  several  people's  way,  and  meas 
ures  were  to  be  adopted  to  get  him  out  of  the  way. 

While  a  party  is  in  opposition,  any  body  who  can  help  is 
welcome,  and,  if  possible,  rewarded.  But  when  that  party 
gets  into  power,  and  has  all  the  great  prizes  to  bestow ;  when 
.a  party  nomination  is  equivalent  to  election  ;  and  when,  above 
all,  no  man's  help  is  felt  to  be  necessary  •  the  claims  of  the 
leading  partizans  are  apt  to  be  more  closely  scrutinized,  and 
the  force  hitherto  expended  in  securing  triumph  for  the  party, 
is  devoted  to  gaining  supremacy  for  the  clique! 

Colonel  Burr  was  not  the  man  that  Thomas  Jefferson  and 
the  Virginia  politicians  wanted  to  be  the  next  democratic 
President.  James  Madison,  then  Secretary  of  State,  and  a 
man  of  immense  family  interest  in  Virginia,  was  the  predes 
tined  candidate  of  the  southern  Republicans.  Madison  was 
Jefferson's  neighbor,  friend,  anJ  disciple.  In  New  York,  the 
Republican  party,  composed  of  three  factions  —  Clintons,  Liv 
ingstons,  and  Burrites  —  had  been  kept  together  by  Colonel 
Burr's  masterly  management  while  there  was  a  Federal  party 
to  be  vanquished ;  but  now  that  the  victory  was  won,  the  ele 
ments  of  discord  so  long  latent,  burst  into  vigorous  life.  The 
Republican  party  of  the  State  of  New  York  was  a  unit  no 
longer.  Each  of  the  three  factions  was  jealous  of  the  others, 
and  aspired  to  sway  the  party.  But,  for  the  present,  the  Clin 
tons  and  the  Livingstons  were  disposed  to  unite  their  forces 
for  the  purpose  of  destroying  Burr  and  his  band  of  followers. 
Thus  against  our  hero  and  his  "  myrmidons,"  three  great  pow- 


CLOUDS     GATHER.  307 

ers  were  soon  to  be  secretly  or  openly  leagued  ;  namely,  first, 
the  Virginia  politicians,  one  of  whom  wielded  the  patronage 
of  the  Federal  government ;  secondly,  the  Clintons,  one  of 
whom  was  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  while  young 
De  Witt  Clinton  was  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate  ; 
and,  lastly,  the  numerous  and  wealthy  family  of  the  Living 
stons.  Each  of  these  had  darling  objects,  to  the  attainment 
of  which  Colonel  Burr's  present  commanding  position  and 
peculiar  powers  were  the  chief  obstacle. 

Down  with  the  interloper,  was  now  the  whisper  that  circu 
lated  among  the  magnates  of  the  party,  both  at  Washington 
and  at  Albany 

In  the  distribution  of  the  "spoils"  of  victory,  many  import 
ant  friends  of  Colonel  Burr  were  passed  by,  while  the  mem 
bers  and  adherents  of  the  two  great  families  were  loaded  with 
favor.  Edward  Livingston  was  appointed  mayor  of  the  city, 
Chancellor  Livingston  went  embassador  to  France.  Brockholst 
Livingston  and  Smith  Thompson,  whose  wife  was  a  Living 
ston,  were  elevated  to  the  bench  of  the  State  Supreme  Court. 
Morgan  Lewis,  Dr.  Tillotson,  and  General  Armstrong,  all  con 
nected  by  marriage  with  the  same  family,  were  well  provided 
for.  George  Clinton  was  governor,  De  Witt  Clinton  was  in 
the  Senate.  A  large  proportion  of  the  minor  city  offices  were 
given  to  Clintonians.  The  Federal  offices,  too,  were  bestowed 
in  accordance  with  the  same  general  plan  of  excluding  the 
friends  of  Burr.  Soon,  Colonel  Burr  and  John  Swartwout, 
through  Clintonian  influence,  lost  their  seats,  after  a  hotly-con 
tested  election,  as  directors  of  the  Manhattan  Bank  ;  and  the 
influence  and  power  of  that  institution  were  used  against  the 
man  to  whom  it  owed  its  existence. 

It  soon  became  apparent  that  the  American  Citizen,  the 
organ  of  the  Republican  party  in  the  city,  owned  by  a  cousin 
of  De  Witt  Clinton's,  was  conducted  wholly  in  the  interest  of 
that  politician.  It  was  edited  by  a  scurrilous  dog  of  an  En 
glishman,  named  Cheetham,  who  began  life  as  a  hatter,  and 
who  knew  as  much  of  American  politics  as  De  Witt  Clinton 
chose  to  tell  him.  This  Cheetham  fancied  he  had  a  talent  for 
invective,  and,  nothing  pleased  him\()etter  than  to  make  a 


308  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

set-attack  on  some  public  character,  in  what  he  supposed  to 
be  the  manner  of  Junius.  Hamilton,  too,  had  an  organ,  the 
newly-established  Evening  Post,  edited  by  William  Coleraan, 
a  lawyer,  a  good  writer,  and  a  gentleman. 

In  these  circumstances,  the  friends  of  Burr,  in  the  summer 
of  1802,  assisted  to  establish  the  Morning  Chronicle,  which 
supported  the  administration,  but  was  especially  friendly  to  the 
Vice-President.  This  Morning  Chronicle  ceased,  long  ago,  to 
exist,  but  its  name,  through  a  happy  accident,  will  be  remem 
bered  for  many  generations  to  come.  It  was  edited  by  Dr. 
Peter  Irving,  and,  in  its  columns,  a  younger  brother  of  the 
editor,  WASHINGTON  IRVING,  first  appeared  as  a  writer  for  the 
public.  Mr.  Irving  was  a  youth  of  nineteen  wThen  Colonel 
Burr  used  to  cut  out  his  Jonathan  Oldstyle  essays  from  the 
Chronicle,  and  inclose  them  in  his  letters  to  Theodosia,  with 
the  remark  that  they  were  very  good  for  so  young  a  man. 
He  was  fortunate  in  having  such  a  contributor.  But  Burr 
needed  a  lighting  newspaper.  Dr.  Irving,  in  contending  <with 
such  a  fellow  as  Cheetham,  labored  under  the  crushing  disad 
vantage  of  being  a  gentleman  and  a  scholar. 

Thus  the  weapons  of  warfare  were  prepared.  Colonel  Burr 
soon  gave  dog  Cheetham  an  opportunity  to  howl  the  alarm. 

On  his  way  to  the  seat  of  government,  in  the  autumn  of 
1801,  to  take  his  seat  in  the  chair  of  the  Senate,  the  Yice- 
President  received  from  certain  citizens  of  Baltimore  one  of 
those  adulatory  addresses  of  which  Mr.  Adams  was  so  fond, 
and  which  it  had  been  a  specialty  of  the  Republican  party  to 
denounce  and  ridicule.  To  this  address  Colonel  Burr  re 
sponded  thus :  "  Time  will  not  allow  me  to  return  a  written 
answer,  but  I  must  be  permitted  to  state  my  disapprobation 
of  the  mode  of  expressing  public  sentiment  by  addresses." 
This  answer  was  in  the  strictest  accordance  with  the  Repub 
lican  feeling  of  the  time.  But  it  was  needlessly  abrupt,  and 
gave  offense  to  many.  It  savored  of  Federal  haughtiness, 
thought  some,  and  was  unbecoming  a  public  servant.  But 
this  was  a  trifle. 

The  great  measure  of  the  session  was  the  repeal  of  a  judi 
ciary  bill,  which  passed  at  the  close  of  the  last  Congress,  by 


CLOUDS     GATHER.  309 

which  the  number  of  Federal  judges  was  increased  by  twenty- 
three.  This  bill  had  been  passed  by  a  party  vote,  the  Re 
publicans  going  against  it  in  a  body.  But  what  made  it 
inexpressibly  odious  to  the  new  administration,  and  to  the 
Republican  party,  was  the  indecent  haste  with  which  Mr. 
Adams,  in  the  very  last  hour  of  his  presidency,  had  appointed 
the  new  judges.  These  were  the  "midnight  appointments'' 
of  which  Mr.  Jefferson  so  wrathfully  spoke  in  a  letter  pre 
viously  quoted,  and  which  were  the  more  offensive  as  the 
judges  were  appointed  for  life.  What  President,  what  party, 
could  see,  without  disgust,  twenty-three  keenly-coveted  life- 
judgeships,  stolen,  as  it  were,  from  the  hard- won  "spoils"  of 
victory  ?  Twenty-three  such  offices,  skillfully  bestowed,  were 
a  reserve  of  political  capital  that  would  suffice,  alone,  to  turn 
the  scale  in  a  close  contest,  whether  in  caucus  or  at  the  polls. 
Enough.  The  party  was  resolved  on  repealing  the  bill,  and 
thus  annihilating  the  judgeships  which  it  created.  This  was 
done,  but  only  after  a  long  period  of  exciting  and  acrimonious 
debate,  during  which  the  Vice-President,  by  the  utter  impar 
tiality  of  his  conduct,  gave  offense  to  both  parties. 

The  Senate  \vas  nearly  tied  on  the  question,  and  thus  it 
happened  that  at  a  certain  stage  of  the  bill  the  Vice-President 
had  to  give  a  casting  vote.  On  a  motion  to  refer  the  bill  to  a 
committee  for  amendment,  the  vote  was  fourteen  to  fourteen, 
the  Federalists  favoring  the  reference.  The  Vice-President 
said : 

"  I  am  for  the  affirmative,  because  I  never  can  resist  the 
reference  of  a  measure  where  the  Senate  is  so  nicely  balanced, 
and  when  the  object  is  to  effect  amendment  that  may  accom 
modate  it  to  the  opinions  of  a  large  majority,  and  particularly 
when  I  can  believe  that  gentlemen  are  sincere  in  wishing  a 
reference  for  this  purpose.  Should  it,  however,  at  any  time 
appear  that  delay  only  is  intended,  my  conduct  will  be  differ 
ent." 

This  vote  produced  a  "sensation."  The  ultra  Republicans 
condemned  it,  of  course ;  and  Cheetham  made  it  the  object 
of  vituperation.  The  ultra  Federalists  rejoiced  over  it.  Mod 
erate  men  of  all  parties  saw  in  it  the  simple  discharge  of  an 


310  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

obvious  duty.  As  it  happened,  however,  the  vote  had  no  re 
sults,  for  the  arrival  of  a  Senator,  a  day  or  two  after,  restored 
the  Republican  majority,  and  the  bill  was  taken  out  of  com 
mittee  forthwith. 

At  other  stages  of  the  bill,  the  Vice-President's  course  was 
severely  disappointing  to  the  Federalists.  On  this  point  we 
have  the  unequaled  authority  of  Gouveneur  Morris,  who,  as 
a  Federal  Senator,  fought  for  the  preservation  of  the  judge- 
ships  with  all  the  energy  of  honest  and  disinterested  convic 
tion.  He  believed  the  nation  would  be  disgraced  by  depriv 
ing  men  of  offices  which  the  Constitution  gave  them  for  life, 
and  which  they  had  accepted  on  that  condition.  Gouveneur 
Morris,  when  all  was  over,  wrote  thus  to  his  friend,  Chancellor 
Livingston  :  "  There  was  a  moment  when  the  Vice-President 
might  have  arrested  the  measure  by  his  vote,  and  that  vote 
would,  I  believe,  have  made  him  President  at  the  next  elec 
tion  ;  but  '  there  is  a  tide  in  the  affairs  of  men,'  which  he  suf 
fered  to  go  by." 

This  reserve  of  power  on  the  part  of  Colonel  Burr  was  the 
more  creditable  to  him  from  the  fact  that  he  was  rather  op 
posed  to  the  repeal  than  otherwise.  It  is  evident  from  his 
correspondence  at  the  time,  that  he  made  the  legality  of  the 
repeal  a  special  subject  of  investigation,  and,  according  to  his 
wont,  of  consultation  with  the  eminent  lawyers  of  his  ac 
quaintance.  To  Barnabas  Bid  well,  he  writes:  "The  power 
thus  to  deprive  judges  of  their  offices  and  salaries  must  be  ad 
mitted  ;  but  whether  it  would  be  constitutionally  moral,  if  I 
may  use  the  expression,  and,  if  so,  whether  it  would  be  politic, 
and  expedient,  are  questions  on  which  I  could  wish  to  be 
further  advised.  Your  opinion  on  these  points  would  be  par 
ticularly  acceptable." 

To  his  son-in-law  he  expresses  the  same  doubts,  and  adds 
"  Read  the  Constitution,  and  having  informed  yourself  of  the 
out-of-door  talk,  write  me  how  you  view  the  thing."  Mr.  A. 
J.  Dallas  of  Pennsylvania,  a  zealous  and  able  Democrat,  gave 
the  Vice-President  a  decided  opinion  against  the  repeal  of  the 
bill,  and  in  favor  of  amending  it.  Jefferson,  it  appears,  took 
about  the  same  view  of  the  repeal  as  Burr,  and,  as  the  Vice- 


CLOUDS     GAT  II  Eli .  311 

President  forbore  to  defeat  it  by  his  casting  vote,  the  Presi 
dent  retrained  from  killing  it  by  his  veto. 

Before  Cheethara  had  done  ringing  the  changes  on  the 
Vice-President's  alleged  inconsistency  on  the  judiciary  bill, 
Colonel  Burr  gave  him  another  subject  upon  which  to  exercise 
his  talents. 

A  certain  John  Wood,  of  New  York,  toward  the  close  of 
the  year  1801,  sent  to  press  a  voluminous  pamphlet,  entitled, 
"  A  History  of  the  Administration  of  John  Adams."  Stupid 
ity,  Ignorance,  and  Falsehood  combined  their  several  powers 
in  the  production  of  this  indigested  mass  of  tedious  lies.  It 
was  a  sort  of  "  campaign  life"  reversed ;  that  is,  instead  of 
being  all  puff,  it  was  all  slander  or  misrepresentation.  One 
sentence  from  this  precious  work  will  suffice  to  give  the  reader 
an  idea  of  its  character,  and  of  the  good  it  was  likely  to  do  to 
the  Republican  cause.  After  berating  John  Adams  for  many 
a  weary  page,  Mr.  Wood  proceeded  to  inquire  why  it  was 
that  Connecticut  should  have  been  so  persistent  and  unani 
mous  in  support  of  such  a  madman.  This,  he  says,  naturally 
excites  our  wonder  and  astonishment.  "  But  the  surprise  of 
the  reader  will  vanish  when  he  is  informed  that  in  no  part  of 
the  world  the  bigotry  of  priesthood  reigns  so  triumphant,  and 
that  the  dark  shades  of  superstition  nowhere  cloud  the  un 
derstanding  of  man  in  such  a  degree,  as  among  the  unhappy 
natives  of  Connecticut." 

The  volume  contained  labored  eulogies  of  Jefferson  and 
Burr.  The  puff  of  the  Yice-President  concluded  with  these 
words  :  "  It  is  impossible  to  draw  a  character  of  Colonel  BurrK 
in  more  applicable  and  expressive  terms  than  Governor  Liv 
ingston  lias  done  of  his  father  :  4  Though  a  person  of  a  slender 
and  delicate  make,  to  encounter  fatigue  he  has  a  heart  of  steel ; 
and  for  the  dispatch  of  business,  the  most  amazing  talents 
joined  to  a  constancy  of  mind  that  insures  success  in  spite  of 
every  obstacle.  As  long  as  an  enterprise  appears  not  abso 
lutely  impossible,  he  knows  no  discouragement,  but,  in  pro 
portion  to  its  difficulty,  augments  his  diligence  ;  and  by  an  in 
superable  fortitude,  frequently  accomplishes  what  his  friends 
and  acquaintances  conceived  utterly  impracticable.'  " 


312  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUEK. 

Colonel  Burr  read  this  work  in  the  sheets.  He  saw  at  one 
glance  that  its  publication  would  do  the  Republican  party 
harm  instead  of  good ;  particularly  in  New  England,  where 
he  was  most  of  all  solicitous  to  gain  adherents.  He  began, 
by  this  time,  to  understand  that  his  future,  as  a  politician, 
depended  upon  the  Republican  party's  gaining  such  an  in 
crease  of  strength  in  New  England  as  to  counterbalance  the 
undue  influence  of  Virginia.  With  his  usual  promptness,  but 
not  with  his  usual  completeness  of  success,  he  attempted  to 
suppress  the  book.  Twelve  hundred  and  fifty  copies  had  been 
printed.  He  agreed  with  author  and  publisher  to  pay  a  cer 
tain  sum,  on  condition  that  the  whole  edition  should  be 
burned  and  the  secret  kept.  Before  the  bargain  was  consum 
mated,  however,  it  was  ascertained  that  information  of  the  ne 
gotiation  had  been  given  to  Duane,  of  the  Philadelphia  Au 
rora,  and  to  cur  Cheetham,  of  the  New  York  Citizen,  and  that 
certain  copies  had  been  handed  about.  As  one  of  the  pub 
lishers  of  the  book  had  been  tutor  in  General  Hamilton's  fam 
ily,  it  may  be  that  in  this  affair  Hamilton  repaid  Burr,  in  kind, 
for  his  maneuvers  in  1800.*  Be  that  as  it  may,  Burr  refused 
to  pay  for  the  edition,  and  let  the  matter  take  its  course. 

Cheetham,  first  by  hints  and  innuendoes,  then  by  broad  and 
reiterated  assertion,  assailed  the  Yice-President,  maintaining 
that  he  had  attempted  to  suppress  the  book  for  the  sake  of 
shielding  his  new  friends,  the  Federalists,  from  the  just  odium 
which  its  general  circulation  would  have  excited.  Here  was 
another  proof,  said  Cheetham,  if  other  proof  were  needed,  of 
the  faithlessness  of  the  Vice-President  to  his  party,  etc.,  etc. 
Duane,  of  the  more  decent  Aurora,  joined  at  last  in  the  cry, 
though,  at  the  time,  he  had  approved  of  the  suppression,  as  a 
letter  of  his  to  Colonel  Burr  still  shows.  His  letter,  dated 
April  15,  says  it  was  fortunate  Wood's  pamphlet  had  not  ap 
peared,  and  it  would  be  still  more  fortunate  if  it  should  never 
appear.  His  paper  of  July  12th  expresses  the  opinion  that  if 
the  motives  for  the  suppression  of  the  book  were  not  satisfac- 

*  Hamilton  had  no  objection  to  a  publication  which  tended  to  justify  hia 
own  opposition  to  Adams.  When,  soon  after,  Wood  got  into  prison  for  debt, 
he  was  released  by  Coleman,  the  editor  of  Hamilton's  organ. 


(J  L  O  U  1)  S     G  A  T  II  E  li .  313 

^»^- 

torily  explained  to  the  public,  Colonel  Burr's  standing  with 
the  Republican  interest  was  gone. 

No  explanation  at  all  was  vouchsafed  to  a  credulous  public. 
15 HIT  was  careless  of  public  opinion  to  a  remarkable  degree, 
and  he  was  full  of  that  pride,  so  common  in  his  day,  which 
disdains  to  notice  newspaper  comment,  or  any  other  form  of 
popular  clamor.  One  of  the  maxims  which  he  used  to  recom- 
mend  to  his  pr<  teges  was,  never  to  apologize  for  or  explain 
away  a  public  action  which  might  be  disapproved,  but  let  its 
results  speak.  Once,  after  reproving  his  daughter  for  some 
slight  neglect,  he  adds,  "  No  apologies  or  explanations  —  I 
hate  them."  Alluding  to  one  of  Cheetham's  lies,  he  wrote  to 
Theodosia :  "  They  are  so  utterly  lost  on  me  that  I  should 
never  have  seen  even  this,  but  that  it  came  inclosed  to  me  in 
a  letter  from  New  York."  In  another  letter  he  speaks  of 
"some  new  and  amusing  libels  against  the  Vice-President," 
which  he  had  thought  of  sending  her.  This  is,  doubtless,  the 
right  temper  for  a  man  who  has  no  favors  to  ask  of  the  public  ; 
but  to  one  whose  career  in  life  absolutely  depends  upon  the 
multitude's  sweet  voices,  it  will  certainly,  sooner  or  later, 
prove  fatal.  Besides,  it  was  only  this  summer  that  Dr.  Irving 
had  got  his  Morning  Chronicle  fairly  under  way,  and  by  that 
time  Cheetham's  calumnies  had  struck  in  past  eradication. 

But  these  were  only  preliminary  scandals.  The  main  at 
tack  was  to  come.  Before  proceeding  to  that,  however,  let 
us  see  what  new  gorgons  the  Vice-President's  conduct  was 
conjuring  up  in  the  morbid  mind  of  Hamilton. 

The  celebration  of  Washington's  birth-day  was  then  more  a 
party  than  a  national  custom,  and  one  which  the  Federalists 
were  not  likely  to  neglect  in  the  first  year  of  a  Republican 
administration.  The  usual  banquet  was  held  at  Washington. 
A  few  days  after,  the  rumor  circulated  in  New  York  that  the 
Vice-President  had  actually  been  present  at  that  festival,  and 
given  a  toast.  "  We  are  told  here,"  wrote  Hamilton  to  Bay 
ard,  "  that  at  the  close  of  your  birth-day  feast,  a  strange  ap 
parition,  which  was  taken  for  the  Vice-President,  appeared 
among  you,  and  toasted  'the  union  of  all  honest  men.'  I 
often  hear  at  the  corner  of  the  streets  important  Federal  se- 

14 


314  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

crets  of  which  I  am  ignorant.  This  may  be  one.  If  the 
story  is  true,  'tis  a  good  thing  if  we  use  it  well.  As  an  in 
strument^  the  person  will  be  an  auxiliary  of  some  value  ;  as  a 
chief,  he  will  disgrace  and  destroy  the  party.  I  suspect,  how 
ever,  the  folly  of  the  mass  will  make  him  the  latter,  and  from 
the  moment  it  shall  appear  that  this  is  the  plan,  it  may  be  de 
pended  upon,  much  more  will  be  lost  than  gained.  I  know 
of  no  important  character  who  has  a  less  founded  interest  than 
the  man  in  question.  His  talents  may  do  well  enough  for  a 
particular  plot,  but  they  are  ill-suited  for  a  great  and  wise 
drama.  But  what  has  wisdom  to  do  with  weak  men  ?" 

That  remark  about  Burr's  talents  being  better  adapted  to  a 
particular  plot,  than  to  a  "  great  and  wise  drama,"  is  one  of  the 
truest  ever  made  by  Hamilton  of  his  antagonist. 

To  Gouveneur  Morris,  Hamilton  writes  in  a  similar  strain. 
He  fears  that  some  new  intrigue  is  hatching  between  Burr  and 
the  Federalists.  If  not,  what  meant  the  "  apparition  ?"  He 
adds,  that  if  Burr  should  form  a  third  party,  "  we  may  think 
it  worth  while  to  purchase  him  with  his  flying  squadrons." 
Hamilton's  main  idea  was :  Let  us  use  Burr  as  a  means  of  our 
elevation,  not  let  him  use  us  as  a  means  of  his  own. 

It  was  again  the  sensible  Mr.  Bayard's  privilege  to  allay 
Hamilton's  apprehensions.  In  reply  to  the  latter's  "  appari 
tion"  letter,  he  wrote  as  follows :  "  The  apprehensions  you 
appear  to  entertain  of  the  eifect  of  the  intrigues  of  a  certain 
person,  if  you  will  take  my  word  for  it,  are  wholly  without 
ground.  In  fact,  little  has  been  attempted  and  nothing  ac 
complished.  I  answer  only  for  the  time  present,  because  I 
believe  the  gentleman  is  waiting  to  see  the  result  of  the  new 
state  of  things  more  completely  developed  before  he  decides 
upon  the  course  he  will  pursue.  The  apparition  in  the  after 
piece  was  not  unexpected,  but  the  toast  was. 

"An  intimation  was  given  that,  if  he  was  sensible  of  no 
impropriety  in  being  our  guest  upon  the  occasion,  his  com 
pany  would  be  very  acceptable ;  our  calculation  was  that  he 
had  less  chance  of  gaining  than  losing  by  accepting  the  invi 
tation.  We  knew  the  impression  which  the  coincidence  of  cir 
cumstances  would  make  on  a  certain  great  personage,  how 


CLOUDS     GATHER.  315 

% 

readily  that  impression  would  be  communicated  to  the  proud 
and  aspiring  lords  of  the  ancient  dominion,  and  we  have  not 
been  mistaken  as  to  the  jealousy  we  expected  it  would  excite 
through  the  party. 

"  Be  assured,  the  apparition  was  much  less  frightful  to  those 
who  saw  it  than  to  many  who  heard  of  the  place  where  it  ap 
peared.  The  toast  was  indiscreet,  and  extremely  well  calcu 
lated  to  answer  our  views.  It  will  not  be  an  easy  task  to  im 
pose  upon  the  Federalists  here,  united  and  communicative  as 
they  are  at  present ;  and  you  may  rely,  that  no  eagerness  to 
recover  lost  power  will  betray  them  into  any  doctrines  or  com 
promises  repugnant  or  dangerous  to  their  former  principles. 
We  shall  probably  pay  more  attention  to  public  opinion  than 
we  have  hitherto  done,  and  take  more  pains  not  merely  to  do 
right  things,  but  to  do  them  in  an  acceptable  manner." 

That  such  a  pother  should  arise  from  a  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States  attending  a  banquet  in  honor  of  George 
Washington,  gives  the  modern  reader  an  idea  of  the  reality 
of  the  political  differences  of  that  day,  which  we  can  the  bet 
ter  understand  from  the  fact,  that  such  differences  are  again 
becoming  real.  Colonel  Burr  had  a  reason  for  attending  this 
banquet  of  a  personal  kind.  The  Federal  members  of  the 
House  who  gave  the  banquet,  and  who  invited  the  Vice-Pres- 
ident  to  attend  it,  were  the  very  men  who,  a  year  ago,  had 
sat  a  week  trying  to  make  him  President.  Who  was  the  in 
triguer  in  this  business,  Bayard  or  Burr  ? 

Hamilton's  rejoinder  to  Bayard,  is  one  of  the  most  charac 
teristic  epistles  he  ever  wrote.  It  is  eminently  amiable  and 
absurd.  He  says  that  Bayard's  explanation  has  allayed  his 
fear.  He  then  proceeds  to  divulge  an  elaborate  plan  for  bring 
ing  the  country  back  again  to  its  former  Federal  principles. 
We  must  change  our  tactics,  he  begins.  We  have  relied 
too  much  upon  the  mere  excellence  of  our  measures.  Men 
are  reasoning,  but  not  reasonable  creatures.  While  we  have 
appealed  solely  to  the  reason,  our  opponents  have  flattered  the 
vanity  of  the  people,  and  the  consequence  is  we  are  prostrate,, 
and  they  are  triumphant.  We  must  be  more  politic,  my  dear 
sir.  Nothing  wrong  must  be  done,  of  course ;  but  we  must 


316  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

meet  art  with  art,  and  defeat  trick  with  trick ;  that  is,  as  far 
as  we  can  do  so  innocently.  After  a  prologue  of  this  de- 
cription,  comes  the  play.  He  suggests  the  formation  of  a 
"  Christian  Constitutional  Society,"  with  a  president  and  coun 
cil  of  twelve  at  Washington,  a  vice-president  and  sub-council 
of  twelve  in  each  State,  and  as  many  local  branches  as  may  be 
necessary.  The  object  of  this  grand  association  was  to  be, 
ostensibly,  first,  the  support  of  the  Christian  religion  ;  sec 
ondly,  the  support  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
The  real  object,  of  course,  was  to  turn  out  the  vulgar,  odious 
"  Jacobins,"  and  raise  to  power  once  more  the  virtuous  and 
polite  Federalists.  This  was  to  be  done  by  diffusing  informa 
tion,  by  getting  good  men  elected  to  office,  and  by  promoting 
charitable  institutions,  particularly  in  cities.  As  a  proof  how 
much  the  cities  needed  looking  after,  Hamilton  revives  the 
story  of  the  plot  which  was  said  to  have  been  formed,  during 
the  presidential  suspense  of  1801,  to  seize  and  "cut  off"  the 
leading  Federalists. 

This  reads  very  much  like  imbecility.  One  would  have 
supposed  the  Federalists  had  had  enough  of  secret  societies, 
in  their  early  experiences  with  regard  to  the  Cincinnati.  And 
how  Hamilton  had  denounced  the  American  imitations  of  the 
French  Jacobin  clubs !  Bayard  set  him  right  once  more,  by 
telling  him  decidedly  that  his  Club  scheme  would  not  do. 
Let  us  wait,  said  Bayard,  arid  the  enemy  will  soon  show  the 
country  that  we  are  the  party  to  give  it  prosperity. 

The  country,  meanwhile,  was  obstinately  prosperous,  and 
unreasonably  peaceful,  and  madly  confident  of  the  ability  arid 
patriotism  of  the  administration.  But  there  was  a  gleam  of 
hope  for  the  Federalists  still.  In  the  summer  of  1802,  a  rumor 
was  flying  about  among  them  that  there  was  division  in  the 
enemy's  camp  ;  the  President  and  Vice-President  had  quar 
reled  !  In  June,  Hamilton  writes  a  doleful  letter  to  Rufus 
King  about  affairs  political,  which  thus  concludes : 

"  There  is,  however,  a  circumstance  which  may  accelerate 
the  fall  of  the  present  party.  There  is  certainly  a  most  serious 
schism  between  the  chief  and  his  heir-apparent ;  a  schism 
absolutely  incurable,  because  founded  in  the  hearts  of  both,  in 


CLOUnSGATHER.  3 1 7 

the  rivalship  of  an  insatiable  and  unprincipled  ambition.  The 
effects  are  already  apparent,  and  are  ripening  into  a  more  bit 
ter  animosity  between  the  partizans  of  the  two  men  than  ever 
existed  between  the  Federalists  and  anti-Federalists. 

u  Unluckily,  we  are  not  as  neutral  to  this  quarrel  as  we 
ought  to  be.  You  saw,  however,  how  far  our  friends  in  Con 
gress  went  in  polluting  themselves  with  the  support  of  the 
second  personage  for  the  presidency.  The  cabal  did  not  ter 
minate  there.  Several  men,  of  no  inconsiderable  importance 
among  us,  like  the  enterprising  and  adventurous  character  of 
this  man,  and  hope  to  soar  with  him  into  power.  Many  more, 
through  hatred  to  the  chief,  and  through  an  impatience  to  re 
cover  the  reins,  are  linking  themselves  to  the  new  chief  almost 
without  perceiving  it,  and  professing  to  have  no  other  object 
than  to  make  use  of  him ;  while  he  knows  that  he  is  making 
use  of  them.  What  this  may  end  in,  it  is  difficult  to  per 
ceive." 

The  truth  about  all  this  is  now  sufficiently  apparent.  The 
President  and  Vice-President  were  on  about  the  same  terms 
as  before.  Colonel  Burr  dined  at  the.White  House  twice  a 
month,  and  with  the  members  of  the  cabinet  about  once  a 
year.  Between  himself  and  Mr.  Madison  there  was  an  ap 
pearance  of  friendliness,  and  a  growing  reality  of  reserve. 
Theodosia  and  the  beautiful  Mrs.  Madison  seem  to  have  been 
on  terms  of  considerable  intimacy.  But  Jefferson,  partly  for 
personal,  chiefly  for  patriotic  reasons,  wished  the  Virginia 
politicians  to  continue  the  democratic  rule.  It  was  apparent 
to  Burr  that  their  political  projects  were  incompatible,  and  he 
began  to  look,  more  and  more,  to  the  northern  States  for  sup 
port,  knowing  that  nothing  but  the  impossibility  of  carrying 
an  election  without  him  would  secure  him  the  support  of  the 
Virginians.  The  two  chiefs  were,  therefore,  at  cross  purposes, 
so  far  as  party  management  was  concerned  ;  and  there  is  no 
question  that  Jefferson  now  felt  that  repugnance  to  Burr 
which  their  uncongenial  natures  must,  in  almost  any  circum 
stances,  have  generated.  But  they  never  quarreled.  Down 
to  Burr's  last  visit  to  Philadelphia,  in  1806,  he  called  on  and 
dined  with  the  President  quite  as  usual.  Burr,  it  must  be 


318  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

remembered,  could  not  be,  like  Madison  or  Monroe,  a  satellite. 
His  aim  was  to  be  an  independent  power  in  politics. 

To   return   to   Chectham.      Continuing:   his   attack  on  the 

O 

Vice-President,  he  brought  out  his  most  damaging  accusation, 
which  was,  that  Colonel  Bum-,  during  the  tie  period,  had  in 
trigued  for  electoral  votes,  with  the  design  to  defraud  Jeffer 
son  of  the  presidency.  The  charge  was  made  with  staggering 
positiveness,  and  desperate  pertinacity.  This  scandal  was 
Cheetham's  master-piece,  and  the  public  mind,  by  his  previous 
efforts,  though  not  convinced,  had  become  prepared  to  receive 
it.  The  better  to  effect  his  purpose,  he  wrote  a  series  of 
"  Nine  Letters,"  in  which  he  professed  to  give  a  history  of 
Colonel  Burr's  political  life,  but  every  page  of  which  showed 
the  man's  ignorance  of  the  subject  upon  which  he  was  writing. 
These  letters  were  afterward  published  in  a  pamphlet,  which 
became,  for  awhile,  the  town-talk,  and  had  a  considerable  cir 
culation  at  all  the  political  centers. 

For  the  purpose  of  showing  the  caliber  and  style  of 
Cheetham,  and  his  slight  acquaintance  with  the  political  his 
tory  of  the  times,  I  will  copy  a  passage  from  his  fifth  epistle, 
which  is  in  his  very  best  Junius  style.  It  contains  just  that 
mixture  of  truth  and  falsehood  which  marks  the  productions 
of  unscrupulous  scribes,  who  are  hired  to  clothe  with  words 
the  ideas  of  their  masters.  Cheetham  was  a  boy  of  seventeen 
when  Colonel  Burr  began  his  political  life.  He  was  just  of  age 
when  Burr  went  to  the  Senate,  and  was  never  in  a  position  to 
have  any  personal  knowledge  of  interior  politics. 

Thus  Cheetham,  in  his  fifth  epistle  :  "  Your  activity,"  said 
this  Junius  Americanus,  addressing  the  Yice-President,  "  was 
uniformly  apportioned  to  your  selfishness.  You  were  never 
active  but  when  you  had  personal  favors  to* expect.  At  the 
election  for  governor,  in  1792,  after  the  Federalists  refused  to 
accept  you  as  their  candidate,  you  were  not  to  be  seen,  and 
scarcely  to  be  heard  of.  In  1795,  when  the  Republicans  made 
choice  of  Judge  Yates  in  preference  to  yourself,  you  retired  in 
dudgeon,  and  neither  moved  your  lips  nor  lifted  your  pen  in 
favor  of  his  election.  In  1796,  you  rendered  no  assistance  to 
the  Republicans  at  the  election  for  Assembly-men.  In  1797, 


CLOUDSGATHKB.  319 

you  manifested  some  concern  for,  and  contributed  your  mite 
to  the  success  of,  the  Republican  ticket ;  but  let  it  be  remem 
bered  that  you  were  that  year  a  candidate  for  the  Assembly ! 
In  1798,  the  darkest  period  the  Union  has  seen  since  the  Rev 
olution,  you  neither  appeared  at  the  Republican  meetings  nor 
at  the  polls,  you  neither  planned  in  the  cabinet  nor  acted  in 
the  iield.  If  you  were  then  eloquent,  it  was  the  eloquence  of 
the  grave.  At  that  portentous  period,  when  the  greatest  ex 
ertions  were  made  necessary,  you  manifested  none.  In  1799 
you  were  still  in  your  shell ;  you  were  neither  seen  at  the 
Ward  assemblies  nor  on  the  election  ground.  But  in  1800 
you  were  all  activity  and  zeal.  Every  ligament  of  your  frame 
was  brought  into  action.  You  devoted  night  and  day  to  the 
success  of  the  Republican  ticket.  You  attended  all  our  meet 
ings,  and  harangued  the  assembled  citizens  at  most.  You 
even  stood  at  the  polls  and  challenged  voters.  All  this  was 
admired,  since,  without  looking  at  the  motive,  it  was  service 
able.  We  give  you  full  credit  for  your  zeal  and  activity  on 
the  occasion,  especially  as  it  was  the  first  time  you  exhibited 
either.  But  even  here  you  were  the  same  man.  You  were 
peculiarly  interested  in  the  success  of  the  election.  You 
knew  that  you  would  be  a  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency, 
and  you,  with  the  country  at  large,  were  of  opinion  that  the 
success  of  the  presidential  election  depended  principally  on 
our  triumph  in  that  of  our  city.  You  had  made  nice  calcula 
tions  on  this  subject,  and  very  clearly  foresaw  the  necessity 
for  herculean  exertions.  Accordingly,  you  were  all  anima 
tion.  You  were  first  at  the  meeting,  first  at  the  polls.  While 
our  citizens  applauded  your  conduct,  they  were  ignorant  of 
your  motives  ;  they  knew  little  of  your  real  character  ;  it  had 
been  carefully  enveloped  in  mystery.  Like  theirs,  they  fondly 
imagined  that  your  zeal  and  industry  were  the  effect  of  pure 
and  disinterested  patriotism.  Alas  !  sir,  they  knew  you  not." 

And   so  on,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  nine  let 
ters. 

Cheethnm's  main  charge  may  be  divided  into  two  counts ;  \ 
first,  that  Colonel  Burr  intrigued  for  Federal  votes  ;  secondly, 
that  he  intrigued  for  Republican  votes.     Than  the  first  count,  i 


320  LIFE     OFAARON     BURR. 

no  accusation  made  against  a  politician  was  ever  so  slenderly 
supported  by  evidence,  or  refuted  by  evidence  so  various,  so 
unequivocal,  so  lavishly  superfluous  in  quantity.  In  the 
course  of  the  discussion  which  arose,  every  person  who  could 
have  been  concerned  in  the  alleged  intrigue  —  Burr's  intimate 
friends,  the  leading  Federalists,  members  of  the  House  who 
held  optional  votes  —  denied  in  terms  positive  and  unequiv 
ocal,  in  the  public  press  and  over  their  own  signatures,  that 
they  had  either  taken  part  in,  or  had  any  knowledge  of,  any 
intrigue  or  bargain  between  Colonel  Burr  and  the  Federalists, 
or  between  the  friends  of  Colonel  Burr  and  the  Federalists, 
during  the  period  referred  to,  or  at  any  time  preceding  it. 

David  A.  Ogden  was  accused  of  having  been  an  agent  of 
the  negotiation.  In  the  Morning  Chronicle  of  November 
25th,  1802,  Mr.  Ogden  said:  "When  about  to  return  from 
the  city  of  Washington,  two  or  three  members  of  Congress, 
of  the  Federal  party,  spoke  to  me  about  their  views  as  to  the 
election  of  President,  desiring  me  to  converse  with  Colonel 
Burr  on  the  subject,  and  to  ascertain  whether  he  would  enter 
into  terms.  On  my  return  to  New  York  I  called  on  Colonel 
Burr,  and  communicated  the  above  to  him.  He  explicitly 
declined  the  explanation,  and  did  neither  propose  nor  agree 
to  any  terms.  I  had  no  other  interview  or  communication 
with  him  on  the  subject ;  and  so  little  was  I  satisfied  with  this, 
that  in  a  letter  which  I  soon  afterward  wrote  to  a  member  of 
Congress,  and  which  was  the  only  one  I  wrote,  I  dissuaded 
him  from  giving  his  support  to  Colonel  Burr,  and  advised 
rather  to  acquiesce  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  the  less 
dangerous  man  of  the  two." 

Edward  Livingston,  John  Swartwout,  William  P.  Van  Ness, 
Matthew  L.  Davis,  and  others,  declared  the  innocence  of  Buri 
in  language  equally  explicit.  Hamilton  himself  publicly 
avowed,  in  the  Evening  Post^  that  he  had  no  personal 
knowledge  of,  or  belief  in,  the  existence  of  any  negotiations 
between  Colonel  Burr  and  the  members  of  the  Federal  party. 

Mr.  Bayard  of  Delaware,  who  had  been  in  a  position  to 
know  more  of  the  tie  affair  than  any  other  man,  and  who  had 
finally  given  the  election  to  Jefferson,  re-stated  all  that  had 


CLOUDS     GATHER.  321 

occurred  in  the  most  minute  and  circumstantial  manner,  in  a 
formal  affidavit.  "  I  took  pains,"  said  Mr.  Bayard,  "  to  dis 
close  the  state  of  things  (in  the  Federal  caucus)  in  such  a 
manner  that  it  might  be  known  to  the  friends  of  Mr.  Burr, 
and  to  those  gentlemen  who  were  believed  to  be  most  dis 
posed  to  change  their  votes  in  his  favor.  I  repeatedly  stated 
to  many  gentlemen  with  whom  I  was  acting,  that  it  was  a  vain 
thing  to  protract  the  election,  as  it  had  become  manifest  that 
Mr.  Burr  would  not  assist  us,  and  as  we  could  do  nothing 
without  his  aid.  I  expected,  under  those  circumstances,  if 
there  was  any  latent  engines  at  work  in  Mr.  Burr's  favor,  the 
plan  of  operations  would  be  disclosed  to  me ;  but,  although  I 
had  the  power,  and  threatened  to  terminate  the  election,  I  had 
not  even  an  intimation  from  any  friend  of  Mr.  Burr's  that  it 
would  be  desirable  to  them  to  protract  it.  I  never  did  dis 
cover  that  Mr.  Burr  used  the  least  influence  to  promote  the 
object  we  had  in  view.  And  being  completely  persuaded  that 
Mr.  Burr  would  not  cooperate  with  us,  I  determined  to  end 
the  contest  by  voting  for  Mr.  Jefferson.  *  *  *  I  have 
no  reason  to  believe,  and  never  did  think  that  he  interfered, 
even  to  the  point  of  personal  influence,  to  obstruct  the  elec 
tion  of  Mr.  Jefferson  or  to  promote  his  own." 

On  another  occasion,  Mr.  Bayard  deposed  :  "  Early  in  the 
election  it  was  reported  that  Mr.  Edward  Livingston,  the 
representative  of  the  city  of  New  York,  was  the  confidential 
agent  for  Mr.  Burr,  aud  that  Mr.  Burr  had  committed  him 
self  entirely  to  the  discretion  of  Mr.  Livingston,  having  agreed 
to  adopt  all  his  acts.  I  took  an  occasion  to  sound  Mr.  Living 
ston  on  the  subject,  and  intimated  that,  having  it  my  power 
to  terminate  the  contest,  I  should  do  so,  unless  he  could  give 
me  some  assurance  that  we  might  calculate  upon  a  change  in 
the  votes  of  some  of  the  members  of  his  party.  Mr.  Living 
ston  stated  that  he  felt  no  great  concern  as  to  the  event  of  the 
election,  but  he  disclaimed  any  agency  from  Mr.  Burr,  or  any 
connection  with  him  on  the  subject,  and  any  knowledge  of 
Mr.  Burr's  designing  to  cooperate  in  support  of  his  election." 

This  volume  would  not  contain  the  printed  matter  which 
Cheetham's  accusation  called  forth.  Mr.  Van  Xess  wrote  a 

14* 


322  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUEK. 

vigorous,  nay  a  savage,  pamphlet  in  reply  to  Cheetham,  which 
added  fuel  to  the  flames  of  passion,  but,  probably,  effected 
little  else.  To  argument,  to  solemn  deposition,  to  circumstan 
tial  affidavit,  Cheetham's  too  effectual  response  was  an  endless 
reiteration  of  the  charge.  For  awhile,  Colonel  Burr  main 
tained  his  usual  silence.  Late  in  September,  when  the  mean 
contest  had  been  waging  for  several  weeks,  he  was  induced 
to  write  a  brief  denial  in  a  letter  to  his  friend,  Governor 
Bloomfield  of  New  Jersey.  "  You  are  at  liberty,"  he  said, 
"  to  declare  from  me  that  all  those  charges  and  insinuations 
which  aver  or  intimate  that  I  advised  or  countenanced  the 
opposition  made  to  Mr.  Jefferson  pending  the  late  election 
and  balloting  for  President ;  that  I  proposed  or  agreed  to  any 
terms  with  the  Federal  party ;  that  I  assented  to  be  held  up 
in  opposition  to  him,  or  attempted  to  withdraw  from  him  the 
vote  or  support  of  any  man,  whether  in  or  out  of  Congress ; 
that  all  such  assertions  and  intimations  are  false  and  ground 
less." 

With  regard  to  Cheetham's  second  count,  namely,  that  Burr 
intrigued  for  Republican  votes,  a  few  words  must  be  added. 
It  is  equally  unsupported  by  evidence.  It  is,  I  am  convinced, 
equally  false.  General  Smith,  of  Maryland,  who  was  Burr's 
proxy  in  the  House,  declared  in  the  Evening  Post,  while  the 
controversy  was  in  full  tide  : 

"Mr.  Burr  never  visited  me  on  the  subject  of  the  late  elec 
tion  for  President  and  Vice-President  —  Mr.  Burr  never  con 
versed  with  me  a  single  second  on  the  subject  of  that  election, 
either  before  or  since  the  event." 

That  Burr  himself  was  passive  —  that  he  observed  rigor 
ously  the  morality  and  the  etiquette  of  a  situation  novel  and 
bewildering,  is  a  fact  which  became  apparent  to  me  by  read 
ing  the  writings  of  his  enemies,  and  will  become  apparent  to 
any  candid  person  who  will  take  the  same  trouble.  But  it  is 
true  that  John  Swartwout,  General  Van  Ness,  and  others  of 
Burr's  sect,  most  ardently  desired  the  elevation  of  their  chief 
to  the  presidency.  It  is  true  that  they  believed  he  ought  to 
be  elected,  rather  than  have  no  President.  It  is  true,  as  John 
Swartwout,  with  his  usual  frankness  publicly  avowed,  that 


CLOUDS     GAT  HE  It.  .128 

they  thought  it  would  not  have  been  in  the  least  dishonorable, 
if  they  had  promoted  and  secured  his  election.  It  \&  probably 
true,  thai,  after  several  fruitless  ballotings  had  spread  abroad 
the  impression  that  Jefferson  could  not  be  elected,  both 
Swartwout  and  Van  Ness  wrote  letters  to  Republican  mem 
bers  of  the  House,  urging  them  to  give  up  Jefferson  and  elect 
Burr.  Of  this  they  were  so  far  from  being  ashamed,  that 
they  gave  permission  to  all  their  correspondents  to  publish 
any  letters  of  theirs  on  public  subjects,  which  had  been 
•written  during  the  time  it  was  alleged  the  intrigue  had 
occurred. 

Readers  who  have  reached  the  prime  of  life,  can  look  back 
to  the  time  when  John  Quincy  Adams  was  elected  President 
by  the  House  of  Representatives,  through  the  casting  vote  of 
Henry  Clay,  who  was  immediately  appointed  Secretary  of 
State  by  the  new  President.  They  can  remember  how,  during 
the  next  four  years,  the  opposition  press  rang  with  the  charge 
of  "  bargain  and  corruption."  That  charge,  mean,  and  ground 
less  as  it  was,  turned  one  of  the  two  men  out  of  the  presi 
dency,  and  kept  out  the  other,  through  twenty  years  of  such 
popularity  as  no  other  partisan  has  ever  enjoyed  with  the  en 
lightened  portion  of  the  American  people.  From  that,  we  of 
this*generation  may  form  an  idea  of  the  effect  which  Cheet- 
ham's  accusation,  taken  up  by  other  papers  and  ceaselessly  re 
peated,  had  upon  the  political  fortunes  of  Aaron  Burr.  He 
had  not  the  wealth  of  popularity  to  draw  upon  which  gathered 
round  Henry  Clay's  magnificent  form  and  generous,  gallant 
heart ;  and  if  Clay's  electric  name  was  not  proof  against  base 
and  baseless  scandal,  is  it  wonderful  that  the  luster  of  Burr's 
not  untarnished  fame  should  have  been  diminished  by  it  be 
yond  remedy  ? 

Bitter  and  deadly,  beyond  what  the  modern  reader  can 
imagine,  were  the  political  controversies  of  that  period.  The 
law  of  the  pistol  was  in  full  force.  In  1801,  Hamilton's  eldest 
son,  a  high-spirited  youth  of  twenty,  fell  in  a  duel  which  arose 
from  a  political  dispute  at  the  theater.  "  lie  was  murdered  in 
a  duel,"  said  Coleman.  of  the  .Ecening  Post^  who  that  very 
month  had  threatened  Chcetham  with  a  challenge,  and  who, 


324  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

the  next   day  spoke   of  "  the  insolent  vulgarity   of  that  base 
wretch."* 

The  duel  between  John  Swart  wont  and  De  Witt  Clinton, 
which  occurred  amid  the  heat  and  violence  of  1802,  was  the 
most  remarkable  conflict  of  the  kind  which  has  ever  occurred, 
this  side  of  the  Emerald  Isle.  Clinton  was  a  strong-headed 
and  bitter-tongued  politician.  Swartwout  was  a  frank-hearted, 
brave  man,  devoted  to  Burr  with  a  disinterested  enthusiasm, 
that  stood  all  the  tests  to  which  friendship  can  ever  be  sub 
jected.  He  saw  with  furious  disgust  the  efforts  of  De  Witt 
Clinton's  creatures  to  blacken  Burr's  reputation,  and  had  him 
self  experienced  the  effects  of  his  hostility.  Clinton  hearing 
that  Swartwout  had  accused  him  of  opposing  Burr  on  grounds 
personal  and  selfish,  called  him  "  a  liar,  a  scoundrel,  and  a  vil 
lain."  This  was  reported  to  Swartwout,  and  a  duel  was  the 
result. 

What  occurred  at  the  ground  at  Weehawken,  was  stated  in 
the  newspapers  of  the  day  by  Colonel  Smith,  Swartwout's 
second :  "  The  gentlemen  took  their  stations  —  were  each  pre 
sented  with  a  pistol,  and,  by  order,  faced  to  the  right,  and 
tired,  ineffectually.  At  the  request  of  Mr.  Riker,  I  asked  Mr. 
Swartwout,  'Are  you  satisfied,  sir?'  He  answered,  'I  am  not.' 
The  pistols  then  being  exchanged,  and  their  positions  resumed, 
by  order,  the  gentlemen  faced  to  the  right,  and  fired  a  second 
shot,  without  effect.  At  the  request  of  Mr.  Hiker,  I  again 
addressed  Mr.  Swartwout,  '  Are  you  satisfied,  sir  ?'  He  an 
swered  strongly  in  the  negative,  we  proceeded,  and  a  third 
shot  was  exchanged,  without  injury.  At  the  request  of  Mr. 
Riker,  I  again  asked  Mr.  Swartwout,  '  Are  you  satisfied,  sir?' 
He  answered,  'I  am  not  —  neither  shall  I  be,  until  that  apol 
ogy  is  made  which  I  have  demanded.  Until  then  we  must 
proceed.'  I  then  presented  a  paper  to  Mr.  Riker,  containing 

*  The  following  epigram  appeared  in  the  Evening  Post:,  a  little  later  : 

"  Lie  on  Duane,  lie  on  for  pay, 

And  Cheetham,  lie  thou  too  ; 
More  against  truth  you  can  not  say, 
Than  truth  can  say  'gainst  you." 


CLOUDS     GAT  II  Kit.  325 

the  apology  demanded,  for  Mr.  Clinton's  signature,  observing, 
that  we  could  not  spend  our  time  in  conversation ;  that  this 
paper  must  be  signed  or  proceed.  Mr.  Clinton  declared  he 
would  not  sign  any  paper  on  the  subject  —  that  he  had  no 
animosity  against  Mr.  Swart wout  —  would  willingly  shake 
hands  and  agree  to  meet  on  the  score  of  former  friendship. 

"  Mr.  Swart  wout  insisting  on  his  signature  to  the  apology, 
and  Mr.  Clinton  declining,  they  stood  at  their  posts  and  lired 
a  fourth  shot.  Mr.  Clinton's  ball  struck  Mr.  Swartwout's  left 
leg,  about  live  inches  below  the  knee  ;  —  he  stood  ready  and 
collected.  At  the  request  of  Mr.  Riker,  I  again  addressed 
Mr.  Swart  wout,  l Are  you  satisfied,  sir?'  He  answered,  that 
4  It  was  useless  to  repeat  the  question  —  my  determination  is 
fixed — and  I  beg  we  may  proceed.'  Mr.  Clinton  repeated 
that  he  had  no  animosity  against  Mr.  Swartwout  —  was  sorry 
for  what  had  passed  —  proposed  to  advance,  shake  hands,  and 
bury  the  circumstance  in  oblivion.  During  this  conversation, 
Mr.  Swartwout's  surgeon,  kneeling  by  his  side,  extracted  the 
ball  from  the  opposite  side  of  his  leg.  Mr.  Swartwout  stand 
ing  erect  on  his  post,  ami  positively  declining  any  thing  short 
of  an  ample  apology,  they  tired  the  fifth  shot,  and  Mr.  Swart 
wout  received  the  ball  in  the  left  leg,  about  five  inches  above 
the  ancle ;  still,  however,  standing  steadily  at  his  post,  per 
fectly  composed.  At  the  request  of  Mr.  Riker,  I  again  ad 
dressed  Mr.  Swartwout,  'Are  you  satisfied,  sir?'  He  forcibly 
answered,  '  I  am  not,  sir ;  proceed.'  Mr.  Clinton  then  quit 
his  station,  declined  the  combat,  and  declared  he  would  fire 
no  more.  Mr.  Swartwout  declared  himself  surprised,  that 
Mr.  Clinton  would  neither  apologize  nor  give  him  the  satisiiio 
tion  required  ;  and  addressing  me,  said,  '  What  shall  I  do,  my 
friend  ?'  I  answered,  '  Mr  Clinton  declines  making  the  apol 
ogy  required  —  refuses  taking  his  position  —  and  positively 
declares  he  will  fight  no  more  ;  and  his  second  appearing  to 
acquiesce  in  the  disposition  of  his  principal,  there  is  nothing 
further  left  for  you  now,  but  to  have  your  wounds  dressed.' 
The  surgeons  attended,  dressed  Mr.  Swartwout's  wounds,  and 
the  gentlemen  in  their  respective  barges,  returned  to  the 
city." 


326  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUKR. 

An  on  dit  of  the  day  was,  that  Clinton  said,  during  the  prog 
ress  of  the  duel,  "  I  wish  I  had  the  principal  here,"  referring 
to  Colonel  Burr. 

The  next  year,  De  Witt  Clinton  was  challenged  by  Senator 
Jonathan  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  another  of  Burr's  intimates, 
but  the  affair  was  peacefully  arranged.  The  year  following, 
Robert  Swartwout  fought  with  Richard  Riker,  a  zealous  Clin- 
tonian,  who  had  served  as  second  to  Clinton  in  his  duel  with 
John  Swartwout.  In  this  duel,  Riker  was  severely  wounded, 
but  he  recovered  to  sit  for  many  years  on  the  Recorder's 
bench  in  the  city  of  New  York.  The  same  year,  Coleman  of 
the  Evening  Post,  provoked  beyond  endurance  by  an  at 
tack  of  surpassing  malignancy  in  the  American  Citizen,  for 
got  himself  so  far  as  to  challenge  Cheetharn.  But  the  cur 
could  not  be  brought  to  bay.  "  Friends  interfered,"  a  truce 
was  patched  up,  and  Cheetham  agreed  to  behave  better  in 
future. 

Out  of  this  affair,  however,  another  quarrel  grew,  which  led 
to  one  of  the  most  diabolical  duels  ever  fought.  Captain 
Thompson,  harbor-master  of  New  York,  loudly  espoused 
Cheetham's  cause,  and  gave  out  that  it  was  Coleman,  not 
Cheetham,  that  had  showed  the  white  feather.  Coleman  heard 
of  it,  and  challenged  him.  The  twilight  of  a  winter's  evening 
found  the  parties  arrayed  against  each  other  in  lonely  "Love- 
lane,"  now  called  "Twenty-first-street."  It  was  cold,  there 
was  snow  on  the  ground,  and  it  was  nearly  dark.  A  shot  or 
two  was  exchanged  without  effect,  and  then  the  princpals 
were  placed  nearer  together,  that  they  might  see  one  another 
better.  At  length  Thompson  was  heard  to  cry,  "  I've  got  it," 
and  fell  headlong  on  the  snow.  Coleman  and  his  second  hur 
ried  away,  while  the  surgeon  raised  the  bleeding  man,  exam 
ined  his  wound,  and  saw  that  it  was  mortal.  On  learning  his 
fate,  Thompson,  at  the  surgeon's  suggestion,  promised  never 
to  divulge  the  names  of  the  parties,  and,  with  a  heroism 
worthy  of  a  better  cause,  he  kept  his  word.  "  He  was  brought, 
mortally  wounded,  to  his  sister's  house  in  town  :  he  was  laid  at 
the  door,  the  bell  was  rung,  the  family  came  out,  and  found 
him  bleeding:  and  near  his  death.  He  refused  to  name  his 


CLOUDS     GATHER.  327 

antagonist,  or  give  any  account  of  the  affair,  declaring  that 
every  tiling  which  had  been  done  was  honorably  done,  and 
desired  tKat  no  attempt  should  be  made  to  seek  out  or  molest 
his  adversary."* 

To  such  lengths  can  political  fury  drive  men  of  honor,  edu 
cation  and  humanity.  Let  us  hasten  past  these  deplorable 
scenes. 

Three  years  of  Colonel  Burr's  Vice-Presidency  passed  in 
these  contentions.  They  told  upon  his  popularity.  As  the 
time  for  selecting  candidates  for  the  presidential  campaign 
drew  on,  it  became  manifest  that  he  could  not  secure  the  un 
divided  support  of  the  Republican  party  for  a  second  term. 
His  career  was  interrupted.  He  must  pause  a  while.  By 
some  other,  and  longer,  and  more  circuitous  path  he  must 
continue  his  ascent  to  that  top-most,  dazzling  height,  which 
has  lured  so  many  Americans  to  falseness  of  life  and  meanness 
of  aim.  The  course  which  he  pursued,  in  these  circumstances, 
was  precisely  what  fidelity  to  his  party  would  have  dictated. 

Toward  the  close  of  January,  1804,  he  requested  a  private 
interview  with  the  President.  On  the  designated  evening, 
the  two  chiefs  met,  and  had  a  long  conversation.  The  ac 
count  which  Mr.  Jetferson  left  of  this  interview  is  doubtless, 
in  the  main  particulars,  correct,  but  some  of  the  minor  cir 
cumstances  are  evidently  colored  by  his  natural  dislike  of  a 
man  who,  he  thought,  had  been  his  rival  without  being  his 
equal.  No  man  can  write  quite  fairly  of  one  whom  he  hates, 
despises,  or  fears. 

Colonel  Burr  began  the  conversation  by  sketching  his  politi 
cal  career  in  New  York,  dwelling  particularly  on  the  late  cru 
sade  against  him.  He  proceeded  to  say,  among  other  things, 
that  his  attachment  to  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  sincere,  and 
that  he  had  keenly  enjoyed  his  company  and  conversation. 
His  feelings  had  undergone  no  change,  although  "many  little 
stories"  had  been  carried  to  him,  and,  he  supposed,  to  Mr. 
Jefferson  also,  which  he  despised.  But  attachment  must  bo 
reciprocal  or  cease  to  exist,  and  therefore  he  desired  to  know 
whether  any  change  had  taken  place  in  the  feelings  of  Mr. 
*  "  Reminiscences  of  the  Evening  Post.11  By  W.  C.  Bryant. 


328  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Jefferson  toward  himself.  "  He  reminded  me,"  says  Jefferson, 
"  of  a  letter  written  to  him  about  the  time  of  counting  the 
votes,  mentioning  that  his  election  had  left  a  chasm  in  my  ar 
rangements  ;  that  I  had  lost  him  from  my  list  in  the  adminis 
tration,  etc.  He  observed,  he  believed  it  would  be  for  the 
interest  of  the  Republican  cause  for  him  to  retire ;  that  a 
disadvantageous  schism  would  otherwise  take  place  ;  but  that 
were  he  to  retire,  it  would  be  said  he  shrunk  from  the  public 
sentence,  which  he  would  never  do ;  that  his  enemies  were 
using  my  name  to  destroy  him,  and  something  was  necessary 
from  me  to  prevent  and  deprive  them  of  that  weapon,  some 
mark  of  favor  from  me  which  would  declare  to  the  world  that 
he  retired  with  my  confidence." 

The  President  replied  at  great  length.  Waiving  Burr's  in 
quiry  respecting  his  personal  feelings,  he  said,  that,  as  he  had 
not  interfered  in  the  election  of  1800,  so  he  was  resolved  not 
to  influence  the  one  which  was  then  impending.  He  did  not 
know  who  were  to  be  candidates,  and  never  permitted  any 
one  to  converse  with  him  on  the  subject.  With  regard  to  the 
attacks  which  the  press  had  made  upon  the  Vice-President, 
he  had  noticed  them  but  as  the  passing  wind.  He  had  seen 
complaints  that  Cheetham,  employed  in  publishing  the  laws, 
should  be  permitted  to  eat  the  public  bread,  and  abuse  its 
second  officer.  But  the  laws  were  published  in  some  papers 
which  abused  the  President  continually,  and,  as  he  had  never 
thought  proper  to  interfere  for  himself,  he  had  not  deemed  it 
his  duty  to  do  so  in  the  case  of  the  Viee-President. 

"  I  now,"  continues  Mr.  Jefferson,  "  went  on  to  explain  to 
him  verbally  what  I  meant  by  saying  I  had  lost  him  from  my 
list.  That  in  General  Washington's  time,  it  had  been  signified 
to  him  that  Mr.  Adams,  the  Vice-President,  would  be  glad  of 
a  foreign  embassy ;  that  General  Washington  mentioned  it  to 
me,  expressed  his  doubts  whether  Mr.  Adams  was  a  fit  charac 
ter  for  such  an  office,  and  his  still  greater  doubts,  indeed,  his 
conviction,  that  it  would  not  be  justifiable  to  send  away  the 
person  who,  in  case  of  his  death,  was  provided  by  the  Consti 
tution  to  take  his  place  ;  that  it  would,  moreover,  appear 
indecent  for  him  to  be  disposing  of  the  public  trusts  in  ap- 


C  L  O  U  D  S     G  A  T  H  E  K .  329 

parently  buying  off  a  competitor  for  the  public  favor.  I  con 
curred  with  him  in  the  opinion,  and  if  I  recollect  rightly, 
Hamilton,  Knox,  and  Randolph  were  consulted,  and  gave  the 
same  opinions.  That  when  Mr.  Adams  came  to  the  adminis 
tration,  iii  his  first  interview  with  me,  he  mentioned  the  neces 
sity  of  a  mission  to  France,  and  how  desirable  it  would  have 
been  for  him  if  he  could  have  got  me  to  undertake  it ;  but 
that  he  conceived  it  would  be  wrong  in  him  to  send  me  away, 
and  assigned  the  same  reasons  General  Washington  had  done; 
and,  therefore,  he  should  appoint  Mr.  Madison,  etc.  That  I 
had  myself  contemplated  his  (Colonel  Burr's)  appointment  to 
one  of  the  great  offices,  in  case  he  was  not  elected  Vice-Pres 
ident,  but  that  as  soon  as  that  election  was  known,  I  saw  that 
it  could  not  be  done,  for  the  good  reasons  which  had  led  Gen 
eral  Washington  and  Mr.  Adams  to  the  same  conclusion  ;  and, 
therefore,  in  rny  first  letter  to  Colonel  Burr  after  the  issue 
was  known,  I  had  mentioned  to  him  that  a  chasm  in  my  ar 
rangements  had  been  produced  by  this  event.  I  was  thus  par 
ticular  in  rectifying  the  date  of  this  letter,  because  it  gave  me 
an  opportunity  of  explaining  the  grounds  on  which  it  was 
written,  which  were,  indirectly,  an  answer  to  his  present  hints. 
He  left  the  matter  with  me  for  consideration,  and  the  conver 
sation  was  turned  to  indifferent  subjects." 

Mr.  Jefferson  concludes  this  day's  journalizing  with  the  fol 
lowing  remarks :  "  I  had  never  seen  Colonel  Burr  till  he  came 
as  a  member  of  the  Senate.  His  conduct  very  soon  inspired 
me  with  distrust.  I  habitually  cautioned  Mr.  Madison  against 
trusting  him  too  much.  I  saw,  afterward,  that,  under  Gen 
eral  Washington's  and  Mr.  Adams's  administrations,  whenever 
a  great  military  appointment,  or  a  diplomatic  one  was  to  be 
made,  he  came  post  to  Philadelphia  to  show  himself,  and,  in 
fact,  that  he  was  always  at  market,  if  they  had  wanted  him. 
He  was,  indeed,  told  by  Dayton,  in  1800,  he  might  be  Secre 
tary  at  War ;  but  this  bid  was  too  late.  His  election  as  Vice- 
President  was  then  foreseen.  With  these  impressions  of  Col 
onel  Burr,  there  never  had  been  an  intimacy  between  us,  and 
but  little  association.  When  I  destined  him  for  a  high  ap 
pointment,  it  was  out  of  respect  for  the  favor  he  had  obtained 


330  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURE. 

with  the  Republican  party,  by  his  extraordinary  exertions  and 
successes  in  the  New  York  election  in  1800." 

Mr.  Jefferson's  memory  was  a  little  at  fault  here.  While 
the  Republican  party  was  slowly  working  its  way  to  a  major 
ity,  and  the  effective  help  of  Colonel  Burr  was  given  freely  to 
the  cause,  Jefferson's  *  manner  toward  him  was  cordial  to  a 
somewhat  marked  degree.  In  June,  1*797,  for  example,  he 
began  a  long  and  unsolicited  letter  to  Colonel  Burr,  with 
these  words :  "  The  newspapers  give  so  minutely  what  is 
passing  in  Congress,  that  nothing  of  detail  can  be  wanting  for 
your  information.  Perhaps,  however,  some  general  view  of 
our  situation  and  prospects  since  you  left  us  may  not  be  unac 
ceptable.  At  any  rate,  it  will  give  me  an  opportunity  of  re 
calling  myself  to  your  memory,  and  of  evidencing  my  esteem 
for  you." 

A  few  slips  of  this  kind  are  all  the  Federal  writers  have  to 
support  their  charge  against  Jefferson  of  insincerity.  One 
needs  little  observation  of  life,  and  less  charity,  to  give  them 
a  very  different  interpretation.  And,  after  .all,  the  discrep 
ancy  is  not  great.  In  1797,  he  had  an  esteem  for  Colonel 
Burr;  in  1804,  he  says  he  had  never  liked  him,  and  had  cau 
tioned  Madison  against  trusting  him  too  far.  Liking  and  es 
teeming  are  sentiments  so  different  that  either  may  exist  in 
a  high  degree  without  the  other.  In  1804,  it  is  plain,  Jef 
ferson's  dislike  of  Burr  was  extreme,  perhaps  morbid,  and  De 
Witt  Clinton  himself  was  not  more  averse  to  his  further  po 
litical  advancement.  Jefferson  admits,  in  one  of  his  later  let 
ters,  that  upon  learning  Burr's  designs,  after  their  interview, 
it  was  he  who  caused  information  of  the  same  to  be  sent  to  the 
Clintons  in  New  York. 

Repulsed  by  the  chief,  hated  by  the  Republican  leaders  in 
his  own  State,  distrusted  by  large  numbers  of  the  party,  Col 
onel  Burr  and  his  friends  resolved  upon  an  appeal  to  the  peo 
ple.  In  February  the  plan  was  matured,  and  Burr  was  an 
nounced  as  an  independent  candidate  for  the  governorship  of 
New  York.  A  small  caucus  of  members  of  the  legislature  for 
mally  nominated  him  on  the  18th  of  February,  and  on  subse 
quent  days  the  nomination  was  ratified  by  public  meetings  in 


CLOUDS     GATHER.  331 

Albany  and  New  York.  "  Say  to  your  husband,"  wrote  Burr 
to  his  daughter,  on  the  16th,  "  that  the  Clintons,  Livingstons, 
etc.,  had  not,  at  the  last  advice  from  Albany,  decided  on  their 
candidate  for  governor.  Hamilton  is  intriguing  for  any  can 
didate  who  can  have  a  chance  of  success  against  A.  B.  He 
would,  doubtless,  become  the  advocate  of  even  De  Witt  Clin 
ton,  if  he  should  be  the  opponent." 

This  was  true.  Hamilton  saw  the  ulterior  advantages  which 
the  election  of  Burr  as  governor  would  give  him,  and  he  op 
posed  it  in  all  ways,  and  with  the  whole  weight  of  his  influ 
ence.  The  Federal  party,  reduced  now  to  a  faction,  had  no 
serious  thoughts  of  even  nominating  a  candidate,  and  Hamil 
ton's  efforts  were  concentrated  on  the  single  object  of  defeat 
ing  Burr.  Governor  Clinton  declined  a  reelection.  Lansing, 
a  politician  of  long  experience  and  high  respectability,  was  the 
candidate  first  named  by  the  Republicans,  and  Hamilton  was 
strenuous,  in  caucus  and  out  of  caucus,  in  urging  the  Federal 
ists  to  vote  for  him.  A  short  article  of  Hamilton's  on  this 
point,  which  has  been  thought  worthy  of  republication  in 
his  works,  gives  eight  reasons  "  why  it  is  desirable  that  Mr. 
Lansing,  rather  than  Colonel  Burr,  should  succeed."  To  com 
plete  the  evidence  in  the  great  case  of  Hamilton  against  Burr, 
this  catalogue  of  "  Reasons"  is  here  inserted  : 

"*1.  Colonel  Burr  has  steadily  pursued  the  track  of  demo 
cratic  politics.  This  he  had  done  either  ffomlprinciple  or  from 
calculation.  If  the  former,  he  is  not  likely  now  to  change  his 
plan,  when  the  Federalists  are  prostrate,  and  their  enemies 
predominant.  If  the  latter,  he  will  certainly  not  at  this  time 
relinquish  the  ladder  of  his  ambition,  and  espouse  the  cause  or 
views  of  the  weaker  party. 

"  2.  Though  detested  by  some  of  the  leading  Clintonians,  he 
is  certainly  not  personally  disagreeable  to  the  great  body  of 
them,  and  it  will  be  no  difficult  task  for  a  man  of  talents,  in 
trigue,  and  address,  possessing  the  chair  of  government,  to 
rally  the  great  body  of  them  under  his  standard,  and  thereby 
to  consolidate  for  personal  purposes  the  mass  of  the  Clintoni- 
ans,  his  own  adherents  among  the  Democrats,  and  such  Fed- 


332  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

eralists,  as,  from  personal  good-will  or  interested  motives,  may 
give  him  support. 

"  3.  The  effect  of  his  elevation  will  be  to  reunite,  under  a 
more  adroit,  able,  and  daring  chief,  the  now  scattered  frag 
ments  of  the  democratic  party,  and  to  reinforce  it  by  a  strong 
detachment  from  the  Federalists.  For  though  virtuous  Fed 
eralists  who,  from  miscalculation,  may  support  him,  would 
afterward  relinquish  his  standard,  a  large  number,  from  various 
motives,  would  continue  attached  to  it. 

"  4.  A  further  effect  of  his  elevation,by  aid  of  the  Federalists 
will  be  to  present  to  the  confidence  of  New  England  a  man 
already  the  man  of  the  democratic  leaders  of  that  country, 
and  toward  whom  the  mass  of  the  people  have  no  Aveak  pre 
dilection,  as  their  countryman,  as  the  grandson  of  President 
Edwards,  and  the  son  of  President  Burr.  In  vain  will  certain 
men  resist  this  predilection,  when  it  can  be  said  that  he  was 
chosen  Governor  of  this  State,  in  which  he  was  best  known, 
principally,  or  in  a  great  degree,  by  the  aid  of  the  Federal 
ists. 

"  5.  This  will  give  him  fair  play  to  disorganize  New  England, 
if  so  disposed  ;  a  thing  not  very  difficult,  when  the  strength 
of  the  democratic  party  in  each  of  the  New  England  States  is 
considered,  and  the  natural  tendency  of  our  civil  institutions 
is  duly  weighed. 

"  6.  The  ill-opinion  of  Jefferson,  and  the  jealousy  of  the  am 
bition  of  Virginia,  is  no  inconsiderable  prop  of  good  principles 
in  that  country.  But  these  causes  are  leading  to  an  opinion, 
that  a  dismemberment  of  the  Union  is  expedient.  It  would 
probably  suit  Mr.  Burr's  views  to  promote  this  result,  to  be 
the  chief  of  the  northern  portion ;  and  placed  at  the  head  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  no  man  would  be  more  likely  to  suc 
ceed. 

"  7.  If  he  be  truly,  as  the  Federalists  have  believed,  a  man  of 
irregular  and  insatiable  ambition,  if  his  plan  has  been  to  rise 
to  power  on  the  ladder  of  Jacobinic  principles,  it,  is  natural  to 
conclude  that  he  will  endeavor  to  fix  himself  in  power  by  the 
same  instrument ;  that  he  will  not  lean  on  a  fallen  and  falling 
party,  generally  speaking,  not  of  a  character  to  favor  usurpa- 


CLOUDS     GATHER.  333 

tion  and  the  ascendency  of  a  despotic  chief.  Every  day  shows, 
more  and  more,  the  much  to  be  regretted  tendency  of  gov 
ernments  entirely  popular,  to  dissolution  and  disorder.  Is  it 
rational  to  expect  that  a  man,  who  had  the  sagacity  to  foresee 
this  tendency,  and  whose  temper  would  permit  him  to  bottom 
his  aggrandizement  on  popular  prejudice  and  vices,  would  de 
sert  the  system  at  the  time  when,  more  than  ever,  the  state 
of  things  invites  him  to  adhere  to  it  ? 

"  8.  If  Lansing  is  governor,  his  personal  character  affords 
some  security  against  pernicious  extremes,  and  at  the  same 
time  renders  it  morally  certain  that  the  democratic  party, 
already  much  divided  and  weakened,  will  molder  and  break 
asunder  more  and  more.  This  is  certainly  a  state  of  things 
favorable  to  the  future  ascendency  of  the  wise  and  good. 
May  it  not  lead  to  a  recasting  of  parties,  by  which  the  Fed 
eralists  will  gain  a  great  accession  of  force  from  former  oppo 
nents  ?  At  any  rate,  is  it  not  wiser  in  them  to  promote  a 
course  of  things  by  which  schism  among  the  Democrats  will 
be  fostered  and  increased,  than,  on  a  fair  calculation,  to  give 
them  a  chief,  better  able  than  any  they  have  yet  had,  to  unite  j 
and  direct  them ;  and  in  a  situation  to  infuse  rottenness  in  the 
only  part  of  our  country  which  still  remains  sound,  the  Federal 
States  of  New  England  ?" 

This  article  was  written  too  soon  ;  for,  in  a  few  days,  Mr. 
Lansing,  much  to  Hamilton's  regret,  declined,  and  Chief  Just 
ice  Lewis  was  nominated  in  his  stead.  Lewis  was  a  more 
decided  partisan,  and  a  less  acceptable  man  than  Lansing,  and 
his  nomination  was  supposed  to  be  favorable  to  the  prospects 
of  Colonel  Burr.  "  From  the  moment  Clinton  declined," 
wrote  Hamilton  to  Rufus  King,  "  I  began  to  consider  Bun 
as  having  a  chance  of  success.  It  was  still,  however,  my  reli 
ance  that  Lansing  would  outrun  him ;  but  now  that  Chief 
Justice  Lewis  is  his  competitor,  the  probability,  in  my  judg 
ment,  inclines  to  Burr."  To  defeat  him,  Hamilton's  iirst 
scheme  was  to  run  Rufus  King  as  the  regular  candidate  of 
the  Federal  party.  That  abandoned,  he  confined  his  exertions 
to  keeping  as  many  Federal  voters  as  possible  from  supporting 
the  detested  candidate. 


334  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUBK. 

I  need  not  dwell  on  the  contest,  the  result  of  which  is  only 
too  well  known.  Like  nine  out  often  of  our  State,  and  seven 
out  of  ten  of  our  national  elections,  it  was  a  contest  without 
an  idea  ;  a  preposterous  struggle  to  put  another  man  in  a  place 
already  well-filled. 

The  Address  put  forth  by  the  Burrites  dwelt  upon  their 
candidate's  being  a  single  man,  with  no  train  of  family  con 
nections  to  quarter  upon  the  public  treasury ;  upon  his  tal 
ents  and  revolutionary  services ;  upon  the  stand  he  had  made 
against  the  British  treaty  ;  upon  the  recent  endeavors,  on  the 
part  of  wealthy  factions,  to  destroy,  by  unprecedented  calum 
nies,  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  the  Vice-President's  integ 
rity  ;  upon  his  liberal  patronage  of  science  and  the  fine  arts ; 
upon  the  recent  sale  of  part  of  his  estate,  and  the  payment  of 
his  debts ;  upon  his  known  generosity  and  disinterestedness  ; 
and,  finally,  upon  the  character  of  his  great  ancestors,  Presi 
dent  Burr  and  President  Edwards,  the  best  traits  of  both  of 
whom,  said  the  Address,  were  blended  in  the  character  of 
Colonel  Burr. 

It  was  an  animated  and  very  acrimonious  contest.  Burr's 
friends,  it  is  true,  conducted  their  canvass  with  decorum,  and 
never  once  assailed  the  private  character  of  the  opposing  can 
didate.  But  Cheetham  teemed  with  lies.  For  two  months, 
his  paper  was  chiefly  devoted  to  maligning  and  burlesqueing 
the  character  of  Burr  and  his  adherents.  Jefferson  gave  the 
weight  of  his  great  name  to  the  Clintonian  candidate.  A  con 
versation  in  which  the  President  was  represented  as  declaring 
that  the  "  Little  Band"  (Cheetham's  nickname  for  Burr's  set) 
was  not  the  real  democracy,  was  printed  in  capitals  in  the 
American  Citizen,  and  kept  standing  during  the  three  days 
of  the  election.*  Not  content  with  what  his  paper  could 
effect,  Cheetham,  on  the  second  day  of  the  election,  printed  a 
handbill,  setting  forth  that  Burr  was  a  remorseless  and  whole 
sale  seducer ;  that  the  brothels  of  New  York  were  filled 

*  One  of  Cheetham's  fables  was,  that  on  the  night  before  the  election,  the 
Vice- President,  through  Alexis,  his  slave,  had  given  a  ball  to  the  colored 
voters  at  Richmond  Hill,  and  that  he  had  himself  led  out  to  the  dance  a 
buxom  wench.  This  story  was  given  as  a  ballad  in  the  American  Citizen. 


CLOUDS     GATHER.  335 

with  his  victims ;  and  that  the  father  of  one  of  them  was  at 
that  moment  in  the  city  burning  to  wreak  a  deadly  vengeance 
upon  the  seducer's  head.  This  handbill  Cheethaiu  distributed 
with  his  own  hands  at  the  polls. 

But  the  "  Little  Band"  were  confident  of  success,  and 
worked  for  it  as  men  seldom  work  for  the  advantage  of  an 
other. 

Burr  himself  was,  as  usual,  imperturbable.  March  28th  he 
wrote  to  Theodosia :  "  They  are  very  busy  here  about  an 
election  between  Morgan  Lewis  and  A.  Burr,  the  former 
supported  by  the  Livingstons  and  Clintons,  the  latter  per  se. 
I  would  send  you  some  new  and  amusing  libels  against  the 
Vice-President,  but,  as  you  did  not  send  the  speech,"  etc. 
April  25th,  which  was  the  second  day  of  the  election  :  "  I 
write  in  a  storm  ;  an  election  storm,  of  the  like  you  have  once 
been  a  witness.  The  thing  began  yesterday  and  will  termi 
nate  to-morrow.  My  head-quarters  are  in  John-street,  and  I 
have,  since  the  beginning  of  this  letter,  been  already  three 
times  interrupted.  *  *  *  Both  parties  claim  majorities, 
and  there  never  was,  in  my  opinion,  an  election,  of  the  result 
of  which  so  little  judgment  could  be  formed.  A.  B.  will  have 
a  small  majority  in  the  city  if  to-morrow  should  be  a  fair  day, 
and  not  else."  The  morrow  was  a  fair  day.  A.  B.  did  have 
a  small  majority  (about  one  hundred)  in  the  city.  For  a  few 
hours,  the  Burrites  exulted  ;  but  returns  from  the  country  soon 
changed  their  note.  Five  days  after,  among  trie  gossipy  para 
graphs  of  an  unusually  gossipy  letter  from  Burr  to  his  daughter, 
occurred  this  single  line  about  the  election  :  "  The  election  is 
lost  by  a  great  majority  ;  so  much  the  better."  Lewis  had,  in 
fact,  received  35,000  votes ;  Burr,  28,000  ;  majority  for  Lewis, 
7,000. 

He  was  beaten,  but,  by  no  means,  destroyed,  as  is  usually 
represented.  A  large  number  of  his  original  supporters  had 
abandoned  him ;  but,  besides  his  own  peculiar  adherents,  he 
was  now  strong  in  the  confidence  of  the  more  moderate  Fed 
eralists,  and  nothing  but  Hamilton's  vehement  opposition  had 
prevented  that  party's  voting  for  him  en  masse.  He  had,  also, 
this  advantage  —  the  libels  which  had  destroyed  his  standing, 


336  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

for  the  time,  with  his  own  party,  were  not  only  false,  but  were 
known  to  be  false  by  the  leaders  of  both  sides.  The  truth  was 
likely  to  become  manifest,  and  a  reaction  to  set  in,  which 
might  bear  him  in  triumph  over  all  opposition  to  more  than 
his  former  elevation.  The  spectacle  of  a  man  who  owes  his 
fortune  to  his  own  exertions,  contending  singly  against  an 
cient  wealth  and  powerful  families,  is  one  which  appeals  to 
the  sympathies  and  to  the  imagination  of  Anglo-Saxons.  With 
tact  such  as  his,  with  friends  so  devoted,  with  partisans  so 
warm,  with  enemies  so  feebly  united  that  they  only  awaited 
his  downfall  to  war  with  one  another,  who  could  say  what  he 
might  not  effect  before  another  presidential  election  came 
round  ? 

It  is  a^mistake,  too,  to  suppose  that  the  result  of  this  elec 
tion  rendered  Colonel  Burr  morose  and  gloomy.  Colonel  Burr, 
in  all  his  long  life,  never  knew  a  gloomy  day  nor  a  morose 
hour.  One  who  applies  such  epithets  to  him  shows  by  that 
fact  alone,  that  he  is  ignorant  of  the  man's  character.  His 
spirits  rode  as  buoyantly  and  as  safely  over  all  disasters  as  a 
cork  over  the  cataract  of  Niagara.  There  was  not  in  him  the 
stuff  out  of  which  gloom  is  made.  He  was  of  Damascus 
quality ;  his  elasticity  was  inexhaustible.  Cheetham  was  not 
very  wrong,  perhaps,  when  he  said  that  Burr  was  elated  by 
the  result  of  the  election ;  as  it  showed  him  his  strength  as 
an  independent  candidate,  and  gave  him  new  hopes  of  being 
able  to  form  a  great  democratic,  anti- Virginia  party. 

Would  that  he  could  have  paused  here,  and  buried  in 
oblivion  political  aspirations  and  animosities.  A  bright  career 
was  still  before  him  in  the  la-w.  Hamilton  had  won  great 
glory  this  very  spring,  by  defending  at  Albany,  before  the  Su 
preme  Court,  with  unparalleled  eloquence,  an  editor  who  had 
been  indicted  for  a  libel  on  the  President.  His  grand  object 
was,  by  annihilating  the  maxim,  "  The  greater  the  truth,  the 
greater  the  libel,"  to  establish  on  new  and  broad  foundations 
the  liberty  of  the  press.  "After  all,  came  the  powerful  Hamil 
ton,"  wrote  a  correspondent  of  the  Evening  Post.  "  N"o  lan 
guage  can  convey  an  adequate  idea  of  the  astonishing  powers 
evinced  by  him.  The  audience  was  numerous,  and  though 


CLOUDS     GATHEK.  337 

composed  of  those  not  used  to  the  melting  mood,  the  effect 
produced  on  them  was  electric.  *  *  *  As  a  correct  argu 
ment  for  a  lawyer,  it  was  very  imposing,  as  a  profound  com 
mentary  upon  the  science  and  practice  of  government,  it  has 
never  been  surpassed."  Here  was  glory ;  here  was  triumph. 
Burr's  eminence  at  the  bar  was  such  that,  on  all  cases  of  com 
manding  interest,  he  was  the  man  likely  to  be  selected  to  op 
pose  Hamilton  or  to  aid  him. 

For  any  thing  that  is  now  known,  Burr  may  have  meant  to 
confine  himself  to  the  peaceful  triumphs  of  the  bar.  But, 
alas !  the  curse  of  having  made  a  false  step  in  life  is,  that  it 
necessitates  worse ! 

15 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

THE    DUEL. 

TUB  GENERAL  PROVOCATION  —  THE  PARTICULAR  PROVOCATION  —  TUB  HOSTILE  COE- 
BESPONDENOE —  TlIE  CHALLENGE  GlVKN  AND  ACCEPTED —  HAMILTON'S  CONDUCT, 
AND  BURR'S  LETTERS  BEFORE  THE  MEETING  —  THE  BANQUET  OF  THE  CINCINNATI  — 
THE  LAST  WRITINGS  OP  HAMILTON  AND  BURR  — THIS  DUELING  GROUND  —  TUB 
DUEL  —  EFFECT  ON  THE  PUBLIC  MIND  —  THE  CORONER'S  VERDICT  —  DR.  NOTT'S 
SERMON  —  THE  MONUMENT  TO  HAMILTON  ON  THE  GROUND. 

As  habit  is  second  nature,  dueling  must  formerly  have 
seemed  a  very  natural  mode  of  settling  personal  disputes,  for 
few  public  men  passed  through  life  without  being  concerned 
in,  at  least,  one  "  affair  of  honor."  Gates,  De  Witt  Clinton, 
Randolph,  Benton,  Clay,  Jackson,  Decatur,  Arnold,  Walpole, 
Pitt,  Wellington,  Canning,  Peel,  Grattan,  Fox,  Sheridan,  Jef 
frey,  Wilkes,  D'Israeli,  Lamartine,  Thiers,  and  scores  of  less 
famous  names,  are  found  in  Mr.  Sabine's*  list  of  duelists. 

In  all  that  curious  catalogue,  there  is  not  the  name  of  one 
politician  who  received  provocation  so  often-repeated,  so  irri 
tating,  and  so  injurious,  as  that  which  Aaron  Burr  had  re 
ceived  from  Alexander  Hamilton. 

Burr  was  not  a  man  to  resent  promptly  a  personal  injury, 
even  when  what  he  called  his  "  honor"  impelled  him  to  do  so, 
The  infidelity  of  a  comrade  cut  him  to  the  heart ;  to  be 
doubted  by  a  friend,  was,  as  he  once  said,  "  to  have  the  very 
sanctuary  of  happiness  invaded  ;"  the  disapproval  of  his  own 
set  he  would  have  felt  acutely.  But,  to  the  outcry  of  the 
outer  world  he  was  comparatively  indifferent,  and  the  inju 
rious  attempts  of  enemies  he  usually  disregarded.  Aaron 
Burr,  whatever  faults  he  may  have  had  —  and  he  had  grievous 
and  radical  faults  —  was  not  a  revengeful  man  ;  there  has  sel 
dom  lived  one  who  was  less  so.  He  had  to  be  much  persuaded 
*  "  Notes  on  Duels  and  Dueling."  By  Lorenzo  Sabine. 


THE     DUEL.  339 

before  lie  would  sue  Cheetham  for  libel,  and  the  suit  was  lan 
guidly  prosecuted.  Cheetham  himself,  in  January  of  this 
very  year,  1801,  had  taunted  him  for  allowing  Hamilton  to 
speak  and  write  of  him  as  it  was  then  notorious  he  was  in  the 
habit  of  doing.  "  Is  the  Vice- President  sunk  so  low,"  said 
this  wretched  calumniator,  "  as  to  submit  to  be  insulted  by 
General  Hamilton  ?" 

At  every  step  of  Burr's  political  career,  without  a  single 
exception,  Hamilton,  by  open  efforts,  by  secret  intrigue,  or 
by  both,  had  utterly  opposed  and  forbidden  his  advancement. 
He  had  injured  him  in  the  estimation  of  General  Washington. 
He  had  prevented  Mr.  Adams  from  giving  him  a  military  ap 
pointment.  His  letters,  for  years,  had  abounded  in  denun 
ciations  of  him,  as  severe  and  unqualified  as  the  language  of 
a  powerful  declaimer  could  convey.  From  Burr's  own  table, 
he  had  carried  away  the  unguarded  sallies  of  the  host  for  use 
against  the  political  opponent.  The  most  offensive  epithets 
and  phrases  he  had  so  habitually  applied  to  Burr,  that  they 
had  become  familiar  in  the  mouths  of  all  the  leading  Federal 
ists  ;  who,  as  the  reader  may  have  observed,  denounced  Colo 
nel  Burr  in  Hamilton's  own  words.  And,  finally,  he  had  just 
succeeded  in  frustrating  Burr's  keen  desire  for  vindication  at 
the  people's  hands ;  and,  in  doing  so,  had  made  it  only  too 
evident  to  all  the  influential  politicians,  that  for  the  success  of 
any  plans  of  political  advancement  which  Burr  might  in  fu 
ture  form,  it  was,  above  all  things  else,  essential  that  Hamil 
ton's  injurious  tongue  should  be  either  silenced  or  bridled. 

The  two  men  had  already  been  near  collision.  I  think  it  I 
was  in  1802  that  Colonel  Burr,  having  obtained  some  imper-' 
feet  knowledge  of  Hamilton's  usual  mode  of  characterizing! 
him,  had  had  a  conversation  with  him  on  the  subject.  Ham-j 
ilton  (so  said  Burr  in  later  years),  had  explained,  apologizedj 
satisfied  Burr,  and  left  upon  his  mind  the  impression,  never 
effaced,  that  thenceforth  Hamilton  was  pledged  to  refrain  from 
speaking  of  him  as  he  had  been  accustomed  to  do.  They 
parted  with  cordiality,  and  had  ever  since  been,  apparently,! 
very  good  'friends.  Burr  considered  then,  and  always,  that 
he  had  made  prodigious  sacrifices,  as  a  man  of  honor  and  a 


340  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

gentleman,  for  the  sake  of  avoiding  a  hostile  meeting  that 
could  not  but  injure  both  as  candidates  for  the  public  confi 
dence.  From  the  hour  Burr  learned  that  Hamilton  still  used 
his  former  freedom,  he  ceased  to  respect  him ;  he  held  him  in 
contempt,  as  a  man  insensible  to  considerations  of  honor  and 
good  faith.  Burr's  new  Federal  friends,  renegades  from  the 
Hamiltonian  party,  had  given  him  new  information  respecting 
the  Burriphobia  under  which  their  former  leader  labored, 
and  the  language  in  which  it  was  accustomed  to  find  vent. 

Consider  the  force  of  another  circumstance  upon  a  mind 
like  Burr's,  whose  religion  was,  fidelity  to  comrades.  Men 
who  proudly  looked  up  to  him  as  more  than  their  political 
chief — as  the  preeminent  gentleman,  and  model  man  of  the 
world,  of  that  age  —  had  fought  in  his  quarrel,  and  fought  with 
a  reckless  courage  which  he  had  first  inspired,  and  then  com 
manded.  If  the  occasion  should  arise,  could  chief  decline  the 
encounter  with  chief,  after  the  subalterns  had  so  gallantly  con 
tended  ?  And  this  consideration  had  equal  weight  with  Ham 
ilton.  Beside  having  sanctioned  the  practice  of  dueling,  by 
serving  as  second  to  Colonel  Laurens  in  his  duel  with  General 
Lee,  his  own  son  had  fallen,  three  years  ago,  in  what  the  lan 
guage  of  that  day  called  the  vindication  of  his  father's  honor. 
In  short,  never,  since  the  duello  was  invented,  were  two  men, 
if  the  requisite  technical  provocation  should  arise,  so  peculiarly 
and  irresistibly  bound  to  fight,  as  were  Aaron  Burr  and  Alex 
ander  Hamilton  in  the  summer  of  1804. 

During  the  late  election  for  governor,  a  letter  from  Dr. 
Charles  D.  Cooper  to  a  friend,  found  its  way  into  the  papers, 
which  contained  two  sentences  relating  to  Colonel  Burr.  One 
was  this : 

"  General  Hamilton  and  Judge  Kent  have  declared,  in  sub 
stance,  that  they  looked  upon  Mr.  Burr  to  be  a  dangerous 
man,  and  one  who  ought  not  to  be  trusted  with  the  reins  of 
government." 

This  was  the  otlier  :  "  I  could  detail  to  you  a  still  more  des 
picable  opinion  which  General  Hamilton  has  expressed  of  Mr. 
Burr." 


THE     DUEL.  341 

Six  weeks  after  the  election,  the  paper  containing  this  letter 
was  put  into  Colonel  Burr's  hands,  and  his  attention  called  to 
the  allusions  to  himself. 

In  the  afternoon  of  June  17th,  Mr.  William  P,  Van  Ness, 
one  of  Burr's  staunchest  friends,  the  Aristldes  of  the  pamphlet 
war  of  1802,  received  a  note  from  Colonel  Burr,  requesting 
him  to  call  at  Richmond  Hill  on  the  following  morning.  He 
went.  At  the  request  of  Burr,  he  conveyed  Dr.  Cooper's  let 
ter  to  General  Hamilton,  with  the  most  offensive  passage 
marked,  and  a  note  from  Colonel  Burr,  which,  as  briefly  as 
possible,  called  attention  to  the  passage,  and  concluded  with 
the  following  words :  "  You  must  perceive,  sir,  the  necessity 
of  a  prompt  and  unqualified  acknowledgment  or  denial  of  the 
use  of  any  expressions  which  would  warrant  the  assertions  of 
Mr.  Cooper." 

Hamilton  was  taken  by  surprise.  He  had  not,  before  that 
moment,  seen  Cooper's  letter.  Having  read  it,  and  the  note 
of  Colonel  Burr,  he  said  that  they  required  consideration,  and 
he  would  send  an  answer  to  Mr.  Van  Ness's  office  (Van  Ness 
was  a  lawyer)  in  the  course  of  the  day.  Late  that  evening  he 
called  at  Mr.  Van  Ness's  residence,  and  told  him  that  a  press 
of  business  had  prevented  his  preparing  a  reply,  and  would 
prevent  him  for  two  days  to  come  ;  but  on  the  20th  he 
would  give  him  a  communication  for  Colonel  Burr. 

In  that  communication,  which  was  very  long,  Hamilton  de 
clined  making  the  acknowledgment  or  denial  that  Burr  had 
demanded.  Between  gentlemen,  he  said,  despicable  and  more 
despicable  was  not  worth  the  pains  of  distinction.  He  could 
not  consent  to  be  interrogated  as  to  the  justice  of  the  in 
ferences  which  others  might  have  drawn  from  what  he  had 
said  of  an  opponent  during  fifteen  years'  competition.  But 
he  stood  ready  to  avow  or  disavow  explicitly  any  definite 
opinion  which  he  might  be  charged  with  having  expressed  re 
specting  any  gentleman.  He  trusted  that  Colonel  Burr,  upon 
further  reflection,  would  see  the  matter  in  the  same  light.  If 
not,  he  could  only  regret  the  fact,  and  abide  the  conse 
quences. 

This  letter  was  oil  upon  the  flames  of  Burr's  indignation. 


342  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BUKR. 

His  reply  was  prompt  and  decided.  Hamilton's  letters  can 
generally  be  condensed  one  half  without  the  loss  of  an  idea, 
Burr's  compact  directness  defies  abbreviation : 

"  Your  letter  of  the  20th  inst.,"  wrote  he,  "  has  been  this 
day  received.  Having  considered  it  attentively,  I  regret  to 
find  in  it  nothing  of  that  sincerity  and  delicacy  which  you  pro 
fess  to  value.  Political  opposition  can  never  absolve  gentle 
men  from  the  necessity  of  a  rigid  adherence  to  the  laws  of 
honor  and  the  rules  of  decorum.  I  neither  claim  such  privi 
lege  nor  indulge  it  in  others.  The  common  sense  of  mankind 
affixes  to  the  epithet  adopted  by  Dr.  Cooper  the  idea  of  dis 
honor.  It  has  been  publicly  applied  to  me  under  the  sanction 
of  your  name.  The  question  is  not,  whether  he  has  under 
stood  the  meaning  of  the  word,  or  has  used  it  according  to 
syntax,  and  with  grammatical  accuracy ;  but,  whether  you 
have  authorized  this  application,  either  directly  or  by  uttering 
expressions  or  opinions  derogatory  to  my  honor.  The  time 
*  when'  is  in  your  own  knowledge,  but  no  way  material  to  me, 
as  the  calumny  has  now  first  been  disclosed,  so  as  to  become 
the  subject  of  my  notice,  and  as  the  effect  is  present  and  pal 
pable.  Your  letter  has  furnished  me  with  new  reasons  for  re 
quiring  a  definite  reply." 

Hamilton  seems  to  have  read  his  doom  in  that  letter.  He 
said  to  Mr.  Van  Ness,  who  brought  it,  that  it  was  such  a  letter 
as  he  had  hoped  not  to  receive ;  it  contained  several  offensive 
expressions  ;  and  seemed  to  close  the  door  to  reply.  He  had 
hoped  that  Mr.  Burr  would  have  desired  him  to  state  what 
had  fallen  from  him  that  might  have  given  rise  to  the  infer 
ence  of  Dr.  Cooper.  He  would  have  done  that  frankly,  and 
he  believed  it  would  not  have  been  found  to  exceed  justifiable 
limits.  And  even  then,  if  Mr.  Burr  was  disposed  to  give 
another  turn  to  the  discussion,  he  was  willing  to  consider  his 
last  letter  undelivered.  But  if  that  were  not  withdrawn,  he 
could  make  no  reply. 

Mr.  Van  Ness  detailed  these  ideas  to  Colonel  Burr,  and 
received  from  him  a  paper  of  instructions  to  guide  him  in 
replying,  verbally,  to  General  Hamilton.  This  paper  ex 
presses  with  force  and  exactness  the  view  of  this  affair  then 


THE     DUEL.  343 

taken,  and  always  adhered  to,  by  Colonel  Burr.  It  read  as 
follows : 

"A.  Burr,  far  from  conceiving  that  rival  ship  authorizes  a 
latitude  not  otherwise  justifiable,  always  feels  greater  delicacy 
in  such  cases,  and  would  think  it  meanness  to  speak  of  a  rival 
but  in  terms  of  respect ;  to  do  justice  to  his  merits;  to  be 
silent  of  his  foibles.  Such  has  invariably  been  his  conduct 
toward  Jay,  Adams,  and  Hamilton  ;  the  only  three  who  can 
be  supposed  to  have  stood  in  that  relation  to  him. 

"  That  he  has  too  much  reason  to  believe  that,  in  regard  to 
Mr.  Hamilton,  there  has  been  no  reciprocity.  For  several 
years  his  name  has  been  lent  to  the  support  of  base  slanders. 
He  has  never  had  the  generosity,  the  magnanimity,  or  the 
candor  to  contradict  or  disavow.  Burr  forbears  to  particular 
ize,  as  it  could  only  tend  to  produce  new  irritations ;  but, 
having  made  great  sacrifices  for  the  sake  of  harmony  ;  having 
exercised  forbearance  until  it  approached  to  humiliation,  he 
has  seen  no  effect  produced  by  such  conduct  but  a  repetition 
of  injury.  He  is  obliged  to  conclude  that  there  is,  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  a  settled  and  implacable  malevolence  ; 
that  he  will  never  cease,  in  his  conduct  toward  Mr.  Burr,  to 
violate  those  courtesies  of  life ;  and  that,  henco,  he  has  no  al 
ternative  but  to  announce  these  things  to  the  world  ;  which, 
consistently  with  Mr.  Burr's  ideas  of  propriety,  can  be  done 
in  no  way  but  that  which  he  has  adopted.  He  is  incapable  of 
revenge,  still  less  is  he  capable  of  imitating  the  conduct  of  Mr. 
Hamilton,  by  committing  secret  depredations  on  his  fame  and 
character.  But  these  things  must  have  an  end." 

Upon  meeting  General  Hamilton  for  the  purpose  of  making 
the  above  explanation,  Mr.  Van  Ness  was  informed  by  him, 
that  he  had  prepared  a  written  reply  to  Colonel  Burr's  last 
letter,  and  had  left  it  in  the  hands  of  his  friend  Mr.  Pendleton. 
The  verbal  explanation  was  therefore  withheld,  and  General 
Hamilton's  letter  conveyed  to  Colonel  Burr.  It  was  as  fol 
lows  :  "  Your  first  letter,  in  a  style  too  peremptory,  made  a 
demand,  in  my  opinion,  unprecedented  and  unwarrantable. 
My  answer,  pointing  out  the  embarrassment,  gave  you  an  op 
portunity  to  take  a  less  exceptionable  course.  You  have  not 


844  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

chosen  to  do  it ;  but  by  your  last  letter  received  this  day,  con 
taining  expressions  indecorous  and  improper,  you  have  in 
creased  the  difficulties  to  explanation  intrinsically  incident  to 
the  nature  of  your  application.  If  by  a  '  definite  reply'  you 
mean  the  direct  avowal  or  disavowal  required  in  your  first 
letter,  I  have  no  other  answer  to  give,  than  that  which  has 
already  been  given.  If  you  mean  any  thing  different,  admit 
ting  of  greater  latitude,  it  is  requisite  you  should  explain." 

This  letter,  as  might  have  been  expected,  produced  no 
effect ;  as  Mr.  Van  Ness  hastened  to  inform  General  Hamil 
ton's  friend.  Van  Ness  added,  that  what  Colonel  Burr  de 
manded  was  this :  a  general  disavowal  of  any  intention  on  the 
part  of  General  Hamilton,  in  his  various  conversations,  to  con 
vey  impressions  derogatory  to  the  honor  of  Burr.  Pendleton 
replied,  that  he  believed  General  Hamilton  would  have  no 
objection  to  make  such  a  declaration ! 

Hamilton,  of  course,  declined  making  the  disavowal.  But 
he  gave  Van  Ness  a  paper,  in  his  own  hand,  the  purport  of 
which  was  that  if  Colonel  Burr  should  think  it  proper  to  in 
quire  of  General  Hamilton  the  nature  of  the  conversation  with 
Dr.  Cooper,  General  Hamilton  would  be  able  to  reply,  with 
truth,  that  it  turned  wholly  on  political  topics,  and  did  not 
attribute  to  Colonel  Burr  any  instance  of  dishonorable  con 
duct,  nor  relate  to  his  private  character.  And  in  relation  to 
any  other  conversation  which  Colonel  Burr  would  specify,  a 
frank  avowal  or  denial  would  be  given. 

A  "  mere  evasion,"  said  Burr,  when  he  had"  read  this  paper. 

Other  correspondence  followed,  but  it  is  too  familiar  to  the 
public,  and  too  easily  accessible,  to  require  repetition  here. 
Throughout  the  whole  of  it  we  see,  on  the  one  hand,  an  ex 
asperated  man  resolved  to  bring  the  affair  to  a  decisive  and 
final  issue ;  on  the  other,  a  man  striving  desperately,  but  not 
dishonorably,  to  escape  the  consequences  of  his  own  too  un- 
garded  words.  Burr's  final  recapitulation,  drawn  up  for  the 
guidance  of  his  second,  was  as  follows  : 

"  Colonel  Burr  (in  reply  to  General  Hamilton's  charge  of 
indefiniteness  and  inquisition)  would  only  say,  that  secret  whis 
pers  traducing  his  fame,  and  impeaching  his  honor,  are  at  least 


THE     DUEn.  345 

equally  injurious  with  slanders  publicly  uttered  ;  that  General 
Hamilton  had,  at  no  time,  and  in  no  place,  a  right  to  use  any 
such  injurious  expressions  ;  and  that  the  partial  negative  he  is 
disposed  to  give,  with  the  reservations  he  wishes  to  make,  are 
proofs  that  he  has  done  the  injury  specified. 

"Colonel  Burr's  request  was,  in  the  first  instance,  proposed 
in  a  form  the  most  simple,  in  order  that  General  Hamilton 
might  give  to  the  affair  that  course  to  which  he  might  be 
induced  by  his  temper  and  his  knowledge  of  facts.  Colonel 
Burr  trusted  with  confidence,  that,  from  the  frankness  of  a 
soldier  and  the  candor  of  a  gentleman,  he  might  expect  an 
ingenuous  declaration.  That  if,  as  he  had  reason  to  believe, 
General  Hamilton  had  used  expressions  derogatory  to  his 
honor,  he  would  have  had  the  magnanimity  to  retract  them  ; 
and  that  if,  from  his  language,  injurious  inferences  had  been 
improperly  drawn,  he  would  have  perceived  the  propriety  of 
correcting  errors,  which  might  thus  have  been  widely  diffused. 
With  these  impressions,  Colonel  Burr. was  greatly  surprised 
at  receiving  a  letter  which  he  considered  as  evasive,  and  which 
in  manner  he  deemed  not  altogether  decorous.  In  one  expec 
tation,  however,  he  was  not  wholly  deceived,  for  the  close  of 
General  Hamilton's  letter  contained  an  intimation  that,  if 
Colonel  Burr  should  dislike  his  refusal  to  acknowledge  or 
deny,  he  was  ready  to  meet  the  consequences.  This  Colonel 
Burr  deemed  a  sort  of  defiance,  and  would  have  felt  justified 
in  making  it  the  basis  of  an  immediate  message.  But  as  the 
communication  contained  something  concerning  the  indefinite- 
ness  of  the  request,  as  he  believed  it  rather  the  offspring  of 
false  pride  than  of  reflection,  and  as  he  felt  the  utmost  reluct 
ance  to  proceed  to  extremities,  while  any  other  hope  re 
mained,  his  request  was  repeated  in  terms  more  explicit.  The 
replies  and  propositions  on  the  part  of  General  Hamilton 
have,  in  Colonel  Burr's  opinion,  been  constantly  in  substance 
the  same. 

"  Colonel  Burr  disavows  all  motives  of  predetermined  hos 
tility,  a  charge  by  which  he  thinks  insult  added  to  injury.  lie 
feels  as  a  gentleman  should  feel  when  his  honor  is  impeached 
or  assailed ;  and,  without  sensations  of  hostility  or  wishes  of 

15* 


340  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUEE. 

revenge,  he  is  determined  to  vindicate  that  honor  at  such 
hazard  as  the  nature  of  the  case  demands." 

The  letter  concluded  with  the  remark  that  the  length  and 
fruitlessness  of  the  correspondence  proved  it  useless  "  to  offer 
any  proposition,  except  the  simple  message  which  I  shall  now 
have  the  honor  to  deliver." 

The  challenge  was  then  given  and  accepted.  Ten  days  had 
elapsed  since  Colonel  Burr  had  first  sent  for  Mr.  Van  Ness, 
and  it  was  now  the  27th  of  June.  Mr.  Pendleton  stated  that 
a  court  was  then  sitting  in  which  General  Hamilton  had  much 
business  to  transact ;  he  would  require  also  a  little  time  to 
arrange  his  private  affairs;  and,  therefore,  some  delay  was 
unavoidable.  This  was  assented  to,  and  the  next  morning  ap 
pointed  for  a  meeting  of  the  seconds  to  confer  further  on  time 
and  place. 

At  that  meeting  Mr.  Pendleton  presented  a  paper  which, 
he  said,  he  had  received  from  his  principal,  and  which  con 
tained  some  remarks  upon  the  matters  in  dispute.  Van  Ness 
replied  that,  if  the  paper  contained  a  specific  proposition  for 
an  accommodation,  he  would  receive  it  with  pleasure  ;  if  not, 
he  must  decline  doing  so,  as  his  principal  considered  the  cor 
respondence  completely  terminated  by  the  acceptance  of  the 
challenge.  Pendleton  replied  that  the  paper  contained  no 
such  proposition,  but  consisted  of  remarks  upon  Van  Ness's 
last  letter.  Mr.  Van  Ness,  therefore,  refused  to  receive  it,* 
and  Pendleton  retired,  promising  to  call  again  in  a  day  or  two 
to  make  the  final  arrangements.  The  seconds  conferred  sev 
eral  times  before  these  were  concluded ;  but,  at  length,  July 

*  This  paper  was  an  earnest  endeavor,  on  the  part  of  General  Hamilton,  to 
avoid  a  hostile  meeting.  The  material  passage  was  as  follows :  "  Mr.  Pen 
dleton  is  authorized  to  say,  that  in  the  course  of  the  present  discussion,  writ 
ten  or  verbal,  there  has  been  no  intention  to  evade,  defy,  or  insult,  but  a  sin 
cere  disposition  to  avoid  extremities,  if  it  could  be  done  with  propriety.  With 
this  view  General  Hamilton  has  been  ready  to  enter  into  a  frank  and  free  ex 
planation  on  any  and  every  object  of  a  specific  nature  ;  but  not  to  answer  a 
general  and  abstract  inquiry,  embracing  a  period  too  long  for  any  accurate 
recollection,  and  exposing  him  to  unpleasant  criticisms  from,  or  unpleasant 
discussions  with,  any  and  every  person  who  may  have  understood  him  in  an 
unfavorable  sense." 


THE     DUEL.  347 

llth,  at  seven  in  the  morning,  was  fixed  upon  as  the  "time; 
the  place,  Weehawken  ;  the  weapons,  pistols ;  the  distance, 
ten  paces.  Thus,  between  the  time  when  Colonel  Burr  sent 
for  Van  Ness  and  the  day  appointed  for  the  meeting,  twenty- 
four  days  elapsed,  during  the  greater  part  of  which  the  secret 
was  known,  certainly,  to  seven  persons,  and,  probably,  to  as 
many  as  ten. 

During  this  long  period,  the  principals  went  about  their 
daily  business  as  usual.  Hamilton,  as  was  afterward  fondly 
remembered,  plead  his  causes  and  consulted  his  clients,  with 
all  his  wonted  vigor,  courtesy,  and  success.  Around  his  table 
at  the  "  Grange,"  day  after  day,  he  saw  his  seven  children  and 
his  tenderly  beloved  wife,  with  a  ceaseless  consciousness  of 
the  blow  that  was  suspended  over  them  all.  A  whisper  could 
have  saved  him,  and  saved  them,  but  how  impossible  it  was  to 
utter  that  whisper ! 

Burr  was  residing  at  cedar-crowned  Richmond  Hill,  and 
found  the  great  mansion  there  somewhat  lone  and  chilly.  On 
June  23d  (the  very  day  upon  which  it  became  certain  that 
the  affair  with  Hamilton  could  only  be  terminated  by  a  duel) 
Theodosia's  birth-day  came  round  again,  a  day  on  which  Rich 
mond  Hill,  for  many  a  year,  had  known  only  the  sights  and 
sounds  of  happiness  and  mirth.  Burr  was  an  observer  of  fete 
days  and  family  festivals.  On  this  occasion,  he  invited  a  party 
to  dinner,  who,  as  he  wrote  the  next  day  to  Theodosia, 
"  laughed  an  hour,  and  danced  an  hour,  and  drank  her  health." 
He  had  her  picture  brought  into  the  dining-room  and  placed 
at  the  table  where  she  was  accustomed  to  sit.  But,  added  he, 
"  as  it  is  a  profile,  and  would  not  look  at  us,  we  hung  it  up, 
and  placed  Natalie's  (his  adopted  daughter)  at  table,  which 
laughs  and  talks  with  us."  The  letter  in  which  these  particu 
lars  are  given  is  remarkable  for  containing  a  suggestion  which 
has  since  been  admirably  improved.  "  Your  idea,"  wrote  he, 
"  of  dressing  up  pieces  of  ancient  mythology  in  the  form  of 
amusing  tales  for  children  is  very  good.  You  yourself  must 
write  them.  Send  your  performances  to  me,  and,  within  three 
weeks  after  they  are  received,  you  shall  have  them  again  in 
print.  This  will  be  not  only  an  amusing  occupation,  but  a 


348  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUER. 

very  Tiseful  one  to  yourself.  It  will  improve  your  style  and 
your  language,  give  you  habits  of  accuracy,  and  add  a  little 
to  your  stock  of  knowledge.  Natalie,  too,  must  work  at  it, 
and  I'll  bet  that  she  makes  the  best  tale.  I  will  be  your  ed 
itor  and  your  critic."  The  reader  is  aware  how  well  this 
"  idea"  has  since  been  carried  out  by  Mr.  Kingsley  and  others. 

His  letters  to  his  daughter,  at  this  period,  contain  but  a  sin 
gle  allusion,  and  that  a  vague  one,  to  the  impending  conflict. 
On  the  1st  of  July,  he  began  a  letter  with  these  words : 

"  Having  been  shivering  with  cold  all  day,  though  in  perfect 
health,  I  have  now,  just  at  sunset,  had  a  fire  in  my  library, 
and  am  sitting  near  it  and  enjoying  it,  if  that  word  be  appli 
cable  to  any  thing  done  in  solitude.  Some  very  wise  man, 
however,  has  exclaimed, 

"  '  Oh !  fools,  who  think  it  solitude  to  be  alone.' 

This  is  but  poetry.  Let  us  therefore  drop  the  subject,  lest  it 
lead  to  another  on  which  I  have  imposed  silence  on  myself." 

The  rest  of  the  letter  is  cheerful  enough.  He  says  he  is  im 
patient  to  receive  the  "  Tales,"  recommends  her  to  subscribe 
for  the  Edinburg  Review,  and  to  be  forming  a  library  for  her 
son. 

On  the  Fourth  of  July,  Hamilton  and  Burr  met,  for  the  last 
time,  at  the  convivial  board.  It  was  at  the  annual  banquet 
of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  of  which  Hamilton  was  presi 
dent  and  Burr  a  member.  Hamilton  was  cheerful,  and,  at 
times,  merry.  He  was  urged,  as  the  feast  wore  away,  to  sing 
the  only  song  he  ever  sang  or  knew,  the  famous  old  ballad  of 
The  Drum.  It  was  thought  afterward,  that  he  was  more  re 
luctant  than  usual  to  comply  with  the  company's  request; 
but  after  some  delay,  he  said,  "  Well,  you  shall  have  it,"  and 
sang  it  in  his  best  manner,  greatly  to  the  delight  of  the  old 
soldiers  by  whom  he  wras  surrounded.  Burr,  on  the  contrary, 
was  reserved,  mingled  little  with  the  company,  and  held  no  in 
tercourse  with  the  president.  He  was  never  a  fluent  man, 
and  was  generally,  in  the  society  of  men,  more  a  listener  than 
a  talker.  On  this  occasion,  his  silence  was,  therefore,  the  less 


THE     DUEL.  349 

remarked  ;  yet  it  was  remarked.  It  was  observed,  to6,  that 
he  paid  no  attention  to  Hamilton's  conversation,  nor,  indeed, 
looked  toward  him,  until  he  struck  up  his  song,  when  Burr 
turned  toward  him,  and,  leaning  upon  the  table,  looked  at 
the  singer  till  the  song  was  done. 

This  difference  in  the  behavior  of  the  two  men  was  doubt 
less  owing  partly  to  their  different  positions  at  the  banquet. 
Hamilton,  as  the  master  of  the  feast,  was  in  the  eye  of  every 
guest,  while  Burr  could  easily  escape  particular  observation. 
The  object  of  both  was,  of  course,  to  behave  so  as  not  to  ex 
cite  inquiry. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  Hamilton  executed  his  will,  leaving  his 
all,  after  the  payment  of  his  debts,  to  his  '  dear  and  excellent 
wife.'  "  Should  it  happen,"  said  he,  "  that  there  is  not  enough 
for  the  payment  of  my  debts,  I  entreat  my  dear  children,  if 
they,  or  any  of  them,  should  ever  be  able,  to  make  up  the 
deficiency.  I,  without  hesitation,  commit  to  their  delicacy  a 
wish  which  is  dictated  by  my  own.  Though  conscious  that  I 
have  too  far  sacrificed  the  interests  of  my  family  to  public 
avocations,  and  on  this  account  have  the  less  claim  to  burden 
my  children,  yet  I  trust  in  their  magnanimity  to  appreciate  as 
they  ought  this  my  request.  In  so  unfavorable  an  event  of 
things,  the  support  of  their  dear  mother,  with  the  most  re 
spectful  and  tender  attention,  is  a  duty,  all  the  sacredncss  of 
which  they  will  feel.  Probably  her  own  patrimonial  resources 
will  preserve  her  from  indigence.  But  in  all  situations  they 
are  charged  to  bear  in  mind,  that  she  has  been  to  them  the 
most  devoted  and  best  of  mothers." 

A  few  hours  more  brought  them  to  the  day  before  the  one 
named  for  the  meeting.  In  the  evening,  both  the  principals 
were  engaged,  to  a  late  hour,  in  making  their  final  prepara 
tions,  and  writing  what  each  felt  might  be  his  last  written 
words.  The  paper  prepared  by  Hamilton  on  that  occasion, 
in  the  solitude  of  his  library,  reveals  to  us  the  miserable  spec 
tacle  of  an  intelligent  and  gifted  man,  who  had,  with  the  ut 
most  deliberation,  made  up  his  mind  to  do  an  action  which 
his  intellect  condemned  as  absurd,  which  his  heart  felt  to  be 
cruel,  which  his  conscience  told  him  was  wrong.  He  saicT'that 


350  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUEK. 

he  had  shrunk  from  the  coming  interview.  His  duty  to  his 
religion,  his  family,  and  his  creditors,  forbade  it.  He  should 
hazard  much,  and  could  gain  nothing  by  it.  He  was  conscious 
of  no  ill-will  to  Colonel  Burr,  apart  from  political  opposition, 
which  he  hoped  hail  proceeded  from  pure  and  upright  mo 
tives.  But  there  were  difficulties, -intrinsic  and  artificial,  in 
the  way  of  an  accommodation,  which  had  seemed  insuperable  ; 
intrinsic,  because  he  really  had  been  very  severe  upon  Colo 
nel  Burr ;  artificial,  because  Colonel  Burr  had  demanded  too 
much,  and  in  a  manner  that  precluded  a  peaceful  discussion 
of  the  difficulty. 

"  As  well,"  this  affecting  paper  concluded,  "  because  it  is  pos 
sible  that  I  may  have  injured  Colonel  Burr,  however  convinced 
myself  that  my  opinions  and  declarations  have  been  well 
founded,  as  from  my  general  principles  and  temper  in  relation 
to  similar  affairs,  I  have  resolved,  if  our  interview  is  conducted 
in  the  usual  manner,  and  it  pleases  God  to  give  me  the  oppor 
tunity,  to  reserve  and  throw  away  my  first  fire,  and  I  have 
thoughts  even  of  reserving  my  second  fire,  and  thus  giving  a 
double  opportunity  to  Colonel  Burr  to  pause  and  to  reflect. 
It  is  not,  however,  my  intention  to  enter  into  any  explanations 
on  the  ground.  Apology,  from  principle,  I  hope,  rather  than 
pride,  is  out  of  the  question.  To  those  who,  with  me,  abhor 
ring  the  practice  of  dueling,  may  think  that  I  ought  on  no 
account  to  have  added  to  the  number  of  bad  examples,  I  an 
swer,  that  my  relative  situation,  as  well  in  public  as  in  private, 
enforcing  all  the  considerations  which  constitute  what  men  of 
the  world  denominate  honor,  imposed  on  me  (as  I  thought)  a 
peculiar  necessity  not  to  decline  the  call.  The  ability  to  be 
in  the  future  useful,  whether  in  resisting  mischief  or  effecting 
good,  in  those  crises  of  our  public  affairs  which  seem  likely  to 
happen,  would  probably  be  inseparable  from  a  conformity  with 
LHiblic  prejudice  in  this  particular." 

Doing  evil  that  good  may  come,  though  not  the  crime  it  is 
to  do  good  that  evil  may  come,  is  a  dreadful  error.  It  was 
the  vjce  of  Hamilton's  otherwise  worthy  life.  It  proved  fatal 
to  him  at  last. 

In  the  long  letters  which  Burr  wrote  that  evening,  there 


THE     DUEL.  351 

are  no  signs  that  the  gentle  blood  of  Esther  Edwards  was 
revolting  in  the  veins  of  her  erring  son  against  the  morrow's 
deed.  There  is  a  tender  dignity  in  his  farewell  words  to  The- 
odosia,  but  no  misgivings.  He  gives  her  a  number  of  minute 
directions  about  the  disposal  of  his  papers,  letters,  and  serv 
ants.  She  was  enjoined  to  burn  all  such  letters  as,  if  by  acci 
dent  made  public,  would  injure  any  person.  This,  he  added, 
was  more  particularly  applicable  to  the  letters  of  his  female 
correspondents.  To  his  step-son,  "poor  dear  Frederic,"  to 
Natalie,  to  various  friends,  he  requested  her  to  give  certain 
tokens  of  his  remembrance.  His  faithful  housekeeper,  Peggy, 
was  to  have  a  lot  of  ground  and  fifty  dollars,  and  the  other 
servants  Theodosia  was  urged  to  adopt  as  her  own.  His  letter 
concludes  with  these  touching  words :  "  I  am  indebted  to 
you,  my  dearest  Theodosia,  for  a  very  great  portion  of  the 
happiness  which  I  have  enjoyed  in  this  life.  You  have  com 
pletely  satisfied  all  that  my  heart  and  affections  had  hoped  or 
even  wished.  With  a  little  more  perseverance,  determination, 
and  industry,  you  will  obtain  all  that  my  ambition  or  vanity 
had  fondly  imagined.  Let  your  son  have  occasion  to  be  proud 
that  he  had  a  mother.  Adieu.  Adieu." 

In  a  postscript,  he  tells  her,  upon  her  arrival  in  New  York, 
to  open  her  whole  heart  to  his  step-son,  Frederic,  who  loves 
him,  he  says,  almost  as  much  as  Theodosia  does,  and  loves 
Theodosia  to  adoration.  He  also  gives  her  a  seal  of  General 
Washington's,  which  he  possessed,  and  says  she  may  keep  it 
for  her  son,  or  give  it  to  whom  she  pleases. 

He  wrote  a  long  letter  to  her  husband,  recommending  to 
his  regard  and  care  the  friends  to  whom  he  was  most  attached. 
"  If  it  should  be  my  lot  to  fall,"  he  said,  in  conclusion,  "  yet 
I  shall  live  in  you  and  your  son.  I  commit  to  you  all  that  is 
most  dear  to  me  —  my  reputation  and  my  daughter.  Your 
talents  and  your  attachment  will  be  the  guardian  of  the  one 
—  your  kindness  and  your  generosity  of  the  other.  Let  me 
entreat  you  to  stimulate  and  aid  Theodosia  in  the  cultivation 
of  her  mind.  It  is  indispensable  to  her  happiness,  and  essen 
tial  to  yours.  It  is  also  of  the  utmost  importance  to  your 
son.  She  would  presently  acquire  a  critical  knowledge  of 


352  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUKR. 

Latin,  English,  and  all  branches  of  natural  philosophy.  Ah 
this  would  be  poured  into  your  son.  If  you  should  differ 
with  me  as  to  the  importance  of  this  measure,  suffer  me  to 
ask  it  of  you  as  a  last  favor.  She  will  richly  compensate  your 
trouble." 

Two  very  characteristic  postscripts  are  appended  to  this 
letter.  In  the  first,  he  commends  to  Mr.  Alston's  special  re 
gard,  Frederic  Prevost.  "  Under  the  garb  of  coarse  rustic 
ity  you  wrill  find,  if  you  know  him,  refinement,  wit,  a  delicate 
sense  of  propriety,  the  most  inflexible  intrepidity,  incorrupti 
ble  integrity,  and  disinterestedness.  I  wish  you  could  know 
him ;  but  it  would  be  difficult,  by  reason  of  his  diffidence  and 
great  reluctance  to  mingle  with  the  world.  It  has  been  a 
source  of  extreme  regret  and  mortification  to  me  that  he 
should  be  lost  to  society  and  to  his  friends.  The  case  seems 
almost  remediless,  for,  alas  !  he  is  married!" 

The  other  postscript  was  as  follows :  "  If  you  can  par<k>n 
and  indulge  a  folly,  I  would  suggest  that  Madame  —  -,  too 
well  known  under  the  name  of  Leonora,  has  claims  on  my 
recollection.  She  is  now  with  her  husband  at  St.  Jago,  of 
Cuba." 

Late  at  night  Colonel  Burr  threw  off  his  upper  garments, 
lay  down  upon  a  couch  in  his  library,  and,  in  a  few  minutes, 
was  asleep. 

At  daybreak,  next  morning,  John  Swartwout  entered  the 
room,  and  saw  his  chief  still  lying  on  the  couch.  Well  as  he 
knew  Colonel  Burr,  he  was  astonished,  upon  approaching  him, 
to  discover  that  he  was  in  a  sound  and  tranquil  slumber.  He 
awoke  the  man  who  had  better  never  again  have  opened  his 
eyes  upon  the  light  of  this  world.  Van  ISTess  was  soon  ready. 
Matthew  L.  Davis  and  another  friend  or  two  arrived,  and  the 
party  proceeded  in  silence  to  the  river,  where  a  boat  was  in 
readiness.  Burr,  Van  Ness,  Davis,  and  another  embarked, 
and  the  boat  was  rowed  over  the  river  toward  Weehawken, 
the  scene,  in  those  days,  of  so  many  deadly  encounters. 

Few  of  the  present  generation  have  stood  upon  the  spot, 
which  was  formerly  one  of  the  places  that  strangers  were  sure 
to  visit  on  coming  to  the  city,  and  which  the  events  of  this 


THE     DUEL.  353 

day  rendered  for  ever  memorable.  Two  miles  and  a  half 
above  the  city  of  Hoboken,  the  heights  of  Weehawken  rise, 
in  the  picturesque  form  so  familiar  to  Ne\v  Yorkers,  to  an  el 
evation  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  feet  above  the  Hudson.  Theso 
heights  are  rocky,  very  steep,  and  covered  with  small  trees 
and  tangled  bushes.  Under  the  heights,  at  a  point  half  a  mifo 
from  where  they  begin,  there  is,  twenty  feet  above  the  water, 
a  grassy  ledge  or  shelf,  about  six  feet  wide,  and  eleven  paces 
loner.  This  was  the  fatal  spot.  Except  that  it  is  slightly  en 
cumbered  with  imderbrush,  it  is,  at  this  hour,  precisely  what 
it  was  on  the  llth  of  July,  1804.  There  is  an  old  cedar-tree 
at  the  side,  a  little  out  of  range,  which  must  have  looked  then 
very  much  as  it  does  now.  The  large  rocks  which  partly  hem 
in  the  place  are,  of  course,  unchanged,  except  that  they  are 
decorated  with  the  initials  of  former  visitors.  One  large  rock, 
breast-high,  narrows  the  hollow  in  which  Hamilton  stood  to 
four  feet  or  less. 

Inaccessible  to  foot-passengers  along  the  river,  except  at  low 
tide,  with  no  path  down  to  it  from  the  rocky  heights  above, 
no  residence  within  sight  on  that  side  of  the  river,  unless  at  a 
great  distance,  it  is  even  now  a  singularly  secluded  scene. 
But  fifty  years  ago,  when  no  prophet  had  yet  predicted  Hobo- 
ken,  that  romantic  shore  was  a  nearly  unbroken  solitude.  A 
third  of  a  mile  below  the  dueling-ground  there  stood  a  little 
tavern,  the  occasional  nesort  of  excursionists ;  where,  too,  du 
eling  parties  not  unfrequently  breakfasted  before  proceeding 
to  the  ground,  and  where  they  sometimes  returned  to  invig 
orate  their  restored  friendship  with  the  landlord's  wine.  A 
short  distance  above  tbe  ground,  lived  a  fine-hearted  old 
Captain,  who,  if  he  got  scent  of  a  duel,  would  rush  to  the 
place,  throw  himself  between  the  combatants,  and  never  give 
over  persuading  and  threatening  till  he  had  established  a 
peace  or  a  truce  between  them.  He  was  the  owner  of  the 
ground,  and  spoke  with  authority.  He  never  ceased  to  think 
that,  if  on  this  fatal  morning,  he  had  observed  the  approach 
of  the  boats,  he  could  have  prevented  the  subsequent  catas 
trophe. 

But,  for  the  very  purpose  of  preventing  suspicion,  it  had 


354  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

been  arranged  that  Colonel  Burr's  boat  should  arrive  some 
time  before  the  other.  About  half-past  six,  Burr  and  Van 
Ness  landed,  and  leaving  their  boat  a  few  yards  down  the 
river,  ascended  over  the  rocks  to  the  appointed  place.  It  was 
a  warm,  bright,  July  morning.  The  sun  looks  down,  directly 
after  rising,  upon  the  Weehawken  heights,  and  it  was  for  that 
reason  that  the  two  men  removed  their  coats  before  the  ar 
rival  of  the  other  party.  There  they  stood  carelessly  break 
ing  away  the  branches  of  the  underwood,  and  looking  out 
upon  as  fair,  as  various,  as  animated,  as  beautiful  a  scene,  as 
mortal  eyes  in  this  beautiful  world  ever  behold.  The  haze- 
crowned  city ;  the  bright,  broad,  flashing,  tranquil  river  ;  the 
long  reach  of  waters,  twelve  miles  or  more,  down  to  the  Nar 
rows  ;  the  vessels  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  ;  misty,  blue  Staten 
Island,  swelling  up  in  superb  contour  from  the  lower  bay  ;  the 
verdant  flowery  heights  around  ;  the  opposite  shore  of  the 
river,  then  dark  with  forest,  or  bright  with  sloping  lawn  ;  and, 
to  complete  the  picture,  that  remarkably  picturesque  promon 
tory  called  Castle  Point,  that  bends  out  far  into  the  stream,  a 
mile  below  Weehawken,  and  adds  a  peculiar  beauty  to  the 
foreground  ;  —  all  these  combine  to  form  a  view,  one  glance 
at  which  ought  to  have  sent  shame  and  horror  to  the  duelist's 
heart,  that  so  much  as  the  thought  of  closing  a  hitman  being's 
eyes  for  ever  on  so  much  loveliness,  had  ever  lived  a  moment 
in  his  bosom. 

Hamilton's  boat  was  seen  to  approach.  A  few  minutes  be 
fore  seven  it  touched  the  rocks,  and  Hamilton  and  his  second 
ascended.  The  principals  and  seconds  exchanged  the  usual 
salutations,  and  the  seconds  proceeded  immediately  to  make 
the  usual  preparations.  They  measured  ten  full  paces ;  then 
cast  lots  for  the  choice  of  position,  and  to  decide  who  should 
give  the  word.  The  lot,  in  both  cases,  fell  to  General  Hamil 
ton's  second,  who  chose  the  upper  end  of  the  ledge  for  his 
principal,  which,  at  that  hour  of  the  day,  could  not  have  been 
the  best,  for  the  reason  that  the  morning  sun,  and  the  flashing 
of  the  river,  would  both  interfere  with  the  sight.  The  pistols 
were  then  loaded,  and  the  principals  placed.  Hamilton  looking 
over  the  river  toward  the  citv,  and  Burr  turned  toward  the 


THE     DUEL.  355 

heights,  under  which  they  stood.  As  Pendleton  gave  Hamil 
ton  his  pistol,  he  asked, 

"  Will  you  have  the  hair-spring  set  ?" 

"  Not  this  time,"  was  the  quiet  reply. 

Pendleton  then  explained  to  both  principals  the  rules  which 
had  been  agreed  upon  with  regard  to  the  firing ;  after  the 
word  present,  they  were  to  fire  as  soon  as  they  pleased.  The 
seconds  then  withdrew  to  the  usual  distance. 

"  Are  you  ready,"  said  Pendleton. 

Both  answered  in  the  affirmative.  A  moment's  pause  en 
sued.  The  word  was  given.  Burr  raised  his  pistol,  took  aim, 
and  fired.  Hamilton  sprang  upon  his  toes  with  a  convulsive 
movement,  reeled  a  little  toward  the  heights,  at  which  mo 
ment  he  involuntarily  discharged  his  pistol,  and  then  fell  for 
ward  headlong  upon  his  face,  and  remained  motionless  on  the 
ground.  His  ball  rustled  among  the  branches,  seven  feet 
above  the  head  of  his  antagonist,  and  four  feet  wide  of  him. 
Burr  heard  it,  looked  up,  and  saw  where  it  had  severed  a  twig. 
Looking  at  Hamilton,  he  beheld  him  filling,  and  sprang  toward 
him  with  an  expression  of  pain  upon  his  face.  But  at  the  re- 
port'of  the  pistols,  Dr.  Hosack,  Mr.  Davis,  and  the  boatman, 
hurried  anxiously  up  the  rocks  to  the  scene  of  the  duel ;  and 
Van  Ness,  with  presence  of  mind,  seized  Burr,  shielded  him 
from  observation  with  an  umbrella,  and  urged  him  down 
the  steep  to  the  boat.  It  was  pushed  off  immediately,  and 
rowed  swiftly  back  to  Richmond  Hill,  where  Swartwout,  with 
feelings  that  may  be  imagined,  received  his  unhurt  chief —  a 
chief  no  more  ! 

Mr.  Pendleton  raised  his  prostrate  friend.  Dr.  Hosack 
found  him  sitting  on  the  grass,  supported  in  the  arms  of  his 
second,  with  the  ghastliness  of  death  upon  his  countenance. 
"  This  is  a  mortal  wound,  doctor,"  he  gasped ;  and  then  sunk 
away  into  a  swoon.  The  doctor  stripped  up  his  clothes,  and 
saw  at  a  glance  that  the  ball,  which  had  entered  his  right  side, 
must  have  penetrated  a  mortal  part.  Scarcely  expecting  him 
to  revive,  they  conveyed  him  down  among  the  large  rocks,  to 
the  shore,  placed  him  tenderly  in  the  boat,  and  set  off  for  the 
city.  The  doctor  now  used  the  usual  restoratives,  and  the 


056  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUKR. 

wounded  man  gradually  revived.  "  He  breathed,"  to  quote 
the  doctor's  words;  "his  eyes,  hardly  opened,  wandered 
without  fixing  upon  any  object ;  to  our  great  joy,  he  at  length 
spoke.  '  My  vision  is  indistinct,'  were  his  first  words.  His 
pulse  became  more  perceptible,  his  respiration  more  regular,  his 
sight  returned.  Soon  after  recovering  his  sight,  he  happened 
to  cast  his  eye  upon  the  case  of  pistols,  and  observing  the  one 
that  he  had  had  in  his  hand  lying  on  the  outside,  he  said,  '  Take 
care  of  that  pistol ;  it  is  undischarged  and  still  cocked ;  it  may 
go  off  and  do  harm.  Pendleton  knows'  (attempting  to  turn 
his  head  toward  him)  'that  I  did  not  intend  to  fire  at  him.' 

"  Then  he  lay  tranquil  till  he  saw  that  the  boat  was  approach 
ing  the  wharf.  He  said,  '  Let  Mrs.  Hamilton  be  immediately 
sent  for ;  let  the  event  be  gradually  broke  to  her,  but  give  her 
hopes.'  Looking  up  we  saw  his  friend,  Mr.  Bayard,  standing 
on  the  wharf  in  great  agitation.  He  had  been  told  by  his  ser 
vant  that  General  Hamilton,  Mr.  Pendleton,  and  myself  had 
crossed  the  river  in  a  boat  together,  and  too  well  he  conjec 
tured  the  fatal  errand,  and  foreboded  the  dreadful  result. 
Perceiving,  as  we  came  nearer,  that  Mr.  Pendleton  and  myself 
only  sat  up  in  the  stern  sheets,  he  clasped  his  hands  together 
in  the  most  violent  apprehension ;  but  when  I  called  to  him 
to  have  a  cot  prepared,  and  he  at  the  same  moment  saw  his 
poor  friend  lying  in  the  bottom  of  the  boat,  he  threw  up  his 
eyes,  and  burst  into  a  flood  of  tears  and  lamentation.  Hamil 
ton  alone  appeared  tranquil  and  composed.  We  then  con 
veyed  him  as  tenderly  as  possible  up  to  the  house.*  The  dis 
tress  of  his  amiable  family  were  such  that,  till  the  first  shock 
had  abated,  they  were  scarcely  able  to  summon  fortitude 
enough  to  yield  sufficient  assistance  to  their  dying  friend.' " 

By  nine  in  the  morning  the  news  began  to  be  noised  about 
in  the  city.  A  bulletin  soon  appeared  on  the  board  at  the 
Tontine  Coffee  House,  and  the  pulse  of  the  town  stood  still 
at  the  shocking  intelligence.  People  started  and  turned  pale 
as  they  read  the  brief  announcement : 

*  Hamilton's  town  residence  was  52  Cedar-street ;  Burr's,  30  Partition- 
street  (now  Fulton).  Bayard's  house,  to  which  Hamilton  was  taken,  was 
at  Greenwich,  within  half  a  mile  of  Richmond  Hill. 


THE     DUEL.  357 

"  GENERAL  HAMILTON  WAS  SHOT  BY  COLONEL  Bumi  THIS 

MORNING  IN  A  DUEL.       TlIE  GENERAL    IS    SAID  TO  BE  MORTALLY 
WOUNDED." 

Bulletins,  hourly  changed,  kept  the  city  in  agitation.  All 
the  circumstances  of  the  catastrophe  were  told,  and  retold, 
and  exaggerated  at  every  corner.  The  thrilling  scenes  that 
were  passing  at  the  bedside  of  the  dying  man  —  the  consulta 
tions  of  the  physicians  —  the  arrival  of  the  stricken  family  — 
Mrs.  Hamilton's  overwhelming  sorrow — the  resignation  and 
calm  dignity  of  the  illustrious  sufferer — his  broken  slumbers 
during  the  night  —  the  piteous  spectacle  of  the  seven  children 
entering  together  the  awful  apartment  —  the  single  look  the 
dying  father  gave  them  before  he  closed  his  eyes  —  were  all 
described  with  amplifications,  and  produced  an  impression  that 
can  only  be  imagined.  He  lingered  thirty-one  hours.  The 
duel  was  fought  on  Wednesday  morning.  At  two  o'clock,  on 
Thursday  afternoon,  Hamilton  died. 

A  notice  was  immediately  posted  for  a  meeting  of  the  mer 
chants,  at  the  Tontine  Coffee  House,  that  evening  ;  when  they 
resolved  to  close  their  stores  on  the  day  of  the  funeral,  to 
order  all  the  flags  of  the  shipping  at  half  mast,  and  to  wear 
crape  for  thirty  days.  The  bar  met  next  morning,  and  agreed 
to  go  into  mourning  for  six  weeks.  The  military  companies, 
the  students  of  Columbia  College,  the  Tammany  Society,  the 
Cincinnati,  the  St.  Andrew's  Society,  the  General  Society  of 
Mechanics,  the  Corporation  of  the  city,  all  passed  resolutions 
of  sorrow  and  condolence,  and  agreed  to  attend  the  funeral. 
On  Saturday,  the  funeral  took  place.  Business  was  utterly 
suspended.  The  concourse  in  the  streets  was  unprecedented. 
The  cortege  comprised  all  the  magnates  of  the  city,  and  nearly 
every  body  of  men  that  had  a  corporate  existence.  The 
friends  and  partisans  of  Colonel  Burr  made  it  a  point  to  test 
ify,  by  their  presence  in  the  procession,  that  they  shared  in  the 
general  respect  for  the  fallen  statesman,  and  in  the  general 
sorrow  at  his  untimely  end.  While  the  procession  was  mov 
ing,  the  minute-guns  of  the  artillery  in  the  Park  and  at  the 
Battery,  were  answered  by  minute  guns  from  a  British  frigate, 
the  British  packet,  and  two  French  men-of-war  that  lay  at 


358  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUKE. 

anchor  in  the  harbor.  For  two  hours,  the  booming  of  so 
many  guns  deepened  the  melancholy  of  the  occasion.  Gov 
ernor  Morris,  on  a  platform  at  Trinity  Church,  pronounced  .a 
brief  eulogium,  which  penetrated  every  heart ;  for  on  the 
same  platform  stood  the  four  sons  of  the  departed,  the  eldest 
sixteen,  the  youngest,  four. 

The  newspapers,  everywhere,  broke  into  declamation  upon 
these  sad  events.  I  suppose  that  the  "  poems,"  the  "  elegies," 
and  the  "lines,"  which  they  suggested  would  fill  a  duodecimo 
volume  of  the  size  usually  appropriated  to  verse.  In  the  chief 
cities,  the  character  of  the  deceased  was  made  the  subject  of 
formal  eulogium.  The  popular  sympathy  was  recorded  indeli 
bly  upon  the  ever-forming  map  of  the  United  States,  which 
bears  the  name  of  Hamilton  forty  times  repeated. 

The  funeral  solemnities  over,  the  public  feeling  took  the 
character  of  indignation  against  the  immediate  author  of  all 
this  sorrow  and  ruin.  In  a  few  days  the  correspondence  was 
published,  and  from  that  hour  Burr  became,  in  the  general 
estimation  of  the  people,  a  name  of  horror.  Those  prelimi 
nary  letters,  read  by  a  person  ignorant  of  the  former  history 
of  the  two  men,  are  entirely  damning  to  the  memory  of  the 
challenger.  They  present  Burr  in  the  light  of  a  revengeful 
demon,  burning  for  an  innocent  victim's  blood.  Read  aright 
—  read  by  one  who  knows  intimately  what  had  gone  before  — 
read  by  one  who  is  able  to  perceive  that  the  moral  quality  of 
a  duel  is  not  affected  by  its  results  —  read,  too,  in  the  light 
of  half  a  century  ago  —  and  the  challenge  will  be  admitted 
to  be  as  near  an  approach  to  a  reasonable  and  inevitable 
action,  as  an  action  can  be  which  is  intrinsically  wrong  and 
absurd.  But  not  so  thought  the  half-informed  public  of  1804. 
They  clamored  for  a  victim.  The  coroner's  jury  shared  in  the 
feeling  which  was,  for  the  moment,  all  but  universal,  and  after 
ten  or  twelve  days  of  investigation,  brought  in  a  verdict  to 
the  effect,  that  "  Aaron  Burr,  Esquire,  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  was  guilty  of  the  murder  of  Alexander  Hamil 
ton,  and  that  William  P.  Van  Ness,  and  Nathaniel  Pendleton 
were  accessories."  Mr.  Davis  and  another  gentleman,  for  re 
fusing  to  testify,  were  committed  to  prison.  The  grand  jury, 


THE     DUEL.  «°>59 

a  few  days  after,  instructed  the  district  attorney  to  prosecute. 
The  parties  implicated  fled,  in  amazement,  rather  than  terror, 
from  these  unexampled  proceedings. 

Need  it  be  told  that  Cheetham.  rose  with  the  occasion,  and 
surpassed  himself?  The  fables  he  invented  during  the  month 
following  the  duel  have  not  been  excelled  since  the  love  of 
scandal  was  implanted  in  the  heart  of  man.  Three  of  Burr's 
myrmidons,  he  said,  had  sat  day  and  night,  ransacking  news 
papers  for  the  grounds  of  a  challenge,  and  had  borne  Dr. 
Cooper's  letter  to  their  chief,  exulting!  Bun-,  he  continued, 
had  learned  from  a  paragraph  in  the  Chronicle,  published  ten 
days  before  the  duel,  that  a  girl  in  England,  who  had  been 
shot  in  the  breast,  had  escaped  unharmed  from  the  bullet's 
striking  upon  a  silk  handkerchief.  Whereupon,  says  Cheet 
ham,  the  valorous  colonel  orders  a  suit  of  silk  clothes  to  fight  in, 
and  went  to  the  field  in  an  impenetrable  panoply  of  silk.  No, 
replied  the  Chronicle,  his  coat  was  of  bombazine,  and  his  pant 
aloons  of  cotton.  Cheetham  then  called  upon  "the  ingenious 
and  philosophical  Peter  Irving,"  to  favor  the  public  with  a 
disquisition  upon  the  nature  of  bombazine,  and,  meanwhile, 
informs  them  that  its  woof  is  of  silk,  and  its  warp  of  mohair. 
A  discussion  on  the  fabric  of  the  waistcoast  runs  through  a 
few  numbers  of  each  paper.  Cheetham  further  averred  that 
while  Hamilton  lay  dying,  surrounded  by  his  agonized  family, 
Burr  sat  at  table  with  his  myrmidons  drinking  wine,  and  jocu 
larly  apologizing  to  them  for  not  having  shot  his  antagonist 
through  the  heart.  Another  of  his  inventions  was,  that  Colo 
nel  Burr  had,  for  three  months,  been  at  daily  practice  with 
the  pistol,  and  had  passed- -tlie-jaowwag^  of  the  4th  of  July, 
before  going  to  the  banquet  of  the  Cincinnati,  in  shooting  at 
a  mark  in  the  grounds  of  Richmond  Hill.  The  truth  was, 
that  Colonel  Burr  was  inexpert  with  the  pistol  from  want  of 
practice.  He  was  a  fair  shot,  because  he  was  fearless  and 
self-possessed.  A  great  shot  he  never  was. 

Such  vitality  may  there  be  in  lies  planted  at  the  right  mo 
ment  in  the  right  place,  and  in  the  right  manner,  that  these 
foolish  tales  have  still  a  certain  currency  in  the  United  States. 
Many  old  Federalists  and  Clintonians  believe  them,  and  think 


360  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUKE. 

it  ignorance  in  one  who  does  not.  A  poem,  designed  for 
Hamilton's  monument,  written  a  few  months  after  the  duel, 
speaks  . 

"  Of  persecuted  greatness,  that  provoked 
The  practiced  aim  of  Infamy.1'1 

All  but  the  most  devoted  friends  of  Burr  were  overawed 
by  the  storm  of  popular  indignation  thus  shamelessly  stimu 
lated.  For  two  weeks,  even  the  Chronicle  was  nearly  silent. 
Then  a  short  series  of  articles  appeared  palliating  and  excus 
ing  Burr's  conduct.  A  pamphlet,  signed  "Lysander,"  was 
published  in  August,  with  the  same  object.  There  was  a 
slight  reaction,  after  the  first  month ;  and,  gradually,  a  con 
siderable  number  of  the  extreme  Republicans  came  to  regard 
with  a  certain  complacency  the  man  who  had  removed  the 
great  Federalist  from  the  political  field.  In  the  Far  West, 
and  in  some  parts  of  the  South,  Burr  gained  a  positive  in 
crease  of  popularity  by  the  duel.  But  in  the  States  where 
his  chief  strength  had  lain,  and  from  which  he  may  have 
hoped  for  future  support  against  the  Virginians,  he  sunk  to  a 
deeper  deep  of  unpopularity  than  any  American  citizen  has 
reached  since  Benedict  Arnold's  treason  amazed  the  strug 
gling  nation. 

This  duel  had  the  good  effect  of  rousing  the  public  mind  of 
the  free  States  to  a  sense  of  the  execrableness  of  the  practice 
of  dueling.  General  C.  C.  Pinckney,  Vice-president  of  the 
Cincinnati,  proposed  to  the  New  York  division,  that  the  so 
ciety  should  thenceforth  set  their  faces  resolutely  against  the 
practice.  The  legislature  was  memorialized  for  more  string 
ent  laws  upon  the  subject,  and  the  clergy  were  besought  to 
denounce  the  murderous  custom  from  the  pulpit.  A  large 
number  of  them  did  so,  among  whom  was  Samuel  Spring,  of 
Newburyport,  Burr's  college  friend,  and  fellow-adventurer  at 
Quebec.  Dr.  Nott,  then  pastor  of  a  Presbyterian  church  in 
Albany,  now  the  venerable  President  of  Union  College,  made 
the  fall  of  Hamilton  the  subject  of  a  sermon,  which  is  still 
justly  celebrated.  As  the  strongest  expression  of  feeling 
which  the  event  elicited,  I  append  here  its  concluding  pas 
sages  : 


T  UK     DUEL.  361 

"  GvMty,  absurd,  and  rash,  as  dueling  is,  it  has  its  advo 
cates.  And  had  it  not  had  its  advocates  —  had  not  a  strange 
preponderance  of  opinion  been  in  favor  of  it,  never,  O  lament 
able  Hamilton  !  hadst  thou  thus  fallen,  in  the  midst  of  thy 
days,  and  before  thou  hadst  reached  the  zenith  of  thy  glory ! 

"  O  that  I  possessed  the  talent  of  eulogy,  and  that  I  might 
be  permitted  to  indulge  the  tenderness  of  friendship  in  paying 
the  last  tribute  to  his  memory !  O  that  I  were  capable  of 
placing  this  great  man  before  you !  Could  I  do  this,  I  should 
furnish  you  with  an  argument,  the  most  practical,  the  most 
plain,  the  most  convincing,  except  that  drawn  from  the  man 
date  of  God,  that  was  ever  furnished  against  dueling,  that 
horrid  practice,  which  has  in  an  awful  moment  robbed  the 
world  of  such  exalted  worth. 

"  I  know  he  had  his  failings.  I  see  on  the  picture  of  his 
life,  a  picture  rendered  awful  by  greatness,  and  luminous  by 
virtue,  some  dark  shades.  On  these  let  the  tear  that  pities 
human  weakness  fall ;  on  these  let  the  vail  which  covers  human 
frailty  rest.  As  a  hero,  as  a  statesman,  as  a  patriot,  he  lived 
nobly :  and  would  to  God  I  could  add,  he  nobly  fell. 

"  Unwilling  to  admit  his  error  in  this  respect,  I  go  back  to 
the  period  of  discussion.  I  see  him  resisting  the  threatened 
interview.  I  imagine  myself  present  in  his  chamber.  Various 
reasons,  for  a  time,  seem  to  hold  his  determination  in  arrest. 
Various  and  moving  objects  pass  before  him,  and  speak  a  dis 
suasive  language. 

"  His  country,  which  may  need  his  counsels  to  guide,  and 
his  arm  to  defend,  utters  her  veto.  The  partner  of  his  youth, 
already  covered  with  weeds,  and  whose  tears  flow  down  into 
her  bosom,  intercedes!  His  babes,  stretching  out  their  little 
hands  and  pointing  to  a  weeping  mother,  with  lisping  elo 
quence,  but  eloquence  which  reaches  a  parent's  heart,  cry  out, 
*  Stay,  stay,  dear  papa,  and  live  for  us !'  In  the  mean  time 
the  specter  of  a  fallen  son,  pale  and  ghastly,  approaches,  opens 
his  bleeding  bosom,  and,  as  the  harbinger  of  death,  points  to 
the  yawning  tomb,  and  warns  a  hesitating  father  of  the 
issue. 

"  He  pauses.  Reviews  these  sad  objects :  and  reasons  on 

16 


862  L  I  F  K     O  F      A  A  K  O  N      K  U  K  ii. 

the  subject.  I  admire  his  magnanimity.  I  approve  his  rea 
soning,  and  I  wait  to  hear  him  reject  with  indignation  the  mur 
derous  proposition,  and  to  see  him  spurn  from  his  presence  the 
presumptuous  bearer  of  it. 

"  But  I  wait  in  vain.  It  was  a  moment  in  which  his  great 
wisdom  forsook  him.  A  moment  in  which  Hamilton  was  not 
himself. 

"  He  yielded  to  the  force  of  an  imperious  custom,  and, 
yielding,  he  sacrificed  a  life  in  which  all  had  an  interest ;  —  and 
he  is  lost  —  lost  to  his  family  —  lost  to  us. 

*'  For  this  act,  because  he  disclaimed  it,  and  was  penitent,  I 
forgive  him.  But  there  are  those  whom  I  can  not  forgive. 

"  I  mean  not  his  antagonist,  over  whose  erring  steps,  if 
there  be  tears  in  heaven,  a  pious  mother  looks  down  and 
weeps.  If  he  is  capable  of  feeling,  he  suffers  already  all  that 
humanity  can  suffer  :  suffers,  and,  wherever  he  may  fly,  will 
suffer,  with  the  poignant  recollection  of  having  taken  the  life 
of  one  who  was  too  magnanimous  in  return  to  attempt  his 
own.  Had  he  but  known  this,  it  must  have  paralyzed  his 
arm  while  it  pointed  at  so  incorruptible  a  bosom  the  instru 
ment  of  death.  Does  he  know  this  now  ?  his  heart,  if  it  be 

not  adamant,  must  soften ;  if  it  be  not  ice,  it  must  melt. 

But  on  this  Article  I  forbear.  Stained  with  blood  as  he  is,  if 
he  be  penitent  I  forgive  him  ;  and  if  he  be  not,  before  these 
altars,  where  all  of  us  appear  as  suppliants,  I  wish  not  to  ex 
cite  your  vengeance,  but  rather,  in  behalf  of  an  object  ren 
dered  wretched  and  pitiable  by  crime,  to  wake  your  prayers. 
*  *  *  #  *  * 

11  Ah !  ye  tragic  shores  of  Hoboken^  crimsoned  with  the 
richest  blood,  I  tremble  at  the  crimes  you  record  against  us, 
the  annual  register  of  murders  which  you  keep  and  send  up 
to  God  !  Place  of  inhuman  cruelty !  beyond  the  limits  of 
reason,  of  duty,  and  of  religion,  where  man  assumes  a  more 
barbarous  nature,  and  ceases  to  be  man.  What  poignant, 
lingering  sorrows  do  thy  lawless  combats  occasion  to  surviv 
ing  relatives ! 

"  Ye  who  have  hearts  of  pity,  ye  who  have  experienced  the 
anguish  of  dissolving  friendship,  who  have  wept,  and  still 


THE     DUEL.  363 

weep,  over  the  moldering  ruins  of  departed  kindred,  ye  can 
enter  into  this  reflection." 

Not  in  vain  did  these  words  ring  out  with  such  emphasis 
from  that  Albany  pulpit.  The  sermon  was  widely  circulated 
and  reached  the  national  conscience.  Since  that  day,  no  man, 
in  the  civilized  States  of  this  Union,  has  fought  a  duel  without 
falling  in  the  esteem  of  his  countrymen.  The  custom  is  now 
abolished  in  those  States,  never  to  be  revived. 

A  few  months  after  the  duel,  the  St.  Andrew's  Society  of 
New  York  erected  upon  the  spot  where  Hamilton,  their  presi 
dent,  fell,  a  marble  monument,  and  surrounded  it  writh  an  iron 
railing.  For  many  years,  while  the  monument  stood,  the 
place  was  visited  by  thousands  of  people  in  the  course  of 
every  summer.  It  wras  never  known  by  what  irreverent 
hands  the  railing  was  first  broken  down,  and  the  whole  struct 
ure  gradually  removed ;  but,  for  thirty  years  past,  no  trace 
of  the  monument  has  existed  on  the  ground  which  it  com 
memorated.  The  slab  which  bore  the  inscription  was  pre 
served,  until  very  recently,  in  an  out-house  of  the  mansion 
where  resides  the  historical  family  who  are  proprietors  of  the 
spot.  But,  upon  searching  for  it,  two  years  ago,  the  steward 
of  the  estate  discovered  that  even  that  last  relic  had  disap 
peared  in  the  same  mysterious  manner  as  the  rest.  At  pres 
ent  there  is  not  so  much  as  a  path  leading  to  the  scene  of  the 
death,  and  no  one  can  find  it,  among  those  tangled  and  pre 
cipitous  heights,  without  a  guide. 


CHAPTER    XX. 

THE    FUGITIVE. 

BURRIS  CONDUCT  AFTER  THE  DUEL — ANECDOTE  —  BURR'S  FLIGHT  —  COMMODORE  TRUX- 
TON'S  NARRATIVE  —  BURR  EMBARKS  SECRETLY  FOR  ST.  SIMON'S  —  His  RECEPTION  AND 
RESIDENCE  THERE  —  BANQUET  AT  PETERSBURG  —  CHEERED  AT  THE  THEATER  —  His 
RETURN  TO  WASHINGTON  —  HE  PRESIDES  AT  THE  TRIAL  OF  JUDGE  CHACE  —  His  ELO 
QUENT  FAREWELL  TO  THE  SENATE  —  His  PECUNIARY  CONDITION. 

ON  the  morning  of  the  duel  it  chanced  that  one  of  Burr's 
cousins  arrived  in  town  from  Connecticut,  and  made  his  way, 
about  eight  o'clock,  to  Richmond  Hill.  Alexis,  the  factotum 
of  the  establishment,  obeyed  his  summons  at  the  door,  and 
showed  him.  into  the  library,  where  he  found  Colonel  Burr, 
alone,  and  engaged  in  his  usual  avocations.  Burr  received  his 
young  relative  cordially,  and,  in  every  respect,  as  usual. 
Neither  in  his  manner  nor  in  his  conversation  was  there  any 
evidence  of  excitement  or  concern,  nor  any  thing  whatever  to 
attract  the  notice  of  his  guest.  Except  the  master  of  the 
house,  not  a  soul  in  Richmond  Hill  yet  knew  aught  of  that 
morning's  work ;  nor  indeed  could  it  be  said,  in  any  sense  of 
the  word,  that  the  master  himself  knew  what  he  had  done.' 

In  a  few  minutes  breakfast  was  announced,  and  the  two 
gentlemen  went  to  the  dining-room  and  breakfasted  together. 
The  conversation  was  still  quite  in  the  ordinary  strain,  Burr 
inquiring  after  friends  in  the  country,  and  the  youth  giving 
the  information  sought.  After  breakfast,  the  guest  bade  his 
host  good-morning,  and  strolled  off  toward  the  city,  which  he 
reached  about  ten  o'clock.  As  he  walked  down  Broadway, 
lie  fancied  he  observed  in  passers-by  the  signs  that  something 
extraordinary  had  occurred  or  was  expected.  Near  Wall- 
street,  an  acquaintance  rushed  up  to  him,  breathless,  and  said, 

"  Colonel  Burr  has  killed  General  Hamilton  in  a  duel  this 
morning." 


TH  K     FUGITIVE.  :}G7 

tween  the  hours  of  nine  and  ten  o'clock,  I  was  engaged  in  my 
study,  when  a  servant  came  and  said  a  gentleman  wanted  to 
see  me.  Supposing  it  to  be  one  of  my  neighbors,  I  desired 
him  to  ask  the  gentleman  to  be  seated  in  the  drawing-room 
for  a  few  minutes,  and  I  would  wait  upon  him.  Soon  after 
Mrs.  Truxton  came  in,  and  told  me  it  was  the  Vice-President. 
I  immediately  went  down  stairs,  and  a  negro  boy  walked  up 
to  me,  whom  I  did  not  at  that  moment  recognize ;  he  said 
that  Colonel  Burr  was  in  a  boat,  and  wished  to  see  me.  I 
went  out,  and  discovered  the  boat  that  landed  the  boy  laying 
oft"  at  a  short  distance  from  the  shore,  and  the  bargemen  on 
their  oars,  keeping  a  position  opposite  to  my  landing-place. 

"  As  soon  as  I  approached  near  enough  to  the  boat,  the 
Vice-President  and  myself  exchanged  salutations.  The  boat 
then  came  in,  when  he  landed  immediately,  as  did  Mr.  Swart- 
wout,  whom  he  introduced  me  to,  never  having  seen  that  gen 
tleman  before. 

"  In  walking  up  to  my  house,  the  Vice-President  told  me 
they  had  been  most  of  the  night  on  the  water,  and  a  dish 
of  good  coiFee  would  not  come  amiss.  I  told  him  it  should  be 
furnished  with  pleasure.  As  soon  as  we  got  on  tiie  piazza,  I 
ordered  breakfast,  which  was  soon  prepared,  as  the  equipage 
of  that  meal  was  not  yet  removed  below. 

"  After  breakfast,  Mr.  Swartwout  returned  to  New  York, 
and  the  Vice-President  asked  me  if  horses  were  to  be  pro 
cured  to  take  him  on  his  journey  further  southward.  Not  be 
lieving,  as  it  was  Sunday  (and  as  I  was  afterward  informed), 
that  he  could  be  accommodated  with  convenience  in  this  re 
spect,  I  told  him  so,  and  that  he  must  content  himself  whore 
he  was.  On  Monday  morning,  however,  I  ordered  up  my  own 
horses  and  carriage,  and  took  him  to  Cranberry,  about  twenty 
miles  from  this  place,  where  he  hired  a  carriage  and  horses  to 
proceed  with  him  to  the  Delaware,  and  I  returned  home. 
During  the  time  Colonel  Burr  was  with  me,  but  little  was 
said  of  the  duel ;  delicacy  on  his  part,  as  well  as  mine, 
prevented  such  conversation.  He  appeared  to  me  to  feel 
much  more  sorrow  and  regret  than  I  have  observed  in  any 
other  person  on  the  occasion,  though  I  have  seeu  many 


368  LIFE     OF     AARON      BURR. 

who  expressed  unfeigned  regret,  and  I  was  certain  that  they 
felt  it. 

"In  conversation  I  took  an  opportunity  of  observing  my 
own  feelings  on  the  subject,  and  that  General  Hamilton  I  had 
esteemed  as  an  invaluable  friend,  statesman,  and  soldier ;  that 
as  a  politician,  I  admired  him  always,  and,  in  fact,  loved  him 
as  a  brother.  These  expressions  were  made  rather  involun 
tarily,  and  I  was  sorry  I  made  them,  as  they  excited  an  in 
creased  emotion  in  the  breast  of  Colonel  Burr,  which  ought 
not  to  have  been  made  by  me,  but  it  seemed  unavoidable.  I 
added,  at  the  same  time,  that  I  had,  and  always  had,  an  un 
feigned  and  sincere  regard  for  Colonel  Burr,  and  that  while  I 
regretted  the  past  event.  I  at  the  same  time  gave  him  a  hearty 
welcome,  as  I  should  have  done  General  Hamilton,  had  the 
fate  of  their  interview  been  reversed,  and  he  had  made  me  a 
visit.  I  have  taken  time  and  pains  to  recollect  and  relate,  as 
nearly  verbatim  as  possible,  every  material  expression  on  the 
subject,  introduced  in  consequence  of  the  unfortunate  catas 
trophe,  or  that  passed  between  us ;  and  hope  it  will  prevent 
any  further  misrepresentation,  at  least  as  far  as  you  can  pre 
vent  it. 

"  The  difference  of  these  two  gents'  political  opinions,  I 
could  not  but  know ;  but  notwithstanding  this  difference,  I 
had  often  met  them  together  when  the  demon  of  discord,  in 
no  instance,  excited  an  expression  or  gesture  in  the  one  that 
could  disturb  the  harmonious  feelings  of  the  other.  But  I  al 
ways  observed  in  both  a  disposition  when  together  to  make 
time  agreeable,  according  to  the  end  intended  by  such  meet 
ings  in  society,  at  the  houses  of  each  other,  and  of  friends 
and  it  was  never,  until  the  unhappy  affair  of  a  duel  was  an 
nounced  here,  that  I  could  have  believed  such  a  business  wa 
in  contemplation  between  those  gentlemen. 

"  No  man,  sir,  can  lament  this  sad  event  more  sincerely  than 
I  do ;  and  particularly  since  I  have  examined  the  correspond 
ence  and  other  papers  on  the  subject.  But  let  the  melan 
choly  lesson  teach  the  inconsiderate  that  while  any  gentleman 
may  express  his  opinion  of  men  and  things  as  he  pleases, 
whether  by  letter  or  otherwise,  under  his  own  responsibility, 


THE     FUGITIVE.  309 

that  ho  should  be  cautious  how  he  implicates  or  commits 
others ;  who  in  good  faith,  perhaps,  and  in  private  conversa 
tion,  communicate  sentiments  never  intended  for  the  public 
ear.  That  such  conversations  daily  happen  among  gentlemen, 
there  can  be  no  doubt ;  but  for  the  honor  of  society,  they  are 
but  seldom  promulgated  to  the  world  without  permission,  or 
by  some  uncommon  accident." 

From  Cranberry,  Colonel  Burr  was  conveyed  in  a  light 
wagon  to  the  ferry  at  Bristol,  whence  he  crossed  into  Penn 
sylvania,  and  so,  by  back  roads,  made  his  way,  incog. ,  to  Phil 
adelphia.  News  traveled  slowly  at  that  day.  At  a  tavern  in 
Pennsylvania,  the  landlord,  who  knew  the  fugitive,  accosted 
him  by  name,  but  was  immediately  silenced,  and  put  on  his 
guard.  Burr  found  that  the  duel,  which  had  been  fought 
thirteen  days  before,  had  not  yet  been  heard  of  in  the  village1. 
Reaching  Philadelphia  in  safety,  he  was  welcomed  to  the 
house  of  his  old  friend,  Dallas,  and,  at  once,  appeared  in  the 
streets,  on  foot  and  on  horseback,  exactly  as  if  nothing  was 
the  matter  ;  or,  to  use  the  language  of  the  Trenton  Fcdtrnl- 
ts#,'"hehad  the  hardihood  to  show  himself  in  the  streets." 
A  slight  indisposition  having  withdrawn  him  from  public  ob 
servation,  for  a  day  or  two,  he  was  reported  to  be  danger 
ously  sick.  "  "What !"  exclaimed  the  pious  Cheetham,  "  has 
the  vengeance  of  God  overtaken  him  so  soon  ?" 

The  last  days  of  July  wore  away,  and  Burr  was  still  wait 
ing  to  hear  the  result  of  the  coroner's  inquest.  This  was  not 
rendered  till  the  2d  of  August,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
John  Swartwout  immediately  dispatched  an  express  to  Van 
Xcss  who  was  secreted  in  the  country,  and  to  Burr  at  Phila 
delphia.  He  added,  that  the  excitement  was  subsiding  in  New 
York,  and  that  Burr's  old  friends  were  "  rapidly  traveling  back 
to  1800.  Governor  Lewis,"  he  said,  "  speaks  of  the  proceed 
ings  openly  as  disgraceful,  illiberal,  and  ungentlemanly.  In 
short,  a  little  more  noise  on  their  side,  and  a  little  further 
magnanimity  on  ours,  is  all  that  is  necessary.  In  all  this 
bustle,  judicious  men  see  nothing  but  the  workings  of  the 
meanest  passions." 

Warrants  were  immediately  issued  for  the  arrest  of  the 


370  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BURE. 

principal  and  the  two  seconds.  Burr  foresaw  that,  in  the  pres 
ent  state  of  the  public  mind,  Governor  Lewis  would  be  com 
pelled  to  demand  his  surrender  from  the  Governor  of  Penn 
sylvania,  who  would  be  obliged  to  order  his  arrest.  In  this 
extremity,  he  offered  to  surrender  on  condition  of  receiving  a 
guaranty  that  he  should  be  released  on  bail.  This  could  not 
be.  In  the  midst  of  a  pleasant  renewal  of  his  flirtation  with 
Celeste,  which  promised  now  to  have  a  serious  issue,  he  was 
compelled  to  make  preparations  for  an  immediate  flight.  "  If 
any  male  friend  of  yours,"  he  wrote  to  his  daughter,  "  should 
be  dying  of  ennui,  recommend  to  him  to  engage  in  a  duel  and 
a  courtship  at  the  same  time."  He  tells  her  that  the  stories 
afloat  in  the  papers  of  attempts  to  assassinate  him  are  all 
fables.  "  Those  who  wish  me  dead  prefer  to  keep  at  a  very 
respectful  distance." 

Had  he  no  feeling,  then  ?  Did  he  not  deplore  the  domestic 
ruin  which  the  duel  had  caused  ?  The  reader  who  desires  to 
be  as  just  to  an  execrated  as  to  an  honored  name,  will  give 
due  weight  to  the  circumstances  of  the  man.  Before  the 
better  feelings  of  the  heart  had  time  to  wake,  he  became  him 
self  an  object  of  what  he  thought  persecution,  and  persecu 
tion  set  on  foot  by  political  enemies  for  party  purposes.  Even 
John  Adams  thought  that  the  prodigious  demonstrations  of 
respect  and  sorrow  which  the  death  of  Hamilton  elicited,  were 
paid  to  the  ^Federalist  more  than  to  the  man.  It  was,  more 
over,  one  of  the  ruling  principles  of  Burr's  life,  inculcated  by 
word  and  example,  to  make  little  of  life's  miseries,  and  much 
of  its  pleasures.  The  man  who  made  that  wife  a  widow,  and 
those  children  fatherless,  was  not,  as  he  thought,  Aaron  Burr, 
but  Alexander  Hamilton ;  and  if  a  similar  or  equal  bereave 
ment  had  occurred  to  himself,  he  would  have  accepted  the 
inevitable  stroke,  and  gone  on  his  way  silent  and  composed. 
He  always  made  light  of  such  unavoidable  calamities  as  death. 
A  letter  which  he  wrote  during  one  of  the  yellow-fever  periods 
in  New  York,  began  like  this :  "  We  die  reasonably  fast. 
"Mrs.  Jones  died  last  night ;  but  then  Mrs.  Smith  had  twins 
this  morning ;  so  the  account  is  even."  This  soldierly  hard- 


THE     FUGITIVE.  371 

ness  of  character  lie  cultivated,  and  recommended,  and,  per 
haps,  sometimes  affected. 

The  charitable  mind  that  reflects  upon  this  duel  will  curse 
anew  that  wretched  system  of  morals  winch  puts  Honor  for 
Honesty,  and  Pride  for  Principle;  but  will  not  too  severely 
condemn  the  man  who,  in  common  with  thousands  of  the  bright 
est  spirits  of  his  time  and  country,  received  that  system  for 
hick  of  a  better,  and  lived  up  to  it — to  his  ruin. 

About  the  middle  of  August,  Colonel  Burr,  accompanied 
by  Samuel  Swartwout  (a  younger  brother  of  the  indomitable 
John),  and  attended  by  his  favorite  slave,  Peter,  a  good- 
humored  blunderer  of  fifteen,  secretly  embarked  for  St.  Si 
mon's,  an  island  off  the  coast  of  Georgia,  then  the  residence  of 
a  few  wealthy  planters.  He  had  old  friends  upon  this  island, 
and  the  arrival  of  a  Vice-President  was  itself  an  event  to  ex 
cite  the  few  inhabitants  of  a  place  so  remote  from  the  great 
world.  He  was  welcomed,  on  his  arrival,  to  a  mansion  luxuri 
ous  and  hospitable,  and  the  resources  of  the  island  were 
placed  at  his  disposal.  He  was  serenaded  by  the  island's 
only  band  of  music.  He  saw  no  more  averted  faces  and  low 
ering  brows,  and  heard  no  more  muttered  execrations,  as  he 
passed.  His  southern  friends,  he  found,  had  very  different 
feelings  with  regard  to  the  duel  from  the  people  at  the  North, 
and  the  society  of  St.  Simon's  bestowed  every  mark  of  consid 
eration  upon  him  that  hospitable  minds  could  suggest.  "  You 
have  no  idea,"  he  wrote  to  Theodosia,  "  of  the  zeal  and  ani 
mation,  of  the  intrepidity  and  frankness,  with  which  Major 
Butler  (his  host)  avowed  and  maintained — but  I  forget  that 
this  letter  goes  to  Savannah  by  a  negro,  who  has  to  swim  half 
a  dozen  creeks,  in  one  of  which,  at  least,  it  is  probable  he  may 
drown,  and  that,  if  he  escape  drowning,  various  other  acci 
dents  may  bring  it  to  you  through  the  newspapers,  and  then 
how  many  enemies  might  my  indiscretion  create  for  a  man  who 
had  the  sensibility  and  the  honor  to  feel  and  to  judge,  and  the 
firmness  to  avow  — ." 

After  a  month's  detention  at  St.  Simon's  by  the  devastations 
of  a  hurricane,  he  crossed  to  the  main  land,  and  made  his  way, 
with  immense  difficulties,  traveling  four  hundred  miles  of  the 


372  LIFE     OF     AARON    BURR. 

distance  in  an  open  canoe,  to  his  daughter's  home  in  South 
Carolina.  He  was  almost  black  from  exposure  when  he  ar 
rived.  Theodosia  had  passionately  longed  for  his  coming. 
She  and  her  husband  were  devoted  to  him,  believed  in  him 
utterly,  and  saw  the  late  affair  only  with  his  eyes.  Ten  days 
of  happy  repose,  and  cordial,  intimate  intercourse,  passed  too 
swiftly.  Then  he  set  out  on  the  long  land-journey  to  Wash 
ington,  where  he  \vas  resolved  to  appear  on  the  assembling  of 
Congress,  and  perform  his  duty  as  President  of  the  Senate. 

At  Petersburg,  in  Virginia,*  Burr  was  surprised  by  the 
warmth  of  his  reception.  The  hot  Republicans  there,  headed 
by  a  Mr.  O'Keefe,  renowned  for  the  fury  of  his  politics  and 
of  his  temper  (he  after  ward,  fell  in  a  political  duel)  arranged  a 
demonstration  for  the  destroyer  of  the  arch-foe  of  democracy. 
An  invitation  from  the  Republican  citizens  of  the  place  to  a 
public  dinner,  was  communicated  to  Burr  through  the  mayor, 
and  couched  in  terms  audaciously  flattering,  and  intended  to 
reflect  on  the  contrary  feeling  that  prevailed  in  the  northern 
States.  Burr  accepted.  The  dinner  was  attended  by  fifty  or 
sixty  Republicans,  who  received,  toasted,  and  listened  to  the 
Vice-President  with  enthusiasm.  After  dinner,  twenty  of  the 
hilarious  Democrats  accompanied  him~to  the  theater,  where 
the  audience  rose  at  his  entrance  and  cheered.  "  Virginia,'' 
he  wrote  to  his  daughter,  "  is  the  last  State,  and  Petersburg 
the  last  town  in  the  State,  in  which  I  should  have  expected 
any  open  marks  of  hospitality  and  respect." 

While  these  scenes  Avere  passing  in  Virginia,  two  other 
States  were  waiting  to  try  him  for  murder.  The  duel  having 
been  fought  in  New  Jersey,  certain  Federalists  of  that  State 
succeeded,  three  months  after,  in  getting  Dr.  Mason,  one  of 
the  clergymen  who  had  attended  Hamilton,  to  give  testimony 
on  which  to  found  an  indictment.  Burr  was  indicted  accord 
ingly.  In  New  York,  the  evidence  had  been  given  by  Bishop 
Moore,  who  administered  the  communion  to  the  dying  man. 
But  for  those  two  clergymen's  second-hand  testimony,  there 
would  never  have  existed  a  word  of  legal  evidence  that  the 
duel  had  been  fought. 

On  reaching  Washington,  he  was  greeted  with  the  tidings 


THE     FUGITIVE.  373 

of  this  new  indictment.  "  You  have  doubtless  heard,"  lie 
wrote  to  his  daughter,  "that  there  has  subsisted  for  some 
time  a  contention  of  a  very  singular  nature  between  the  two 
States  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey.  *  *  *  The  subject 
in  dispute  is,  which  shall  have  the  honor  of  hanging  the  Vice- 
President.  *  *  You  shall  have  due  notice  of  time  and 
place.  Whenever  it  may  be,  you  may  rely  on  a  great  con 
course  of  company,  much  gayety,  and  many  rare  sights." 

But  the  question  was  never  decided.  Commodore  Biddle 
and  Attorney-General  Dallas,  wrote  a  joint  letter  to  Governor 
Bloomfield  of  New  Jersey,  who  was  himself  a  particular  friend 
of  Burr's,  urging  him  not  to  prosecute.  The  leading  Repub 
lican  Senators  addressed  a  similar  letter  to  the  governor.  It 
was  soon  understood,  that  though  nothing  favorable  to  Burr 
could  be  openly  done,  he  should  not  be  molested.  Among 
the  officials,  and  in  the  society  of  Washington,  during  his  last 
winter  there,  he  was  received  with,  at  least,  as  much  consider 
ation  as  before.  The  President  seems  to  have  been  more  com 
plaisant  than  usual.  He  gave  one  or  two  appointments  to 
Burr's  particular  friends,  this  winter.  General  Wilkinson  was 
made  governor  of  the  newly-acquired  territory  of  Louisiana, 
and  Dr.  Brown  secretary ;  the  latter  appointment  being  cer 
tainly  made  at  Burr's  request. 

For  the  exit  of  this  "  well-graced  actor"  from  the  drama  of 
public  life,  an  imposing  pageant  was  preparing.  The  Sen 
ate,-  during  this  session,  was  to  try  Judge  Chace,  who  had 
been  impeached  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  j^liarc 
was  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  an 
able,  prejudiced,  arrogant  man,  who,  it  was  charged,  had 
grossly  abused  the  authority  of  the  bench  in  certain  political 
trials.  The  impeachment  created  an  intense  interest,  and  the 
trial  attracted  a  concourse  of  people  to  Washington.  Under 
the  direction  of  the  Vice-President,  the  Senate  Chamber  was 
fitted  up  in  superb  style,  with  seats  and  subdivisions  for  all  the 
dignitaries  of  the  nation,  as  well  as  for  foreign  embassadors 
and  spectators.  The  Senators,  as  judges  of  this  high  court, 
were  placed  in  a  grand  semicircle,  on  each  side  of  the  Vice- 
President,  an  awful  array  of  judicial  authority.  Temporary 


374  MFE     OF     AARON     KUKR. 

galleries  were  erected,  and  draped  with  blue  cloth,  part  of 
which  the  Vice-President,  with  his  usual  gallantry,  appro 
priated  to  the  ladies.  The  scene  presented,  while  the  trial 
was  in  progress,  as  described  minutely  in  the  papers  of  the 
day,  must  have  been  extremely  striking. 

The  trial  began  on  the  4th  of  February,  and  ended,  in  a 
verdict  of  acquittal,  on  the  1st  of  March.  The  dignity,  the 
grace,  the  fairness,  the  prompt,  intelligent  decision  with  which 
the  Vice-President  presided  over  the  august  court,  extorted 
praise  even  from  his  enemies.  "  He  conducted  the  trial,"  said 
a  newspaper  of  the  day,  "  with  the  dignity  and  impartiality 
of  an  angel,  but  with  the  rigor  of  a  devil."  There  was  a  ris 
ing  tide  of  reaction  in  his  favor,  during  the  closing  days  of 
his  public  life,  which,  taken  at  the  flood,  might  have  led,  if  not 
to  fortune,  yet  to  an  endurable  existence  among  his  country 
men. 

The  day  after  the  conclusion  of  the  trial,  the  Vice-President 
took  formal  leave  of  the  Senate,  in  a  speech  which  produced 
an  unexpected  and  profound  sensation.  I  find  an  imperfect 
report  of  it  copied  into  Federal  and  Republican  papers  of  the 
time,  and  in  a  monthly  magazine  published  in  New  York.  It 
appeared,  also,  in  European  papers,  both  English  and  conti 
nental  ;  for  the  late  events  had  made  the  names  of  Hamilton 
and  Burr  familiar  to  the  whole  world.  The  Washington 
Federalist  gave  the  original  report,  which  was  prepared,  at 
the  editor's  request,  by  an  unknown  hand.  The  following  is 
a  copy  : 

"On  Saturday,  the  2d  of  March,  1805,"  began  the  reporter, 
"  Mr.  Burr  took  leave  of  the  Senate.  This  was  done  at  a 
time  when  the  doors  were  closed ;  the  Senate  being  engaged  in 
executive  business,  and,  of  course,  there  were  no  spectators. 
It  is,  however,  said  to  be  the  most  dignified,  sublime,  and  im 
pressive  that  ever  was  uttered ;  and  the  effect  which  it  pro 
duced  justifies  these  epithets.  I  will  give  you  the  best  account 
I  have  been  able  to  obtain,  from  the  relation  of  several  Sena 
tors,  as  well  Federal  as  Republican. 

"  Mr.  Burr  began  by  saying  that  he  had  intended  to  pass 
the  day  with  them,  but  the  increase  of  a  slight  indisposition 


THE     FUGITIVE.  375 

had  determined  him  then  to  take  leave  of  them.  lie  touched 
lightly  on  some  of  the  rules  and  orders  of  the  House,  and  rec 
ommended,  in  one  or  two  points,  alterations,  of  which  he 
briefly  explained  the  reasons  and  principles. 

"  He  said  he  was  sensible  he  must  at  times  have  wounded 
the  feelings  of  individual  members.  He  had  ever  avoided  en 
tering  into  explanations  at  the  time,  because  a  moment  of  irri 
tation  was  not  a  moment  for  explanation  ;  because  his  position 
(being  in  the  chair)  rendered  it  impossible  to  enter  into  ex 
planation,  without  obvious  danger  of  consequences  which 
might  hazard  the  dignity  of  the  Senate,  or  prove  disagreeable 
and  injurious  in  more  than  one  point  of  view ;  that  he  had, 
therefore,  preferred  to  leave  to  their  reflections  his  justifica 
tion;  that,  on  his  part,  he  had  no  injuries  to  complain  of:  if 
any  had  been  done  or  attempted,  he  was  ignorant  of  the 
authors ;  and  if  he  had  ever  heard  he  had  forgotten,  for,  he 
thanked  God,  he  had  no  memory  for  injuries. 

"  He  doubted  not  but  that  they  had  found  occasion  to  ob 
serve  that  to  be  prompt  was  not  therefore  to  be  precipitate  ; 
and  that  to  act  without  delay  was  not  always  to  act  without 
reflection  ;  that  error  was  often  to  be  preferred  to  indecision  ; 
that  his  errors,  whatever  they  might  have  been,  were  those 
of  rule  and  principle,  and  not  of  caprice  ;  that  it  could  not  be 
deemed  arrogance  in  him  to  say  that,  in  his  official  conduct, 
he  had  known  no  party  —  no  cause  —  no  friend  ;  that  if,  in  the 
opinion  of  any,  the  discipline  which  had  been  established  ap 
proached  to  rigor,  they  would  at  least  admit  that  it  was  uni 
form  and  indiscriminate. 

a  He  further  remarked,  that  the  ignorant  and  unthinking 
affected  to  treat  as  unnecessary  and  fastidious  a  rigid  attention 
to  rules  and  decorum ;  but  he  thought  nothing  trivial  which 
touched,  however  remotely,  the  dignity  of  that  body;  and  he 
appealed  to  their  experience  for  the  justice  of  this  sentiment, 
and  urged  them  in  language  the  most  impressive,  and  in  a 
manner  the  most  commanding,  to  avoid  the  smallest  relaxation 
of  the  habits  which  he  had  endeavored  to  inculcate  and  estab 
lish. 

"  But  he  challenged  their  attention  to  considerations  more 


376  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

momentous  than  any  which  regarded  merely  their  personal 
honor  and  character  —  the  preservation  of  law,  of  liberty,  and 
the  Constitution.  This  House,  said  he,  is  a  sanctuary  ;  a  cita 
del  of  law,  of  order,  and  of  liberty ;  and  it  is  here  —  it  is 
here,  in  this  exalted  refuge  —  here,  if  any  where,  will  resist 
ance  be  made  to  the  storms  of  political  frenzy  and  the  silent 
arts  of  corruption ;  and  if  the  Constitution  be  destined  ever 
to  perish  by  the  sacrilegious  hands  of  the  demagogue  or  the 
usurper,  which  God  avert,  its  expiring  agonies  wrill  be  wit 
nessed  on  this  floor. 

"  He  then  adverted  to  those  affecting  sentiments  which  at 
tended  a  final  separation  —  a  dissolution,  perhaps  for  ever,  of 
those  associations  which  he  hoped  had  been  mutually  satisfac 
tory.  He  consoled  himself,  however,  and  them,  with  the  re 
flection  that,  though  they  separated,  they  would  be  engaged 
in  the  common  cause  of  disseminating  principles  of  freedom 
and  social  order.  He  should  always  regard  the  proceedings 
of  that  body  with  interest  vand  with  solicitude.  He  should 
feel  for  their  honor  and  the  national  honor  so  intimately  con 
nected  with  it,  and  took  his  leave  with  expressions  of  personal 
respect,  and  with  prayers  and  wishes. 

"  In  this  cold  relation  a  distant  reader,  especially  one  to 
whom  Colonel  Burr  is  not  personally  known,  will  be  at  a  loss 
to  discover  the  cause  of  those  extraordinary  emotions  which 
were  excited.  The  whole  Senate  were  in  tears,  and  so  un 
manned  that  it  was  half  an  hour  before  they  could  recover 
themselves  sufficiently  to  come  to  order,  and  choose  a  Vice- 
President  pro  tern. 

"  At  the  President's,  on  Monday,  two  of  the  Senators  were 
relating  these  circumstances  to  a  circle  which  had  collected 
round  them.  One  said  that  he  wished  that  the  tradition 
might  be  preserved  as  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  events 
he  had  ever  witnessed.  Another  Senator  being  asked,  on  the 
day  following  that  on  which  Mr.  Burr  took  his  leave,  how  long 
he  was  speaking,  after  a  moment's  pause,  said  he  could  form 
no  idea ;  it  might  have  been  an  hour,  and  it  might  have  been 
but  a  moment;  when  he  came  to  his  senses,  he  seemed  to 
have  awakened  as  from  a  kind  of  trance. 


THE     FUGITIVE.  377 

"The  characteristics  of  the  Vice-President's  manner  seemed 
to  have  been  elevation  and  dignity — a  consciousness  of  supe 
riority.  Nothing  of  that  whining  adulation  ;  those  canting, 
hypocritical  complaints  of  want  of  talents ;  assurance  of  his 
endeavors  to  please  them  ;  hopes  of  their  favor,  etc.  On  the 
contrary,  he  told  them  explicitly  that  he  had  determined  to 
pursue  a  conduct  which  his  judgment  should  approve,  and 
which  should  secure  the  suffrage  of  his  own  conscience,  and 
that  he  had  never  considered  who  else  might  be  pleased  or 
displeased;  although  it  was  but  justice  on  this  occasion  to 
thank  them  for  their  deference*  and  respect  to  his  official  con 
duct —  the  constant  and  uniform  support  he  had  received  from 
every  member  —  for  their  prompt  acquiescence  in  his  decis 
ions;  and  to  remark,  to  their  honor,  that  they  had  never  de 
scended  to  a  single  motion  of  passion  or  embarrassment ;  and 
so  far  was  he  from  apologizing  for  his  defects,  that  he  told 
them  that,  on  reviewing  the  decisions  he  had  had  occasion  to 
make,  there  was  no  one  which,  on  reflection,  he  was  disposed 
to  vary  or  retract. 

"As  soon  as  the  Senate  could  compose  themselves  suffi 
ciently  to  choose  a  President  pro  tern.,  they  came  to  the  fol 
lowing  resolution  : 

"Resolved,  unanimously,  That  the  thanks  of  the  Senate  be 
presented  to  Aaron  J?Z«T,  in  testimony  of  the  impartiality, 
dignity,  and  ability,  with  which  he  has  presided  over  their  de 
liberations,  and  of  their  entire  approbation  of  his  conduct  in 
the  discharge  of  the  arduous  and  important  duties  assigned 
him  as  President  of  the  Senate  ;  and  that  Mr.  Smith,  of  Mary 
land,  and  Mr.  White,  be  a  committee  to  wait  on  him  with  this 
resolution. 

"To  which  resolution  Colonel  Burr  returned  the  folio  win  "• 

O 

answer  to  the  Senate  :  . 

"  Next  to  the  satisfaction  arising  from  a  consciousness  of 
having  discharged  my  duty,  is  that  which  is  derived  from  the 
approbation  of  those  who  have  been  the  constant  witnesses  of 
my  conduct,  and  the  value  of  this  testimony  of  their  esteem 
is  greatly  enhanced  by  the  promptitude  and  unanimity  with 
which  it  is  oifered. 


378  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

"  I  pray  you  to  accept  my  respectful  acknowledgments,  and 
the  assurance  of  my  inviolable  attachment  to  the  interests  and 
dignity  of  the  Senate." 

In  remarking  upon  this  report,  Burr  wrote :  "  It  is  true, 
that  I  made  a  talk,  as  was  decent  and  proper,  to  the  Senate 
on  leaving  them  formally.  There  was  nothing  written  or  pre 
pared,  except  that  it  had  been  some  days  on  my  mind  to  say 
something.  It  was  the  solemnity,  the  anxiety,  the  expecta 
tion,  and  the  interest  which  I  saw  strongly  painted  in  the 
countenances  of  the  auditors,  that  inspired  whatever  was  said. 
I  neither  shed  tears  nor  assumed  tenderness ;  but  tears  did 
flow  abundantly.  The  story  in  this  newspaper  is  rather  awk 
wardly  and  pompously  told.  It  has  been  gathered  up,  I  pre 
sume,  from  different  relations  of  the  facts.  This  newspaper 
has  been  for  months  past,  and,  for  aught  I  know  (for  I  read 
none  of  them),  still  is,  one  of  the  most  abusive  against  A. 
Burr." 

Some  of  the  Senators  were  not  long  in  regaining  their  com 
posure  ;  for  the  usual  resolution  granting  a  perpetuity  of  the 
franking  privilege  to  the  retiring  Vice-President,  was  not 
passed  unanimously  —  as  such  resolutions  generally  are.  It 
was  doubtful,  for  a  time,  whether  it  would  pass  at  all ;  but 
was  finally  passed  by  a  vote  of  18  to  13. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  Jefferson,  with  the  acclamations  of  a 
party,  that  was  then  almost  the  nation,  was  sworn,  a  second 
time,  into  the  presidential  office.  George  Clinton,  the  head  of 
the  family  whom  Burr  regarded  as  his  chief  enemies,  became 
Vice-President.  Aaron  Burr  vanished  from  the  political  arena, 
never  to  re-appear  thereon,  except  in  the  persons  of  those 
whom  he  formed  and  influenced,  and  through  whom,  a  quar 
ter  of  a  century  later,  he  overturned  the  Virginian  dynasty. 

During  his  absence  at  the  South,  Richmond  Hill  had  been 
forced  to  a  sale  for  twenty-five  thousand  dollars,  and  the 
amount  appropriated  to  the  payment  of  his  debts.  The  sum 
realized  was  not  enough  ;  he  still  owed  between  seven  and 
eight  thousand  dollars  in  the  city,  for  which  his  person  would 
be  liable  if  he  should  appear  there.  A  few  thousands  were 
owed  to  him,  which,  as  affairs  then  stood,  could  not  be  col- 


THE     FUGITIVE.  379 

lected.  His  library  and  wine  were  still  unsold.  Probably, 
it*  a  balance  had  been  struck,  it  would  have  been  found  that 
he  was  about  five  thousand  dollars  less  than  solvent ;  but,  in 
effect,  he  was  worse  off  than  that ;  for  his  debts  were  unequiv 
ocal,  his  assets  unavailable,  his  income  nothing,  his  practice 
gone,  his  native  and  his  adopted  States  both  closed  upon  him. 
He  was  what  is  commonly  called  a  ruined  man. 

"  In  New  York,"  he  wrote  to  his  son-in-law,  "  I  am  to  be 
disfranchised,  and  in  New  Jersey  hanged.  Having  substan 
tial  objections  to  both,  I  shall  not,  for  the  present,  hazard 
either,  but  shall  seek  another  country.  You  will  not,  from 
this,  conclude  that  I  have  become  passive,  or  disposed  to  sub 
mit  tamely  to  the  machinations  of  a  banditti.  If  you  should 

you  would  greatly  err.  and  his  clan  affect  to  deplore, 

but  secretly  rejoice  at  and  stimulate  the  villainies  of  all  sorts 
which  are  practiced  against  me.  Their  alarm  and  anxiety, 
however,  are  palpable  to  a  degree  perfectly  ridiculous.  Their 
awkward  attempt  to  propitiate  reminds  one  of  the  Indian 
worship  of  the  evil  spirit.  God  bless  you  ever." 

He  \vas  full  of  confidence  in  himself  and  hope  for  the  future. 
Many  of  his  old  friends  went  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia 
on  purpose  to  visit  him,  after  his  return  from  Washington, 
and  they  found  him  the  same  gay,  busy,  indomitable  Burr 
they  had  known  in  the  palmiest  days  of  his  past  career. 

What  next,  then  ?     Ay,  What  next  ? 

Every  lover  of  gossip  in  the  United  States,  or,  in  other 
words,  every  sane  inhabitant  of  the  United  States,  was  asking 
this  question  in  the  spring  of  1805.  What  will  Burr  do  now  ? 
Where  will  he  go  ?  For  ten  years  past,  he  had  filled  a  large 
place  in  the  public  view,  and  recent  events  had  fixed  all  eyes 
upon  him.  In  every  part  of  the  country,  he  had  strong  per 
sonal  friends,  men  who  had  supported  and  worked  hard  for 
him  in  hotly-contested  campaigns  —  women  who  had  loved  his 
black  eyes,  and  thought  him  a  knight  without  fear  and  with 
out  reproach.  His  portrait  hung  upon  walls,  his  bust  stood 
upon  mantels.  Always  a  man  of  whom  anecdotes  were  told, 
he  was  now  the  subject  of  a  thousand  preposterous  rumors, 
and  the  hero  of  a  thousand  groundless  or  exaggerated  tales. 


380  LIFE     OF     AARON     BTJRR. 

He  was  regarded  as  a  mysterious  being,  a  man  of  unfathom 
able  purposes,  and  able  to  bend  all  things  and  persons  to  his 
will.  The  public  mind  was  prepared  to  believe  any  thing  of 
Burr,  provided  only  that  it  was  sufficiently  incredible ! 

The  reader  is  entreated  to  give  due  consideration  to  the  fact 
just  mentioned,  for  it  is  a  clew  which  may  guide  us  through 
the  laybrinth  we  are  about  to  attempt.  I  have  groped  in  it 
long,  as  others  have  before  me.  It  is  tortuous  and  heaped 
with  falsehoods,  as  surely  no  other  c  passage'  of  history  ever  was 
before.  I  invite  the  reader  to  enter,  and  follow  the  path  which 
lead  me  to  —  what  looks  like  daylight. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

HE    SEEKS    A    NEW    COUNTRY. 

LOUISIANA  OURS  —  BURR'S  FRIENDS  IN  TIIR  WESTERN  COUNTRY  —  GENERAL  WILKINSON 
—  THE  GREAT  WEST  IN  1805 — BURR  GOES  WEST  —  NARRATIVE  OF  MATTHEW 
LYON  —  TUB  VOYAGE  DOWN  THE  OHIO  —  BLENNERHASSETT  ISLAND  —  GRAND  RE 
CEPTION  AT  NASHVILLE  —  ARRIVAL  IN  NEW  ORLEANS  —  NEW  ORLEANS  THEN  — 
His  LIFE  THERE  —  RETURN  EASTWARD  —  BURR  SUSPECTED  BY  THE  SPANIARDS  — 
JOURNEY  THROUGH  KENTUCKY  — LETTER  OF  CLARK  TO  WILKINSON  — INTERVIEW 
BETWEEN  WILKINSON  AND  BURR  —  MYSTERIOUS  LETTER'FROM  BURR  TO  WILKIN 
SON —  CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  BURR  AND  BLENNERHASSETT — INTERVIEW  Bs- 

TWEEN    BURR   AND   JEFFERSON — FURTHER    SPANISH   AGGRESSIONS. 

ON  Monday  the  29th  of  December,  1803,  at  noon,  the  tri- 
colored  flag  of  France,  which  floated  from  the  staff  in  the 
public  square  of  New  Orleans,  and  upon  which  the  eyes  of 
expectant  thousands  were  fixed,  began  to  descend.  At  the 
same  moment,  the  stars  and  stripes  of  the  American  Union 
appeared  above  the  crowd,  and  slowly  mounted  the  staff. 
Midway,  the  two  standards  met,  and,  for  a  minute  or  two, 
were  lost  in  each  other's  friendly  folds.  Then,  amid  the  thun 
ders  of  cannon,  the  music  of  Hail  Columbia,  the  cheers  of  the 
spectators,  the  waving  of  handkerchiefs  and  banners,  the  tri 
color  continued  its  descent  to  the  ground,  and  the  flag  of  the 
United  States  soared  rapidly  aloft,  and  flung  out  its  folds  to 
the  breeze  on  the  summit  of  the  mast. 

Louisiana  was  ours  I  The  mouths  of  the  Mississippi  were 
free  !  The  prosperity  of  the  great  valley  was  secure  !  The 
tide  of  emigration,  for  sixteen  years  held  in  check  by  the  in 
tolerance  of  the  Spaniards,  was  now  free  to  pour  itself  into 
the  most  productive  region  of  the  earth  !  The  insolence  of 
the  Dons,  whom  every  western  man  had  learned  to  despise 
and  detest,  was  signally  rebuked  ! 

Colonel  Burr,  now  without  a  country,  was  one  of  the  thou 
sands  who  were  looking  westward,  as  the  scene  of  a  new 


382  LIFE     OF     A  A  .RON     BURR. 

career.  He  was  resolved,  at  least,  to  see  the  region  which 
seemed  to  present  to  men  of  energy  such  boundless  opportu 
nities.  He  had  many  friends  at  the  West  —  old  army  acquaint 
ances,  members  of  Congress  with  whom  he  had  acted,  Senators 
over  whom  he  had  presided.  In  1796,  when  the  Federalists 
had  delayed  the  admission  of  Tennessee  into  the  Union,  Burr 
had  been  zealous  in  her  cause,  and  thereby  won  great  popu 
larity  in  the  new  State.  General  Jackson  had  appeared  on 
the  scene  as  her  representative  in  Congress ;  "  a  tall,  lank,  un 
couth-looking  personage,  with  long  locks  of  hair  hanging  over 
his  face,  and  a  queue  down  his  back  tied  in  an  eel-skin ;  his  dress 
singular,  his  manners  and  deportment  those  of  a  rough  back 
woodsman."*  With  him,  it  was  natural  that  Burr  should  be 
come  intimate.  Dayton,  formerly  Speaker  of  the  House, 
recently  a  Senator  from  New  Jersey,  a  near  relative  of  Burr's 
old  Elizabethtown  friend,  Matthew  Ogden,  went  westward  in 
the  spring  of  1805.  John  Smith,  a  self-made  man  of  spirit 
and  talent,  lately  a  Senator  from  Ohio,  now  one  of  the  chief 
men  of  that  vigorous  young  State,  was  another  of  Burr's 
friends.  Matthew  Lyon,  a  noted  ultra  Democrat  of  that  day, 
who  had  been  estranged  from  Burr  during  the  two  intrigues 
of  1801,  but  was  now  well-disposed  toward  him  because  he 
thought  him  a  persecuted  man,  had  also  removed  to  the  far 
West.  All  over  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  there  were  men 
who  resented  the  late  proceedings  in  New  York  and  New 
Jersey,  and  were  ready  to  go  all  lengths  in  showing  respect 
to  a  man  whom  they  regarded  in  the  light  of  a  martyr  to 
Federal  machinations  and  puritanic  bigotry. 

Burr's  oldest  friend  in  the  West  was  General  Wilkinson, 
commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  and  recently  appointed  Gov 
ernor  of  Louisiana.  Wilkinson  and  Burr  had  climbed  to 
gether  the  heights  of  Quebec,  and  formed,  amid  those  scenes, 
the  friendship  which  fellow-soldiers  know.  They  had  seldom 
met  since,  but  had  corresponded,  confidentially  and  in  cipher, 
at  intervals,  for  many  years.  In  1787,  Wilkinson  had  emi 
grated  to  New  Orleans,  then  a  Spanish  port,  where,  till  1791, 

*  Recollections  of  Albert  Gallatin,  quoted  by  Mr.  Hildredth  in  his  History 
of  the  United  States. 


HE     SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  383 

he  had  traded  in  tobacco,  a  subject,  by  residence,  of  the  King 
of  Spain.  Not  prospering  in  trade,  he  resumed  his  military 
career  in  1791,  and  obtained  command  of  the  western  posts. 

The  character  of  this  man  was  not  unblemished.  It  is  cer 
tain  that  lie  was  extravagant,  fond  of  the  table,  fond  of  show, 
boastful,  and  otherwise  weak.  It  was  Wilkinson,  the  reader 
may  remember,  who,  as  aid-de-camp  to  Gates  in  1777,  blabbed 
to  Lord  Stirling  an  expression  used  by  Conway  to  Gates,  dis 
paraging  the  generalship  of  Washington,  which  led  to  Con- 
way's  ruin,  and  to  much  other  embarrassment  and  difficulty. 
There  is  strong  (but  not  convincing)  evidence,  that  while  hold 
ing  a  commission  in  the  American  army,  he  had  been  a  pen 
sioner  of  the  King  of  Spain.  There  was  a  party  in  the  West, 
in  1796,  who  favored  a  separation  of  the  western  States  from 
the  Union.  Wilkinson  was  of  that  party,  and  had  dreams  of 
leading  the  revolt,  and  becoming,  to  use  his  own  words,  "  the 
Washington  of  the  West."  The  Spanish  viceroy  favored  a 
project  calculated  to  weaken  a  neighbor  that  was  growing 
portentously  powerful,  and  of  whom  the  home  government 
was  beginning  to  stand  in  dread.  Unless  the  evidence  on  this 
point  is  flat  perjury  (which,  indeed,  it  may  be),  Wilkinson  was 
paid  by  the  Spanish  to  promote  the  scheme,  and  drew  up,  for 
the  viceroy,  a  list  of  the  leading  citizens  of  Kentucky  known 
to  be  disaffected  to  the  Union,  who,  he  thought,  would  also 
accept  money  for  the  same  purpose.  Daniel  Clark  swears 
that  he  saw  thijJ  list  in  Wilkinson's  hand-writing,  and  that 
Wilkinson  confessed,  in  effect,  that  he  had  been  himself  a 
pensioner.* 

The  reader  must  be  reminded  that,  during  the  administra 
tion  of  John  Adams,  the  Union,  to  backwoodsmen,  had  not 
the  sacred  charm  it  has  since  possessed.  The  noise  of  party 
contention  filled  the  lancl.  The  Union,  as  Wilkinson  himself 

*  There  is  a  portrait  of  General  Wilkinson  in  the  Hall  of  Independence 
at  Philadelphia,  which  represents  him  as  a  portly,  red-faced  individual, 
dressed  in  the  blue  and  yellow  uniform  of  the  Revolution.  The  portrait  con 
firms  the  impression,  derived  from  the  writings  of  the  time,  that  he  was  a 
bon  vivant,  merry,  extravagant,  boastful — the  last  man  for  a  conspirator, 
though  of  easy  virtue  enough. 


384  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

said,  seemed  to  hang  together  by  a  thread,  vvhich  any  mo 
ment  might  break.  Western  men  could  not  but  speculate 
upon  the  effect  a  disruption  would  have  upon  their  own  polit 
ical  condition.  Wilkinson  may  have  thought  of  hastening  the 
catastrophe,  of  founding  a  western  republic,  and  of  becom 
ing  its  Washington,  without  being,  in  any  sense  of  the  word, 
a  traitor. 

Nor,  in  1805,  was  the  great  West  quite  content.  The  ac 
quisition  of  Louisiana  had  reduced  the  malcontents  to  a  very 
inconsiderable  minority,  but  there  were  still  those  who  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  monopolizing  of  the  great  federal  offices 
by  the  politicians  of  the  East,  and  who  thought  it  absurd  and 
undesirable  to  be  connected  with  a  government  whose  capital 
was  a  two  months'  journey  distant.  Nine  tenths  of  the  people, 
however,  though  they  may  all  have  grumbled  a  little,  were 
attached  to  the  Union,  were  proud  of  its  President,  were  fer 
vently  devoted  to  the  democratic  ideas  which  he  had  made 
familiar  to  their  minds. 

And  now  Aaron  Burr  was  to  travefse  this  magnificent  do 
main.  A  variety  of  projects  lay  half-formed  in  his  mind  — 
projects  of  land  speculation,  of  canal-making,  of  settling  in 
some  rising  city  of  the  West  in  the  practice  of  the  law,  of  be 
ginning  anew  his  political  life  as  the  representative  of  a  new 
State  in  Congress.  If  more  ambitious  schemes  agitated  him, 
they  were  concealed ;  neither  in  his  diary,  nor  in  his  volumi 
nous  correspondence,  published  or  unpublished,  is  there  the 
slightest  reference  to  any  but  ordinary  and  legitimate  objects 
during  the  year  1805.  The  project  of  getting  himself  elected 
a  member  of  Congress,  was  not,  it  seems,  his  own  idea.  On 
this  point  we  have  the  testimony  of  Matthew  Lyon,  who,  when 
all  the  world  was  exculpating  itself  from  participation  in  Burr's 
plans,  wrote  a  graphic  narrative  of  certain  events  which  pre 
ceded  Burr's  departure  for  the  land  of  promise.  Amid  the 
heaps  of  dull,  false,  and  semi-false  statements  which  the  events 
of.  the  following  year  called  forth,  this  narrative  of  a  disinter 
ested  witness  is  particularly  interesting.  I  quote  the  mate 
rial  part  of  Mr.  Lyon's  deposition  : 

"Some  time  in  the  winter,  1805,  coming  one  morning  (to 


HE     SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  385 

Washington)  from  Alexandria,  by  way  of  the  navy-yard,  and 
passing  by  the  house  where  General  Wilkinson  lived,  he  called 
on  rue  "to  come  in  ;  after  congratulating  him  on  his  appoint 
ment  as  governor,  and  some  other  conversation,  Colonel  Burr's 
name  was  mentioned.  Colonel  Burr  had  no  claim  to  friendly 
attentions  from  me.  I  had  no  acquaintance  with  him  before 
the  contest  concerning  the  presidential  election.  I  had  re 
sisted  the  solicitations  of  my  friends,  who  wished  to  introduce 
me  to  him  in  March,  1801,  on  account  of  his  misconduct  in 
that  affair ;  yet  when  I  saw  him  persecuted  for  what  I  con 
sidered  no  more  than  fair  play  among  duelists,  I  advocated 
him ;  this  brought  about  an  acquaintance,  by  no  means  inti 
mate.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation  between  the  general 
and  myself,  we  regretted  the  loss  of  so  much  talent  as  Colonel 
Burr  possessed ;  we  viewed  him  on  the  brink  of  a  precipice, 
from  which,  in  a  few  days,  he  must  fall ;  from  the  second  sta 
tion  in  the  nation,  he  must  fall  to  that  of  a  private  citizen. 

"  The  general  entered  warmly  into  his  praise,  and  talked  of 
a  foreign  embassy  for  him.  This  I  assured  him  could  not  be 
obtained.  The  general  then  asked  me  if  I  could  not  think  of 
something  which  would  do  for  the  little  counselor  ?  I  replied, 
that  he  might  very  readily  become  a  member  of  the  Congress, 
which  was  to  meet  the  coming  winter,  and  in  the  state  of  par 
ties,  considering  the  eclat  with  which  he  was  likely  to  leave 
the  Senate,  he  might  very  probably  be  Speaker. 

"  The  general  was  anxious  to  know  how  he  could  be  elected 
to  Congress.  I  explained.  I^et  Colonel  Burr  mount  his  horse 
the  4th  of  March,  and  ride  through  Virginia  to  Tennessee, 
giving  out  that  he  intends  settling  at  Nashville,  in  the  practice 
of  the  law.  Let  him  commence  the  practice,  and  fix  himself 
a  home  there  ;  his  renconter  with  General  Hamilton  will  not 
injure  him.  Let  him  attend  the  courts  in  that  district.  Let 
him  in  July  next  intimate  to  some  of  the  numerous  friends  (his 
preeminent  talents  and  suavity  of  manners  will  have  made  for 
him)  that  he  would  willingly  serve  the  district  in  Congress. 
They  will  set  the  thing  on  foot,  and  he  is  sure  to  be  elected  ; 
there  is  no  constitutional  bar  in  the  way. 

"  As  I  finished  this  explanation,  the  general  rose,  and,  in  a 

n 


386  LIFtf     OF     AARON     BUEE. 

seeming  ecstasy,  clapped  his  hands  on  my  shoulders,  exclaim 
ing  with  an  oath,  '  This  will  do !  —  it  is  a  heavenly  thought  — 
worthy  of  him  who  thought  it !'  He  rang  the  bell,  ordered 
his  boots,  and  said  he  would  go  instantly  and  inform  the  little 
counselor,  and  would  call  on  me  in  the  House  in  the  course  of 
two  or  three  hours.  He  did  so,  and  informed  me  he  had,  at 
Colonel  Burr's  request,  made  an  appointment  for  me  to  call 
on  him. 

"  I  was  punctual.  Colonel  Burr  lived  at  Mr.  Wheaton's^ 
near  the  north  side  of  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  not  far  from 
Rhoades's.  It  was  in  the  evening.  I  knocked,  or  pulled  the 
bell,  several  times,  before  a  servant  came,  who  informed  me 
that  Colonel  Burr  was  not  to  be  seen,  he  was  engaged  with 
company.  I  gave  the  servant  my  name,  and  directed  him  to 
go  and  tell  Colonel  Burr  that  I  had  called.  Colonel  Burr 
came,  and  invited  me  up  stairs,  and  requested  me  to  sit  with 
Mrs.  Wheaton  half  an  hour,  when  he  would  be  with  me.  In 
about  three  quarters  of  an  hour  he  came,  and  apologized  for 
his  delay.  I  observed  to  him  that  he  had  a  large  company, 
among  whom  I  recognized  the  voices  of  Generals  "Wilkinson 
and  Dayton,  although  I  had  not  heard  of  the  latter  gent's 
being  in  town.  I  hoped  he  had  not  hurried  himself  from 
them  on  account  of  seeing  me ;  that  I  had  been  well  enter 
tained  by  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Wheaton,  and  wrould  have  been  so  an 
hour  or  two  longer,  if  he  wished  to  remain  with  his  company. 

"  Colonel  Burr  said  the  meeting  was  about  some  land  con 
cern  in  the  western  country ;  that  they  had  gone  as  far  as 
they  could  with  it  at  that  time ;  my  coming  had  been  no  in 
terruption  ;  he  wras  very  glad  to  see  me,  and  soon  commenced 
on  the  subject  of  the  coming  election  in  Tennessee.  I  re 
peated  what  I  said  to  General  Wilkinson.  He  admitted  the 
possibility  of  success  in  the  course  I  pointed  out ;  but  did 
not  seem  to  be  so  much  enamored  with  the  project  as  General 
Wilkinson.  He  said  he  was  obliged  on  the  4th  of  March  to 
go  to  Philadelphia ;  from  thence  he  would  go  to  Pittsburg, 
and  thence  to  the  western  country  by  water.  I  offered  him 
a  passage  in  my  boat  from  Pittsburg,  if  he  should  be  there 
when  I  should  have  done  my  business  on  the  Monongahela, 


HE     SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  387 

and  descended  to  Pittsburg.  I  assured  him,  however,  all 
chance  of  obtaining  the  election  in  Tennessee,  would  be  jeop 
ardised,  if  not  lost,  by  such  a  delay.  He  told  me  he  had 
ordered  a  boat  prepared  for  him  at  Pittsburg,  and  he  talked 
as  if  his  business  at  Philadelphia  was  indispensable,  as  well  as 
his  voyage  down  the  Ohio. 

"  In  stating  this  conversation,  I  give  the  substance  of  all 
the  other  conversations  I  had  that  winter  with  Colonel  Burr, 
at  Washington,  except  that,  in  some  of  them,  the  embassy  was 
talked  of.  He  observed,  that  my  friend  Wilkinson  thought  I 
would  be  a  proper  person,  in  a  blunt  way,  to  mention  it  to  the 
President.  He  asked  me,  if  I  dared  tell  the  President  that 
he  ought  to  send  Colonel  Burr  on  the  foreign  embassy  talked 
of?  I  told  him  very  bluntly,  I  would  not." 

This  ended  the  intercourse  of  the  three  friends  in  Wash 
ington.  Lyon  started  homeward.  About  the  10th  of  April, 
Colonel  Burr  left  Philadelphia  for  Pittsburg,  where  he  arrived 
after  nineteen  days'  riding. 

The  boat  which  he  had  ordered  was  ready,  and  on  the  fol 
lowing  morning  he  found  himself  floating  down  the  Ohio.  His 
boat  was  a  rude  floating  house,  or  ark,  sixty  feet  long  and 
fourteen  wide,  containing  four  apartments,  a  dining-room,  a 
kitchen  with  fire-place,  and  two  bed-rooms,  all  lighted  by  glass 
windows,  and  the  whole  covered  by  a  roof,  which  served  as  a 
promenade  deck.  The  cost  of  this  commodious  structure,  he 
found,  to  his  astonishment,  was  only  a  hundred  and  thirty- 
three  dollars.  Of  propelling  power  it  had  none,  but  merely 
floated  down  the  swift  and  winding  stream,  aided  occasion 
ally,  and  kept  clear  of  snags  and  sand-banks,  by  a  dexterous 
use  of  the  pole.  In  the  spring,  the  current  of  the  Ohio  rushes 
along  with  surprising  swiftness,  carrying  with  it  an  ark  or  raft 
eight  miles  an  hour.  It  would  be  a  resistless  torrent  at  that 
season  but  for  its  innumerable  bends.  Along  its  whole  course, 
hills  steep,  picturesque,  and  lofty,  rise  almost  from  the  bed  of 
the  river,  and  pour  their  streams  headlong  into  it,  whenever 
the  rain  falls  or  the  snow  melts.  For  hundreds  and  hundreds  of 
miles,  this  most  monotonously  beautiful  of  rivers  winds  and  coils 
itself  about  among  those  never-varying,  seldom-receding  hills, 


388  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BUEE. 

skirted  by  a  narrow  fringe  of  bottom  lands.  Those  hills,  soon 
to  be  "  vine-clad,"  were  then  one  forest ;  those  bottoms,  now 
smiling  with  farms,  or  disfigured  by  the  shabbiest  of  towns 
and  villages,  were  then  destitute  of  inhabitants,  for  hundreds 
of  miles  at  a  stretch. 

Colonel  Burr  was  always  a  swift  traveler.  Lyon  had  nearly 
two  days'  start,  but  was  overtaken  by  him  in  a  day  and  a  half. 
The  two  boats,  in  the  social  fashion  of  the  time,  were  then 
lashed  together,  and  floated  in  company  for  four  days.  Passed 
Wheeling  on  the  3d  of  April,  a  neat,  pretty  village,  of  sixty 
or  eighty  houses ;  where  Burr  observed  several  well-dressed 
women,  who  had  the  air  of  fashion  and  movements  of  "  you 
others  on  the  coast."  Passed  Marietta  on  the  5th  ;  where  he 
saw  houses  that  would  be  called  handsome  anywhere.  The 
leading  gentlemen  of  the  place  called  to  offer  civilities  and 
hospitalities.  The  voyagers  all  walked  several  miles  to  see  the 
mounds  and  other  antiquities  near  Marietta,  which  quite  puz 
zled  the  voyager  in  chief — as  they  have  wiser  men.  At  Mari 
etta  the  t\vo  boats  parted  company,  and  Burr  continued  his 
voyage  alone. 

A  few  miles  below  Marietta,  is  the  far-famed  Blennerhassett 
Island.  It  is  an  island  nearly  three  miles  long,  but  so  narrow 
that  it  contains  less  than  three  hundred  acres  of  land.  The 
river  on  each  side  is  narrow  enough  to  admit  of  conversation 
between  the  island  and  the  shore.  Beyond  the  river,  on  each 
side  of  it,  swell  aloft,  like  dark  clouds,  the  picturesque  hills  of 
the  Ohio,  forest-covered  and  forest-crowned,  shutting  in  the 
little  island  from  all  the  world.  Here  it  was  that  Harman 
Blennerhassett,  an  eccentric,  romantic,  idle,  '  shiftless'  Irish 
man,  had  contrived  to  expend  forty  thousand  dollars  (nearly 
all  his  fortune)  in  building  a  house  of  original  ugliness,  and  in 
laying  out  grounds  remotely  resembling  those  of  country 
houses  in  the  old  country.  The  picture  of  this  celebrated 
mansion  suggests,  to  one  who  has  not  read  Mr.  Wirt's  oration 
upon  it,  the  idea  of  a  semicircular  barracks.  A  fair-sized, 
very  plain,  two  story  wooden  house,  with  curved  wings  of  one 
story,  the  front  connected  into  a  whole  by  a  piazza  —  is  the 
brief  description  of  this-  celebrated  abode.  The  semicircular 


HE    SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  389 

front  was  one  hundred  and  four  feet  from  tip  to  tip.  A  lawn 
surrounded  with  trees  and  encircled  by  a  carriage  road,  lay  in 
front  of  the  house.  Further  off  there  were  gardens,  groves, 
fields,  and  bits  of  primeval  wilderness ;  the  whole  forming  a 
pleasant,  but  by  no  means  a  very  sumptuous  or  beautiful,  resi 
dence.  After  spending  eight  years  in  subduing  the  island 
wilderness,  Mr.  Blennerhassett  still  saw  his  work  incomplete, 
and,  what  was  worse,  he  was  beginning  to  catch  glimpses  of 
the  end  of  his  purse. 

Colonel  Burr  had  heard  vaguely  that  some  eccentric  for 
eigner  lived  upon  this  island,  and,  from  curiosity  only,  landed, 
arid  moored  his  floating  home  to  the  shore.  Learning  that 
the  lord  of  the  isle  was  absent,  he  and  his  companion  strolled 
about  the  grounds  awhile,  and  was  about  leaving  when  Mrs. 
Blennerhassett  sent  a  servant  to  invite  the  strangers  to  the 
house,  as  her  husband  would  soon  return.  Burr  replied  by 
sending  his  card,  and  declining  the  invitation,  as  he  said  curi 
osity  alone  had  induced  him  to  land.  The  lady,  upon  learning 
the  name  of  the  stranger,  came  out  to  see  him,  and  so  press- 
ingly  invited  him  to  stay,  that  he  yielded,  dined  with  the 
family,  conversed  with  them  till  eleven  in  the  evening,  and 
then  continued  his  voyage.  Mrs.  Blennerhassett  was  an  ener 
getic,  accomplished,  amiable  woman,  but  not  remarkable  for 
beauty  or  style.  She  was  exceedingly  pleased  with  her  visitor, 
and  remained  his  fast,  admiring  friend,  through  all  the  loirr 
series  of  events  that  followed  this  first  interview.  Her  hus 
band  was  equally  captivated. 

Three  hundred  miles  below  is  Cincinnati,  then  a  town  of 
fifteen  hundred  inhabitants  (now  two  hundred  thousand), 
which  he  reached  in  six  days'  floating.  There  he  spent  a  day 
at  the  house  of  ex-Senator  John  Smith,  and  met  his  friend  Day 
ton,  whose  fortunes  were  to  be  bound  up  with  his  own.  From 
the  chief  people  of  the  place,  he  received  the  attentions  which 
had  greeted  him  everywhere  west  of  the  Alleghanies. 

At  Louisville,  then  called  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio,  he  again 
overtook  Matthew  Lyon.  "There,"  continues  Mr.  Lyon,  "I 
repeated  to  him  that  the  delay  he  had  made  had  ruined  his 
prospect  of  election,  as  that  prospect  depended  solely  on 


390  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BUKR. 

domestication.  At  the  falls,  he  changed  his  flat  for  a  small 
boat,  which  he  ordered  to  Eddyville  (where  I  live),  and  rode 
to  Nashville. 

"The  newspapers  described  his  arrival  and  reception  there 
as  one  of  the  most  magnificent  parades  that  had  ever  been 
made  at  that  place  They  contained  lists  of  toasts,  and  great 
dinners  given  in  honor  of  Colonel  Burr,  every  body  at  and 
near  Nashville  seeming  to  be  contending  for  the  honor  of  hav 
ing  best  treated  or  served  Colonel  Burr. 

"  This  I  had  expected ;  and  when  Colonel  Burr  called  on 
me,  «n  his  way  from  Nashville  to  his  boat,  I  inquired  if  any 
thing  had  been  said  about  the  election.  He  answered,  c  Not 
one  \vord.'  I  observed  that  he  ought  to  think  no  more  of  it. 
In  answer,  he  said  he' had  little  doubt  of  being  elected  delegate 
from  Orleans  Territory,  but  he  would  choose  to  be  a  member, 
and  insisted  that  I  should  write  to  a  friend  of  mine  (who  had 
paid  him  the  most  marked  attention)  to  see  if  the  thing  could 
be  yet  set  afloat,  and  to  inform  him  he  would  be  a  resident  in 
Tennessee.  At  the  time  of  the  election,  he  requested  me  to 
communicate  the  answer  to  him  at  Natchez.  I  complied  with 
his  wishes,  the  answer  I  received  being  unfavorable  to  him." 

Mr.  Lyon  adds,  that  what  he  did  for  Colonel  Burr  in  the 
election,  was  done  chiefly  to  oblige  General  Wilkinson.  Being 
asked  whether,  in  his  opinion,  Burr  was  sincere  in  desiring  an 
election,  Lyon  replied  :  "  No  doubt  he  would  have  been  sin 
cerely  rejoiced  to  have  been  elected."  But  he  added,  "  There 
seemed  too  much  mystery  in  his  conduct.  I  suspected  him  to 
have  other  objects  in  view,  through  which  I  could  not  pene 
trate.  These  objects  I  then  believed  were  known  to  General 
Wilkinson." 

At  Nashville,  he  was  the  guest  of  General  Jackson,  "  one 
of  those  prompt,  frank,  arderit  souls  whom  I  love  to  meet," 
said  Burr.  He  staid  four  days  at  Nashville.  On  the  3d  of 
June,  in  an  open  boat  provided  by  the  general,  he  and  his 
companion-secretary  embarked ;  and  floated  down  the  Cum 
berland,  two  hundred  and  twenty  miles,  to  its  mouth,  where 
they  found  the  ark,  and  resumed  their  voyage  down  the  Ohio. 

Sixteen  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Cumberland  was  Fort 


HE     SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  391 

Massac,  a  place  of  renown  in  the  olden  time,  long  one  of  the 
outposts  of  civilization.  There  he  found  General  Wilkinson, 
on  his  way  to  his  government,  and  spent  four  days  with  him. 
The  subjects  of  their  conferences  at  this  time,  Wilkinson  says, 
were  perfectly  legitimate.  Himself,  Burr,  Dayton,  and  others, 
he  declares,  were  deep  in  the  project  of  making  a  canal  round 
the  rapids  of  the  Ohio,  at  Louisville  ;  and  this  was  much  dis 
cussed  between  them  whenever  they  met.  Land  speculations 
were  also  talked  of,  and,  more  than  all,  the  scheme  of  getting 
Burr  into  Congress.  Wilkinson  gave  him  letters  of  introduc 
tion  to  his  friends  in  New  Orleans,  and,  to  expedite  his  voy 
age,  fitted  him  out  "  an  elegant  barge,  sails,  colors,  and  ten 
oars,  with  a  sergeant  and  ten  able,  faithful  hands." 

The  eight  hundred  miles  from  Fort  Massac  to  Natchez, 
were  accomplished  in  seven  days.  "  Natchez,"  he  wrote  to 
his  daughter,  "  is  a  town  of  three  or  four  hundred  houses  ;  the 
inhabitants  traders  and  mechanics,  but  surrounded  by  wealthy 
planters,  among  whom  I  have  been  entertained  with  great 
hospitality  and  taste.  These  planters  are,  many  of  them,  men 
of  education  and  refinement ;  live  as  well  as  yours,  and  have 
generally  better  houses.  We  are  now  going  through  a  settled 
country,  and  during  the  residue  of  my  voyage  to  New  Or 
leans,  about  three  hundred  miles,  I  shall  take  breakfast  and 
dinner  each  day  at  the  house  of  some  gentleman  on  shore.  I 
take  no  letters  of  introduction  ;  but,  whenever  I  hear  of  any 
gentleman  whose  acquaintance  or  hospitalities  I  should  desire, 
I  send  word  that  I  am  coming  to  see  him,  and  have  always 
met  a  most  cordial  reception." 

June  the  25th,  sixty-seven  days  after  leaving  Philadelphia, 
the  voyager,  whose  occasional  delays  had  been  more  than 
made  up  by  his  rapidity  when  in  motion,  landed  on  the  levee 
of  New  Orleans.  He  was  strongly  prepossessed  in  favor  of 
the  place.  "  I  hear  so  many  pleasant  things  of  Orleans,"  he 
wrote  to  his  daughter,  "  that  I  should  certainly  (if  one  half  of 
them  are  verified  on  inspection)  settle  down  there,  were  it  not 
for  Theodosia  and  her  boy  ;  but  these  will  control  my  fate." 

The  city  then  contained  about  nine  thousand  inhabitants. 
Three  hundred  sea-going  vessels,  and  six  hundred  river  flat- 


392  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

boats  arrived  annually  at  its  levees.  Four  forts,  one  at  each 
angle  of  the  city,  half  a  mile  apart,  defended  the  city.  Two 
of  these  were  regularly-constructed  fortresses,  with  fosse, 
glacis,  and  drawbridge.  The  two  behind  the  city  were  stock 
ades.  Since  the  departure  of  the  Spaniards  these  fortifications 
had  been  partly  dismantled,  but  were  capable,  in  a  few  weeks, 
of  being  restored  to  their  original  strength.*  In  1805,  the 

*  The  following  is  a  description  of  New  Orleans  under  Spanish  rule,  from 
a  "Journal  of  a  Tour  in  Unsettled  parts  of  North  America  in  1796  and 
1797,"  by  the  late  Francis  Baily,  F.R.S.  It  partly  explains  the  hatred  of  the 
Spaniards  which  prevailed  in  the  western  country  in  the  early  time :  "Their 
houses  are  generally  built  of  wood,  and  boarded  very  plain  in  the  inside,  and 
made  very  open,  that  there  may  be  a  free  circulation  of  air ;  consequently 
they  avoid  all  the  inconvenience  and  expense  of  paper,  carpets,  fires,  cur 
tains,  and  hangings  of  different  kinds.  The  bedrooms  are  fitted  up  in  the 
same  plain  style,  and  are  furnished  with  nothing  but  a  hard-stuffed  bed,  raised 
very  much  in  the  middle,  and  covered  with  a  clean,  white  sheet ;  and  over 
the  whole  there  is  a  large  gauze  net  (called  a  bar),  which  is  intended  as  a  de 
fense  against  the  mosquitoes,  and  serves  tolerably  well  to  keep  off  those  tor 
menting  creatures.  On  this  sheet  (spread  upon  the  bed,  and  under  the  net) 
you  lie  down  without  any  other  covering,  and  (if  it  be  summer-time)  with  the 
doors  and  windows  open,  so  intolerable  is  the  heat  of  the  climate.  During 
several  days  when  I  was  here,  the  thermometer  was  at  117°  in  the  shade. 
The  dress  of  the  inhabitants  is  also  correspondent  to  the  furniture  of  their 
houses :  being  clothed  in  the  lightest  mariner  possible,  and  every  one  in  the 
manner  which  pleases  him  best,  there  is  not  (in  these  new  countries)  that 
strange  propensity  to  ridicule  every  one  who  deviates  from  the  forms  wliich 
a  more  established  society  may  have  prescribed  to  itself;  but  every  one,  in 
this  respect,  '  doeth  that  which  is  right  in  his  own  eyes.'  Some  will  wear  the 
short  linen  jacket  of  the  Americans ,  others,  the  long  flowing  gown,  or  the 
cloak  of  the  Spaniards ;  some,  the  open  trousers  and  naked  collar ;  others,  the 
more  modern  dress,  of  tight  pantaloons  and  large  cravats ;  some,  with  the 
white  or  black  chip  hat ;  others,  with  the  beaver  and  feathers,  after  the  man 
ner  of  the  Spaniards :  and  so  in  respect  to  all  other  minutiae  of  dress.  *  *  * 
There  is  but  one  printing  press  in  the  place,  and  that  is  made  use  of  by  the 
government  only.  The  Spanish  government  is  too  jealous  to  suffer  the  inhab 
itants  to  have  the  free  exercise  of  it;  for,  however  strange  it  may  appear,  yet 
it  is  absolutely  true  that  you  can  not  even  stick  a  paper  against  the  wall 
(either  to  recover  any  thing  lost,  or  to  advertise  any  thing  for  sale)  without 
its  first  having  the  signature  of  the  governor,  or  his  secretary  attached  to  it: 
and  on  all  those  little  bills  which  are  stuck  up  at  the  corners  of  the  streets 
you  see  the  word  '  Permitted'  written  by  the  governor  or  his  agent.  *  *  * 
As  to  the  diversions  of  the  place,  they  consist  principally  in  billiards,  of  which 


IIE    SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  393 

chief  defense  of  the  place  was  a  volunteer  corps  of  Americans 
and  Creoles,  commanded  by  Daniel  Clark,  the  great  merchant 
of  the  city,  the  founder  of  that  prodigious  fortune  for  which 
his  daughter,  Mrs.  Games,  has  so  long  contended  in  the 
courts. 

Daniel  Clark  had  emigrated  from  England  in  1786,  and  had 
grown  in  wealth  with  the  ever-growing  prosperity  of  the  city. 
He  had  been  ardent  for  the  transfer  of  the  province  to  the 
United  States,  was  now  the  leader  of  the  American  party 
in  New  Orleans,  and  seemed  to  be  a  zealous  friend  of  the 
Union.  To  him  Colonel  Burr  presented  the  following  letter 
of  introduction  from  General  Wilkinson : 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  This  will  be  delivered  to  you  by  Colonel 
Burr,  whose  worth  you  know  well  how  to  estimate.  If  the 
persecutions  of  a  great  and  honorable  man  can  give  title  to 
generous  attentions,  he  has  claims  to  all  your  civilities  and  all 
your  services.  You  can  not  oblige  me  more  than  by  such 
conduct,  and  I  pledge  my  life  to  you  it  will  not  be  misapplied. 
To  him  I  refer  you  for  many  things  improper  to  letter,  and 
which  he  will  not  say  to  any  other.  I  shall  be  at  St.  Louis 
in  two  weeks,  and  if  you  were  there,  we  could  open  a  mine,  a 
commercial  one  at  least.  Let  me  hear  from  you.  Farewell, 
do  well,  and  believe  me  always  your  friend." 

This  epistle  produced  the  effect  desired.  Burr  became  inti 
mate  with  Clark,  as  with  all  the  important  persons  of  the 
place.  He  was  received  everywhere  as  the  great  man  !  Gov 
ernor  Claiborne  (governor  of  Orleans  Territory)  gave  him  a 
grand  dinner,  which  was  attended  by  as  distinguished  a  com 
pany  as  New  Orleans  could  assemble.  Banquet  followed 

there  are  several  tables  in  the  town.  This  practice  I  presume  they  have 
adopted  from  the  Americans,  who  (in  tho  southern  part  of  that  continent) 
follow  this  amusement  very  much.  They  have  a  playhouse,  which  is  rather 
small.  It  consists  of  one  row  of  boxes  only,  with  an  amphitheater  in  the 
middle,  which  is  raised  above  the  pit,  and  over  the  whole  there  is  a  gallery. 
The  plays  are  performed  in  French,  and  they  have  a  tolerable  set  of  actors. 
The  inhabitants  are  also  musical,  but  this  lies  chiefly  among  the  French. 
The  gentlemen  of  the  place  often  perform  in  the  orchestra  of  tho  theater :  in 
fact,  there  is  no  other  music  there  but  such  as  thev  obtain  in  this  voluntary 
way." 


394  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

banquet ;  fete  succeeded  fete  ;  ball  followed  ball.  The  French 
air  that  surrounded  every  thing,  the  French  manner  and  tone 
of  society,  were  as  pleasing  as  they  were  novel  to  the  traveler. 
The  days  flew  swiftly  by.  A.  la  Sante  Madame  Alston,  was 
the  first  toast  at  nearly  every  table.  Even  the  Ursuline  nuns 
sent  him  an  address  congratulating  him  upon  his  arrival ;  and, 
upon  their  receiving  his  polite  reply,  an  invitation  to  visit 
their  convent.  He  went.  "  The  bishop  conducted  me  to  the 
cloister.  We  conversed,  at  first,  through  the  grates;  but 
presently  I  was  admitted  within,  and  I  passed  an  hour  with 
them,  greatly  to  my  satisfaction.  None  of  that  calm  monot 
ony  which  I  expected.  All  was  gayety,  wit,  and  sprightliness. 
*  *  *  At  parting,  I  asked  them  to  remember  me  in  their 
prayers,  which  they  all  promised  with  great  promptness  and 
courtesy." 

If  Burr  ever  meant  to  settle  at  the  West,  in  the  practice  of 
the  law,  it  was  this  banqueting  and  lionizing,  in  my  opinion, 
which  made  it  (morally)  impossible  for  him  to  execute  that 
intention.  He  should  have  resolutely  declined  to  appear  in 
the  West  as  a  great  personage.  How  could  a  man  of  Burr's 
cast  of  character,  after  figuring  at  the  head  of  cavalcades,  after 
shining  at  balls  and  banquets,  the  observed  of  all  observers, 
smiled  upon  by  ladies,  toasted,  cheered,  and  followed  by  men 
—  how  could  he  take  a  little  office  at  Nashville  or  New  Or 
leans,  hang  out  a  little  tin  sign,  and  subside  into  an  ordinary 
attorney  and  counselor  at  law  ?  A  wise  man  could.  But  who 
is  wise  ?  There  is  no  position  in  human  life  more  embarrass 
ing,  or  more  likely  to  be  corrupting,  than  that  of  a  man  who 
is  compelled  to  move  in  the  conspicuous  and  costly  spheres 
without  possessing  the  requisite  sum  per  annum  !  To  be  a 
poor  man  is  nothing  —  is  the  lot  of  nearly  all  the  men  that 
live.  But  a  crownless  king,  a  penniless  prince,  an  ex-Vice- 
President,  without  home,  country,  employment,  income  — 
these  are  pitiable  persons.  They  are  dangerous,  too.  It  is 
such  who  plan  Boulogne  expeditions,  usurp  thrones,  start  mad 
enterprises,  and  turn  the  world  upside  down. 

Burr  staid  three  weeks  in  New  Orleans.  Wilkinson  said  in 
his  letter  of  introduction,  that  Burr  would  make  communica- 


HE     SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  395 

lions  to  Clark  which  were  "  improper  to  letter."  What  were 
they?  Burr  was  not  a  person  to  waste  three  weeks  in  mere 
feasting  and  playing  the  great  man.  Wherever  he  was,  what 
ever  he  was,  he  was  busy.  He  had  the  quickest,  most  active 
mind  that  ever  animated  five  feet  six  inches  of  mortality.  It 
is  certain  that  he  did  something  at  New  Orleans  during  those 
three  weeks.  What  ? 

The  question  has  been  answered,  first,  by  Wilkinson  in  his 
ponderous  Memoirs ;  secondly,  by  Clark  in  his  angry  octavo, 
entitled,  "Proofs  of  the  Corruption  of  General  James  Wil 
kinson,  and  of  his  Connection  with  Aaron  Burr  •  thirdly,  by 
Matthew  L.  Davis,  speaking  for  Burr  himself.  Wilkinson 
says  the  reference  in  his  letter  of  introduction,  was  simply  to 
the  election  scheme.  Clark  declares  that  Burr  confided  noth 
ing  to  him  whatever.  He  says  he  liked  Burr  exceedingly,  in 
vited  him  to  dinner,  showed  him  every  possible  civility,  but 
had  not  a  syllable  of  confidential  conversation  with  him.  In 
the  most  positive  and  circumstantial  manner,  he  denies  that 
he  had  then,  or  ever  had,  any  participation  in,  or  knowledge 
of,  Burr's  designs.*  Davis,  on  the  contrary,  asserts  that  Clark 
and  Wilkinson  were  both  ardently  engaged  with  Burr ;  and 
that  Clark  agreed  to  advance  fifty  thousand  dollars  in  further 
ance  of  the  great  project.  Other  friends  of  Burr  say  that 

*  Clark's  own  comments  on  "Wilkinson's  letter  are  as  follows:  "  The  things 
which  it  was  improper  to  letter  to  me  are  pretty  plainly  expressed  in  a  com 
munication  made  about  the  same  time  (by  Wilkinson)  to  General  Adair.  The 
letter  is  dated,  Eapids  of  Ohio,  May  28th,  1805,  11  o'clock,  and  contains  these 
expressions  :  —  'I  was  to  have  introduced  my  friend  Burr  to  you,  but  in  this 
I  failed  by  accident.  He  understands  your  merits,  and  reckons  on  you.  Re 
pair  to  me  and  I  will  tell  you  all.-  "We  must  have  a  peep  at  the  unknown 
world  beyond  me.'  The  letter  to  me  I  think  fully  proves  that  some  secret 
plan  of  Burr's  was  known  to  "Wilkinson  in  May,  1805.  That  to  General 
Adair  leaves  no  doubt  on  the  subject.  Immediately  after  this  he  went  to  St. 
Lonis,  where  his  very  first  act,  before  he  had  broken  bread  in  the  territory, 
was  an  endeavor  to  bring  Major  Bruff  into  his  plans.  He  tells  him  that  he 
had  a  '  grand  scheme,'  that  'would  make  the  fortunes  of  all  concerned;'  and 
though  Major  BruiFs  manner  of  receiving  this  overture  put  a  stop  to  any  fur 
ther  disclosure,  yet  we  may  judge  of  its  nature,  for  it  was  introduced  by  a 
philippic  against  democracy,  and  the  ingratitude  of  republican  govern 
ments." 


396  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BURR. 

Clark  made  two  voyages  to  Vera  Cruz,  to  spy  out  the  ene 
my's  country.  Clark  admits  having  made  the  voyages  (one 
in  September,  1805,  the  other  in  February,  1806)  ;  admits 
having  collected  information  in  Mexico  respecting  the 
strength  of  the  fortresses,  the  number  of  the  garrisons,  and 
the  disposition  of  the  people  ;  but  asserts  that  his  voyages  had 
none  but  commercial  objects,  and  that  his  inquiries  were  only 
prompted  by  curiosity.  A  witness  deposed  to  having  heard 
Clark  say,  that  he  would  willingly  join  in  a  private  scheme 
for  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  provided  the  adventurers  could 
turn  their  backs  for  ever  on  the  United  States.  "  You,  for 
example,  might  be  a  duke,"  was  one  expression  which  the 
witness  swore  he  had  heard  Clark  use  in  the  course  of  the 
same  conversation. 

The  difficulty  of  arriving  at  certainty  on  this  subject  arises 
from  the  fact,  that  most  of  the  existing  evidence  was  given 
after  the  explosion!  It  was  amusing,  says  Burnet  (in  his 
"  Notes"),  to  see  men  who  before  the  President's  proclama 
tion  appeared,  had  been  loudest  in  Burr's  praises,  and  deepest 
in  his  schemes,  making  haste,  after  that  bolt  had  shivered  the 
project  to  atoms,  to  denounce  the  traitor  at  every  corner,  and 
running  to  offer  their  services  to  the  governor  in  defense  of  a 
distracted  and  imperiled  country. 

My  own  impression,  after  reading  all  the  procurable  docu 
ments,  is,  that  neither  Clark  nor  Wilkinson  were  really  em 
barked  in  Burr's  Mexican  scheme ;  though  both,  up  to  a  cer 
tain  point,  may  have  favored  it.  Nor  do  I  think  that,  during 
this  vdsit  to  New  Orleans,  Burr  himself  did  more  than  collect 
information,  and  cast  a  very  wistful  eye  across  the  river  to  the 
domain  of  the  hated  Spaniards,  who  still  held  the  western  bank 
of  the  Mississippi.  Of  all  the  men  in  the  territory,  Clark  and 
Wilkinson  were  the  best  informed  respecting  the  affairs  of 
Mexico.  Both  had  traded  with  the  Dons.  Wilkinson,  for 
many  a  year,  had  indulged  the  dream  of  leading  an  army  to 
the  capital  of  the  Montezumas,  and  had  made  minute  inquiries 
respecting  the  routes.  All  these  stores  of  information  were 
freely  poured  into  the  ear  of  a  man  fond  of  adventure,  habitu 
ated  to  distinction,  and  destitute  of  resources. 


UK     SEHKS     A     NEW     C  O  U  N  T  II T .  39V 

He  could  see  for  himself  that  the  tie  which  bound  the  prov 
ince  of  Louisiana  to  the  Union  was  not  strong.  The  French 
population,  who  had  for  a  few  months  enjoyed  a  reunion  with 
their  mother  country,  and  had  hoped  that  that  reunion  would 
be  perpetual,  merely  acquiesced  in  the  recent  cession.  The 
Spaniards  could  not  give  up  the  hope  of  regaining  the  prov 
ince. 

Sixty  years  before,  the  map  of  what  is  now  the  United 
States,  reflected  glory  chiefly  upon  the  Spanish  name.  Except 
that  along  the  Atlantic  coast  there  appeared  a  narrow  red 
stripe  denoting  the  British  colonies,  that  map  was  one  ex 
panse  of  green,  the  northern  part  of  which  was  called  Canada, 
the  southern,  Louisiana ;  and  the  whole  was  claimed  by  the 
French.  A  few  years  later,  the  latter  province,  embracing  the 
most  productive  part  of  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  upon  which  the  value  of  all  the  rest  de 
pended,  was  ceded  to  Spain.  After  half  a  century  of  posses 
sion,  the  Spaniards  had  lost  all  their  domain  east  of  this  river, 
but  still  hoped  that  the  next  European  peace  would  give  it 
back  to  them.  Some  of  the  Spanish  officials  remained  in  New 
Orleans  for  eighteen  months  after  the  cession,  in  expectation 
of  that  event. 

The  American  population,  composed  chiefly  of  young,  ad 
venturous  men,  had  taken  some  umbrage  at  the  central  gov 
ernment,  and  Burr  must  have  heard  expressions  of  this  during 
his  stay. 

Toward  the  close  of  July,  he  bade  farewell  to  his  friends  in 
New  Orleans,  promising  to  return  to  them  ere  long.  To  as 
cend  those  great  rivers  of  the  south-west  was  scarcely  possible 
at  that  day.  Daniel  Clark  furnished  him  with  two  horses,  and 
a  servant  to  bring  them  back,  who  attended  him  as  far  as 
Natchez.  In  the  gay  society  of  that  place,  he  lingered  a 
week ;  then,  taking  a  guide,  plunged  into  the  dreary  wilder 
ness  that  lay  between  Natchez  and  Nashville,  a  distance  of 
four  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  The  path,  where  there  was  a 
path,  was  a  famous  Indian  trail,  which  wound  around  stagnant 
lakes,  along  sluggish  streams,  and  through  dismal  swamps. 
At  certain  seasons,  it  was  infested  by  robbers  who  used  to  lay 


398  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

in  wait  for  boatmen  returning  to  the  Ohio  laden  with  the  pro 
ceeds  of  their  last  voyage  to  New  Orleans.  Tired  and  worn 
with  this  miserable  journey,  performed  in  the  hottest  season 
of  the  year,  the  traveler  reached  Nashville  on  the  6th  of 
August,  and  was  once  more  domiciled  with  General  Jackson. 

Again,  he  was  overwhelmed  with  attentions.  He  was  com 
plimented,  too,  with  a  public  dinner,  which  was  attended  by 
all  that  Nashville  could  boast  of  distinction  and  talent. 

He  remained  a  week  at  the  general's  hospitable  mansion. 
A  two  weeks'  tour  in  Kentucky  followed,  during  which,  be 
sides  traversing  another  wilderness  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
miles,  he  visited  Louisville,  Frankfort,  and  Lexington,  at  all 
of  which  he  was  entertained  with  fatal  distinction.  He  formed 
an  acquaintance  with  Henry  Clay,  then  in  the  dawn  of  his 
renown.  Clay  was  strongly  attracted  to  a  man  whom  he,  in 
common  with  most  western  men,  regarded  as  the  victim  of 
persecution,  and  whose  talents  he  admired. 

It  was  during  this  very  tour  in  Kentucky  that  the  antipathy 
of  the  men  of  the  West  to  their  Spanish  neighbors  was  kindled 
to  fury  by  what  is  known  as  the  "  Kemper  difficulty."  Baton 
Rouge,  though  chiefly  inhabited  by  Americans,  was  still  held 
and  garrisoned  by  Spaniards.  The  Americans,  in  the  course 
of  that  summer,  had  formed  a  plot  to  "  shake  off  the  Spanish 
yoke,"  and  to  annex  themselves  to  their  countrymen  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Mississippi.  For  want  of  a  competent  leader, 
the  plot  failed,  and  the  Spaniards,  with  their  usual  stupidity, 
were  eager,  not  to  conciliate,  but  to  punish  the  "rebels." 
The  three  brothers  Kemper,  who  had  been  the  leading  spirits 
of  the  rebellion,  fled  to  the  American  side,  where  they  estab 
lished  themselves.  In  their  own  houses,  at  midnight,  they 
were  seized  by  a  party  of  Spanish  troops,  and  conveyed  across 
the  line.  They  were  soon  re-captured ;  but  this  impudent 
violation  of  American  soil  touched  the  pride  of  the  border 
States  keenly,  and  it  was  while  every  man  was  breathing  out 
threatenings  and  slaughter  against  the  insolent  Dons,  that 
Burr  was  traversing  those  States.  If  then,  he  had  done  what 
next  year  he  attempted,  the  issue  might  have  been  different 
—  could  not  but  have  been  different. 


HE     SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNT  KT.  399 

IL 

Meanwhile,  the  impression  arose  that  Burr's  presence  in  the 
West  had  something  to  do  with  these  Spanish  troubles,  and  a 
rumor  to  that  effect  soon  found  its  way  to  the  Spanish  author 
ities,  who  still  had  prisoners  on  the  American  soil.  Septem 
ber  7th,  we  find  Daniel  Clark  writing  to  General  Wilkinson, 
a  letter  upon  the  subject.  That  epistle  has  been  thought  a 
master- piece  of  dissembling.  The  reader  may  try  his  pene 
tration  upon  it : 

"  Many  absurd  and  wild  reports  are  circulated  here,  and 
have  reached  the  ears  of  the  officers  of  the  late  Spanish  gov 
ernment,  respecting  our  ex- Vice-President.  You  are  spoken 
of  as  his  right-hand  man,  and  even  I  am  now  supposed  to  be 
of  consequence  enough  to  combine  with  Generals  and  Vice- 
Presidents.  At  any  other  time  but  the  present,  I  should  amuse 
myself  vastly  at  the  folly  and  fears  of  those  who  are  affected 
with  these  idle  tales  ;  but  being  on  the  point  of  setting  off  for 
Vera  Cruz,  on  a  large  mercantile  speculation,  I  feel  cursedly 
hurt  at  the  rumors,  and  might,  in  consequence  of  Spanish  jeal 
ousy,  get  into  a  hobble  I  could  not  easily  get  out  of.  Entre 
nous,  I  believe  that  Minor,  of  Natchez,  has  a  great  part  in  this 
business,  to  make  himself  of  importance.  He  is  in  the  pay  of 
Spain,  and  wishes  to  convince  them  he  is  much  their  friend. 
This  is,  however,  a  matter  of  suspicion  on  my  part,  but  the 
channel  through  which  the  information  reached  me,  makes  me 
suppose  it.  Power,  whose  head  is  always  stuffed  with  plots, 
projects,  conspiracies,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.,  and  who  sees  objects 
through  a  mill-stone,  is  going  to  Natchez,  next  week,  to  un 
ravel  the  whole  of  this  extraordinary  business,  and  then  God 
have  mercy  on  the  culprits,  for  Spanish  fire  and  indignation 
will  be  leveled  at  them.  What  in  the  name  of  heaven  could 
have  given  rise  to  these  extravagances  ? 

"  Were  I  sufficiently  intimate  with  Mr.  Burr,  and  knew  where 
to  direct  a  line  to  him,  I  should  take  the  liberty  of  writing  to 
him.  Perhaps,  finding  Minor  in  his  way,  he  was  endeavoring 
to  extract  something  from  him.  He  has  amused  himself  at  the 
blockhead's  expense,  and  then  Minor  has  retailed  the  news  to 
his  employers.  Inquire  of  Mr.  Burr  about  this,  and  let  me 
know  at  my  return,  which  will  be  in  three  or  six  months.  The 


400  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

tale  is  a  horrid  one,  if  ivell  told.  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  the 
State  of  Ohio,  and  part  of  Georgia  and  Carolina,  are  to  be 
bribed  with  the  plunder  of  the  Spanish  countries  west  of  us, 
to  separate  from  the  Union.  This  is  but  a  part  of  the  business. 
Heavens  !  what  wonderful  things  there  will  be  in  those  days. 
But  how  the  devil  I  have  been  lugged  into  the  conspiracy,  or 
what  assistance,  I  can  be  to  it,  is  to  me  incomprehensible. 
Vous,  qui  savez  tout,  can  best  explain  this  riddle.  Amuse  Mr. 
Burr  with  an  account  of  it,  but  let  not  these  great  and  import 
ant  objects,  these  almost  imperial  doings,  prevent  you  from 
attending  to  my  land  business.  Recollect  that  you,  if  you  in 
tend  to  become  kings  and  emperors,  must  have  a  little  more 
consideration  for  vassals ;  and  if  we  have  nothing  to  clothe 
ourselves  with,  for  we  can  be  clothed  by  the  produce  of  our 
lands  only ;  and  if  Congress  take  the  land  for  want  of  formal 
ities,  we  shall  then  have  no  produce,  and  shall  make  a  very 
shabby  figure  at  your  courts.  Think  of  this,  and  practice  those 
formalities  that  are  necessary,  that  I  may  have  from  my  Il 
linois  lands  wherewith  to  buy  a  decent  court-dress,  when  pre 
sented  at  your  levee.  I  hope  you  will  not  have  Kentucky 
men  for  your  masters  of  ceremonies." 

To  this  letter  Wilkinson  briefly  replied ;  but  only  alluded 
to  the  rumor  as  "  the  tale  of  a  tub  of  Burr,"  and  passed  to 
other  subjects. 

About  the  middle  of  September,  Burr  reached  St.  Louis, 
where  General  Wilkinson  was.  What  passed  between  them 
has  been  told  only  by  Wilkinson,  who  says  that  he  was  then 
struck  and  alarmed  by  the  altered  manner  of  his  friend. 
"Burr  seemed,"  says  he,  "  to  be  revolving  some  great  project, 
the  nature  of  which  he  did  not  disclose.  Speaking  of  the  im 
becility  of  the  government,  Colonel  Burr  said,  'it  would 
inolder  to  pieces,  die  a  natural  death,'  or  words  to  that  effect ; 
adding  '  that  the  people  of  the  western  country  were  ready 
for  revolt.'  To  this  I  recollect  replying,  that  if  he  had  not 
profited  more  by  his  journey,  he  had  better  have  remained  at 
Washington  or  Philadelphia.  For  surely,  said  T,  my  friend, 
no  person  was  ever  more  mistaken  !  The  western  people  dis- 


HE     SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  401 

affected  to  the  government  ?  They  are  bigoted  to  Jefferson 
and  democracy !  and  the  conversation  dropped." 

Other  conversation  of  this  kind  followed,  and  Wilkinson, 
according  to  his  own  account,  began  to  fear  that  Burr  had 
conceived  some  dangerous  and  desperate  enterprise.  More  than 
ever,  therefore,  he  bestirred  himself  to  promote  his  election  to 
Congress.  As  evidence  of  this,  Wilkinson  adduces  a  letter  of 
his  to  Governor  Harrison  of  Indiana,  dated  September  19th. 
The  part  of  it  relating  to  Burr  is  as  follows ;  "  Shall  I  say  in 
return  I  have  a  boon  to  ask  of  you,  of  no  ordinary  import  ? 
No,  I  will  not !  because  the  commutation  would  dishonor  my 
application  ;  but  I  will  demand  from  your  friendship  a  boon, 
in  its  influence  coextensive  with  the  Union ;  a  boon,  perhaps, 
on  which  that  Union  may  much  depend ;  a  boon  which  may 
serve  me,  may  serve  you,  and  dis-serve  neither ;  a  boon,  which 
from  my  knowledge  of  men,  motives,  and  principles,  will  be 
acceptable  to  those  whose  politics  we  are  bound  to  support. 
If  you  ask,  what  is  this  important  boon  which  I  so  earnestly 
crave  ?  I  will  say  to  you,  return  the  bearer  to  the  councils  of 
our  country,  where  his  talents  and  abilities  are  all-important 
at  the  present  moment.  But,  you  continue,  how  is  this  to  be 
done  ?  By  your  fiat !  Let  Mr.  Parke  adhere  to  his  profes 
sion  ;  convene  your  Solomons  and  let  them  return  him  (Col 
onel  Burr)  to  Congress.  If  you  taste  this  proposition,  speak 
to  him,  and  he  will  authorize  you  to  purchase,  if  necessary,  an 
estate  for  him  in  your  Territory." 

Wilkinson  says  that,  besides  writing  this  letter,  he  warned 
a  member  of  the  cabinet,  about  the  same  time,  to  "  keep  an 
eye  upon  Burr."  But  he  also  admits  that  between  September, 
1805,  and  May,  1806,  he  received  six  letters  in  cipher  from 
Colonel  Burr,  all  of  which  contained  expressions  calculated  to 
inculpate  him  (Wilkinson).  Specimens  of  these  will  be  given 
in  a  moment. 

In  October  Burr  had  left  the  far  West.  On  his  way  east 
ward,  he  called  again  at  Blennerhassett  Island,  but  found  the 
master  absent. 

In  November  he  passed  a  week  at  Washington,  when  he 
was  received  as  of  old,  dined  with  the  President,  and  gave  an 


402  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

account  of  his  western  travels  to  the  company.  In  the  course 
of  conversation,  at  the  President's  table,  he  chanced  to  men 
tion  that  a  certain  military  road,  which  figured  on  a  map  pre 
pared  by,  or  for  General  Wilkinson,  had  no  existence  in  re 
ality.  The  next  day,  fearing  that  this  fact  might  injure  the 
general  in  the  President's  estimation,  he  made  a  point  of  call 
ing  at  the  White  House  to  explain  it  away.  From  members 
of  the  cabinet,  he  learned  that  there  would  be  no  war  with 
Spain. 

From  Washington  he  went  South  to  meet  his  son-in-law  and 
Theodosia ;  returning  in  December  to  Philadelphia.  There 
he  wrote  one  of  his  mysterious  letters  to  Wilkinson,  of  which 
the  following  is  a  copy.  The  date  is  December  12th  :  "  About 
the  last  of  October  our  cabinet  was  seriously  disposed  for  war 
with  the  Spaniards ;  but  more  recent  accounts  of  the  increas 
ing  and  alarming  aggressions  and  annoyances  of  the  British, 
and  some  courteous  words  from  the  French,  have  banished 
every  such  intention.  In  case  of  such  warfare,  Lee  would 
have  been  commander-in-chief ;  truth,  I  assure  you  ;  he  must, 
you  know,  come  from  Virginia.  The  utmost  now  intended  is 
that  sort  of  marine  piracy  which  we  had  with  the  French 
_  under  the  former  administration.  Burr  passed  a  week  at 
1  Washington,  and  has  been  here  ten  days.  Reception  as  usual. 
He  had  discovered  nothing  which  excites  doubts  of  the  con 
firmation  of  Wilkinson's  appointment.  Secretary  of  Navy 
apprehended  no  difficulty.  Military  establishment  will  not  in 
crease  nor  diminish.  On  the  subject  of  a  certain  speculation, 
it  is  not  deemed  material  to  write  till  the  whole  can  be  com 
municated.  The  circumstance  referred  to  in  a  letter  from 
Ohio  remains  in  suspense ;  the  auspices,  however,  are  favora 
ble,  and  it  is  believed  that  Wilkinson  will  give  audience  to  a 
delegation  composed  of  Adair  and  Dayton  in  February.  Can 
25  *  •*  *  be  had  m  your  vicinity  at  some  few  hours' 
notification  ?" 

One  would  certainly  suppose  that  men  who  corresponded 
thus  were  acquainted  with  each  other's  plans. 

In  this  same  month  of  December,  Burr  wrote  his  first  letter 
to  Blennerhassett.  It  was  a  very  innocent  communication, 


HE     SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  403 

though  the  contrary  has  been  asserted.  It  began  with  regrets 
that  he  had  not  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  Blennerhassett  on 
the  island,  and  inquired  where  and  when  they  could  come  to 
gether.  Its  main  purport  was  that  Blennerhassett  was  too 
much  of  a  man  to  be  satisfied  with  the  common-place  delights 
of  rural  seclusion.  He  should  aspire  to  a  career  in  which  his 
powers  would  be  employed.  His  fortune,  already  impaired, 
would  gradually  dwindle  away,  and  his  children  be  left  desti 
tute.  The  world  was  wide ;  he  should  go  forth  from  his  ener 
vating  solitude  in  pursuit  of  fortune  and  of  honor. 

The  letter  produced  precisely  the  effect  intended.  Flattered 
by  the  notice  of  a  distinguished  man,  anxious  for  his  decaying 
fortune,  fired  with  a  desire  for  distinction,  Blennerhassett  re 
plied  that  he  should  be  glad  to  participate  in  any  enterprise  in 
which  Colonel  Burr  might  think  proper  to  embark/  He  ad 
mitted,  upon  his  trial,  that  in  making  this  advance  to  Colonel 
Burr,  he  had  in  view  two  objects;  namely,  the  procuring  of 
lands  in  the  South-west,  and  a  military  enterprise  against  the 
Spaniards.  He  said  that  he  supposed  the  administration  shared 
the  universal  indignation  against  the  Spaniards,  and  that  a  war 
with  Spain  was  impending ;  in  which  case  Colonel  Burr's  mili 
tary  talents  could  not  but  be  called  into  requisition. 

This  letter  was  dated  December  21st,  1805,  but  did  not 
reach  Colonel  Burr  until  the  middle  of  February,  1806.  At 
that  time  his  plans  were  in  suspense,  and  he  was  in  some  doubt 
whether  he  should  be  ever  able  to  accomplish  them.  For  two 
months  Blennerhassett's  letter  lay  in  his  desk  unanswered. 
Meanwhile,  he  had  turned  his  thoughts  in  another  direction. 
Once  more,  he  sought  the  public  service. 

In  Jefferson's  Anas,  urfder  the  date  of  April  15th,  1806, 
occurs  the  narrative  of  Colonel  Burr's  second  application  to 
the  President  for  an  appointment.  This  narrative  is  doubtless 
essentially  true,  but  Jefferson  admits  that  it  was  written  under 
feelings  of  resentment.  Some  of  Burr's  partisans  in  New 
York  had  been  agitating  this  spring  a  project  for  his  return 
to  that  State,  again  to  play  the  leading  part  in  its  politics. 
Among  other  means  employed  (but  not  by  him),  was  the  re 
vival  of  Burr's  suit  against  Cheetham  for  libel ;  the  object 


404  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

being  to  procure  demonstrative  proof  that  Burr  did  not,  in 
any  manner  whatever,  intrigue  for  the  presidency  in  1801. 
Some  of  the  depositions  taken  for  this  purpose  seemed  to  re 
flect  upon  Jefferson,  and  it  was  while  smarting  under  one  oi 
these,  that  he  penned  the  following  "  ana :" 

"  About  a  month  ago,  Colonel  Burr  called  on  me,  and  en 
tered  into  a  conversation,  in  which  he  mentioned,  that  a  little 
before  my  coming  into  office,  I  had  written  to  him  a  letter, 
intimating  that  I  had  destined  him  for  a  high  employ,  had  he 
not  been  placed  by  the  people  in  a  different  one ;  that  he  had 
signified  his  willingness  to  resign  as  Vice-President,  to  give 
aid  to  the  administration  in  any  other  place ;  that  he  had 
never  asked  an  office,  however ;  he  asked  aid  of  nobody,  but 
could  walk  on  his  own  legs,  and  take  care  of  himself;  that  I 
had  always  used  him  with  politeness,  but  nothing  more  ;  that 
he  aided  in  bringing  on  the  present  order  of  things;  that  he 
had  supported  the  administration ;  and  that  he  could  do  me 
much  harm.  He  wished,  however,  to  be  on  different  ground. 
He  was  now  disengaged  from  all  particular  business  —  willing 
to  engage  in  something  —  should  be  in  town  some  days,  if  I 
should  have  any  thing  to  propose  to  him. 

"  I  observed  to  him  that  I  had  always  been  sensible  that  he 
possessed  talents  which  might  be  employed  greatly  to  the  ad 
vantage  of  the  public,  and  that,  as  to  myself,  I  had  a  confi 
dence,  that  if  he  were  employed,  he  would  use  his  talents  for 
the  public  good ;  but  that  he  must  be  sensible  the  public  had 
withdrawn  their  confidence  from  him,  and  that  in  a  govern 
ment  like  ours  it  was  necessary  to  embrace  in  its  administra 
tion  as  great  a  mass  of  public  confidence  as  possible,  by  em 
ploying  those  who  had  a  character  with  the  public  of  their 
own,  and  not  merely  a  secondary  one  through  the  executive. 

"He  observed  that  if  we  believed  a  few  newspapers,  it 
might  be  supposed  he  had  lost  the  public  confidence,  but  that 
I  knew  how  easy  it  was  to  engage  newspapers  in  any  thing. 

"  I  observed  that  I  did  not  refer  to  that  kind  of  evidence 
of  his  having  lost  the  public  confidence,  but  to  the  late  presi 
dential  election,  when,  though  in  possession  of  the  office  of 
Vice-President,  there  was  not  a  single  voice  heard  for  his  re- 


HE     SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  4(VS 

taming  it.  That,  as  to  any  harm  he  could  do  me,  I  knew  no 
cause  why  he  should  desire  it,  but  at  the  same  time,  I  foaiod 
no  injury  which  any  man  could  do  me  ;  that  I  never  had  done 
a  single  act,  or  been  concerned  in  any  transaction,  which  I 
feared  to  have  fully  laid  open,  or  which  could  do  me  any  hurt, 
if  truly  stated ;  that  I  had  never  done  a  single  thing  with  a 
view  to  my  personal  interest,  or  that  of  any  friend,  or  with 
any  other  view  than  that  of  the  greatest  public  good ;  that, 
therefore,  no  threat  or  fear  on  that  head  would  ever  be  a 
motive  of  action  with  me. 

"  He  has  continued  in  town  to  this  time  j  dined  with  me 
this  day  week,  and  called  on  me  to  take  leave  two  or  three 
days  ago. 

"  I  did  not  commit  these  things  to  writing  at  the  time,  but 
I  do  it  now,  because  in  a  suit  between  him  and  Cheetham,  he 
has  had  a  deposition  of  Mr.  Bayard  taken,  which  seems  to 
have  no  relation  to  the  suit,  nor  to  any  other  object,  except  to 
calumniate  me." 

It  is  not  surprising  that  Burr's  friends  should  still  resent 
this  "  ana."  Doubtless,  the  mode  of  Burr's  application  is  not 
as  favorably  stated  as  it  would  have  been  by  Colonel  Svvart- 
wout.  But  I  beg  to  say  that  Jefferson's  reply  was  unanswer 
able  and  noble,  worthy  of  the  best  and  ablest  American  then 
living.  Burr  was  right,  too,  in  laughing  it  to  scorn.  He  was 
himself  deceived  as  to  his  position  and  popularity  by  the  en 
thusiasm  of  his  reception  at  the  West.  But  the  West  was  not 
then,  is  not  yet,  though  it  is  going  to  be,  the  Nation.  Vir 
ginia,  New  England,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  York  were  the 
Nation  in  1804,  and  in  them  it  could  with  truth  be  said  that 
Colonel  Burr  had  lost  the  public  confidence  as  a  politician,  and 
much  of  the  public  respect  as  a  man. 

From  the  time  of  this  interview,  Colonel  Burr  set  his  face 
westward,  resolved,  if  possible,  to  execute  the  enterprise  to 
which  his  recent  correspondence  had  so  often  alluded.  On 
the  very  day  that  Jefferson  wrote  the  narrative  just  quoted, 
Burr  replied  to  Blennerhassett's  letter.  Pie  said  he  had  pro 
jected,  and  still  meditated,  a  "  speculation"  precisely  of  the 
character  Blennerhassett  had  described.  "  It  would  have  been 


406  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUKK. 

submitted  to  your  consideration,  in  October  last,  if  I  had  then 
had  the  good  fortune  to  find  you  at  home.  The  business, 
however,  in  some  degree  depends  on  contingencies  not  within 
my  control,  and  will  not  be  commenced  before  December,  if 
ever.  From  this  circumstance,  and  as  the  matter  in  its  pres 
ent  state  can  not  be  satisfactorily  explained  by  letter,  the 
communication  will  be  deferred  till  a  personal  interview  can 
be  had.  With  this  view,  I  pray  to  be  informed  of  your  in 
tended  movements  the  ensuing  season,  and  in  case  you  should 
visit  New  Orleans,  at  what  time  and  at  what  port  you  may  be 
expected  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  But  I  must  insist  that  these 
intimations  be  not  permitted  to  interrupt  the  prosecution  of 
any  plans  which  you  have  formed  for  yourself.  No  occupa 
tion  which  will  not  take  you  off  the  continent  can  interfere 
with  that  which  I  may  propose.  *  *  *  We  shall  have  no 
war  unless  we  should  be  actually  invaded." 

The  "  contingencies"  referred  to  in  this  letter  were  chiefly 
pecuniary.  All  depended  on  the  possibility  of  his  raising  a 
considerable  sum  in  cash,  and  a  larger  one  in  paper. 

The  day  after  answering  Blennerhassett,  he  wrote  another 
letter  in  cipher  to  General  Wilkinson,  of  which  the  following 
is  a  copy : 

"The  execution  of  our  project  is  postponed  till  December. 
Want  of  water  in  Ohio  rendered  movement  impracticable : 
other  reasons  rendered  delay  expedient.  The  association  is 
enlarged,  and  comprises  all  that  Wilkinson  could  wish.  Confi 
dence  limited  to  a  few.  Though  this  delay  is  irksome,  it  will 
enable  us  to  move  with  more  certainty  and  dignity.  Burr  will 
be  throughout  the  United  Slates  this  summer.  Administration 
is  damned,  which  Randolph  aids.  Burr  wrote  you  a  long  let 
ter  last  December,  replying  to  a  short  one  deemed  very  silly. 
Nothing  has  been  heard  from  the  Brigadier  since  October.  Is 
Cusion  et  Portes  right  ?  Address,  Burr,  at  Washington." 

The  "  Brigadier"  was  Wilkinson.  "  Cusion,"  was  Colonel 
Gushing,  second  in  command  under  Wilkinson.  "  Portes" 
was  Major  Porter,  another  of  the  brigadier's  officers. 

This  letter  confirms  the  impression,  that  "our  project," 
whatever  it  was,  was  one  in  which  Wilkinson  was  as  mach 


HE     SEEKS     A     NEW     COUNTRY.  407 

implicated  as  Burr.  But  of  all  things  in  the  world,  circum 
stantial  evidence  is  the  most  deceptive.  That  Wilkinson 
knew  what  Burr  proposed,  I  can  not  doubt  ;  but  that  he  had 
unequivocally  engaged  to  join  in  the  projected  speculation,  is 
a  question  upon  which  there  may  be  two  well-sustained  opin 
ions. 

As  the  spring  advanced,  affairs  in  the  South-west  looked  more 
and  more  threatening.  The  Spaniards  added  aggression  to  in 
solence.  It  had  been  agreed  between  the  two  governments,  that 
until  the  boundary  line  should  be  settled  by  negotiation,  each 
party  should  retain  its  posts,  but  establish  no  new  ones,  nor 
make  any  military  movements  whatever  within  the  limits  in 
dispute.  But  after  making  several  petty  encroachments,  the 
Spanish  commander,  early  in  June,  advanced  a  force  of  twelve 
hundred  men  to  within  twenty  miles  of  Nachitoches.  In 
stantly,  General  Wilkinson  took  measures  for  the  defense  of 
the  frontier.  He  had  only  six  hundred  regulars  under  his  com 
mand,  most  of  whom  were  hurried  forward  to  the  scene  of 
expected  warfare.  The  forts  of  New  Orleans  were  hastily  re 
paired.  Every  militiaman  in  the  West  was  furbishing  his  ac 
coutrements,  and  awaiting  the  summons  to  the  field.  On  the 
4th  of  July,  1806,  there  were  not  a  thousand  persons  in  the 
United  States  who  did  not  think  war  with  Spain  inevitable, 
impending,  begun !  The  country  desired  it.  A  blow  from 
Wilkinson,  a  word  from  Jefferson,  would  have  let  loose  the 
dogs  of  war,  given  us  Texas,  and  changed  the  history  of  the 
two  continents. 

But  Napoleon,  now  stalking  toward  the  summit  of  his 
power,  had  intimated  that  a  declaration  of  war  against  Spain 
would  be  considered  a  declaration  of  war  against  him.  Pitt, 
his  great  enemy,  had  just  died.  For  the  moment,  Napoelon's 
word  was  law  everywhere  in  the  world,  out  of  the  range  of 
British  cannon. 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

THE   EXPEDITION. 

TUB  OBJECTS  OF  THE  EXPEDITION  —  BURR'S  CONFEDERATES  —  SWARTWOUT  DISPATCHED 
TO  WILKINSON  —  BUBB'S  FATAT,  VISIT  TO  THE  MORGANS  —  EXERCISES  A  REGIMENT 
AT  MARIETTA  —  VIGOROUS  PREPARATIONS  —  KUMORS —  BURR  BEFORE  THE  COURT  IN 
FRANKFORT— DEFENDED  BY  HENEY  CLAY  — His  TRIUMPHANT  ACQUITTAL. 

PRECISELY  when,  precisely  where,  it  was  that  Burr  con 
ceived  the  enterprise  upon  which  his  heart  was  now  fixed,  he 
could  not  perhaps  himself  have  told.  From  an  early  day, 
schemes  for  revolutionizing  the  ill  governed  Spanish  provinces 
of  America,  had  been  familiar  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  During  the  Revolution,  General  Miranda  was  much 
in  the  American  camp,  tiring  the  young  officers,  Hamilton  par 
ticularly,  with  his  own  enthusiasm  on  this  subject ;  and  Burr 
must  often  have  heard  Miranda's  plans  talked  over  by  the 
camp-fire.  In  this  very  year,  1806,  Miranda  sailed  from  New 
York  to  Venezuela,  with  an  expedition,  to  realize  the  dream  of 
his  youth  —  to  execute  the  purpose  of  his  life.  He  failed; 
and  failed  again ;  and  perished  at  last  in  a  Spanish  dungeon. 
It  was  to  this  expedition  that  Wilkinson  alluded,  when  he  said 
to  Burr  at  St.  Louis,  that  he  feared  Miranda  had  taken  the 
bread  out  of  his  mouth.  Burr  used  to  say,  that  Wilkinson 
suggested  the  plan  of  his  expedition  —  not  Miranda. 

It  was  no  dream  of  republicanizing  an  oppressed  people 
that  prompted  Burr's  enterprise.  He  had  had  enough  of  re 
publics.  His  design  was  to  conquer  Mexico  from  the  Span 
iards  ;  to  establish  in  that  fine  country,  a  strong,  liberal,  enlight 
ened  government ;  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  that  govern 
ment  ;  and,  if  fortune  favored,  to  extirpate  the  Spanish  power 
on  the  continent.  That  done,  it  would  be  for  the  States  west 
of  the  AUeghanies,  in  the  exercise  of  their  right  as  independ- 


THE     EXPEDITION.  409 

ont  powers,  to  decide  whether  they  would  remain  in  the 
Union,  or  join  the  new  empire.  If  they  should  choose  the 
latter,  Burr  might  select  New  Orleans  for  his  capital,  and 
rule  from  thence  the  whole  of  the  vast  valley  of  the  Missis 
sippi.  If  they  should*  prefer  the  former,  the  city  of  Mexico 
would  be  the  center  and  seat  of  his  power.  But  these  details 
were  merely  d  reamed^  oj^  The  conquest  of  Mexico,  the  de 
liverance  of  her  people  from  an  exacting  and  tyrannical  gov 
ernment,  the  establishment  of  a  dynasty  worthy  to  rule  so 
magnificent  an  empire,  the  formation  of  a  court,  which  Theo- 
dosia  should  adorn  by  her  beauty,  and  enliven  by  her  talents, 
and  where  her  boy  should  figure  as  the  heir-apparent  —  these 
were  the  great  objects  of  Burr's  thoughts  and  endeavors  dur- 
ingjjie  year  1806. 

/Whether  the  execution  of  the  project  should  be  attempted 
soon,  or  late,  or  never,  depended  upon  the  turn  which  affairs 
might  take  on  the  south-western  frontier.^  If  war  broke  out, 
nothing  would  be  easier  than  to  organize  an  expedition 
against  Mexico.  Thousands  of  adventurous  spirits  would 
hasten  to  enroll  themselves  under  the  banner  of  a  popular 
chief,  and  the  people  of  Mexico*  were  known  to  be  disaf 
fected.  Burr  had  received  assurances  that  the  priests  would 
be  passive  if  the  church  and  its  possessions  were  held  inviolate. 
From  certain  commanders  of  Spanish  militia,  he  had  obtained 


*  One  of  Jefferson's  letters  to  John  Jay,  dated  Marseilles,  May  1787, 
contains  some  interesting  information  respecting  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico 
at  about  the  period  of  the  American  Revolution,  derived  from  a  Mexican 
whom  Mr.  Jefferson  met  in  Paris.  The  following  is  an  extract :  "  He  (the 
Mexican)  classes  and  characterizes  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  as  fol  ows : 
1.  The  natives  of  old  Spain,  possessed  of  most  of  the  offices  of  the  govern 
ment,  and  firmly  attached  to  it.  2.  The  clergy,  equally  attached  to  the  gov 
ernment.  3.  The  natives  of  Mexico,  generally  disposed  to  revolt,  but  with 
out  instruction,  without  energy,  and  much  under  the  dominion  of  their  priests. 
4.  The  slaves,  mulatto  and  black;  the  former  enterprising  and  intelligent, 
the  latter  brave,  and  of  very  important  weight  into  whatever  scale  they  throw 
themselves ;  but  he  thinks  they  would  side  with  their  masters.  5.  The  con 
quered  Indians,  cowardly,  not  likely  to  take  any  side,  nor  important  which 
they  take.  6.  The  free  Indians,  brave  and  formidable,  should  they  interfere, 
but  not  likely  to  do  so,  as  being  at  a  great  distance." 

18 


410  T.  J  F  K     O  F      A  A  K  O  N      B  U  Ii  R  . 

promises  that  the  moment  he  should  appear  in  Texas  with  a 
respectable  body  of  troops,  they  would  order  out  their  forces 
and  join  him  en  masse.  Could  there  but  be  a  beginning  of 
war  made,  or  even  a  plausible  show  of  it,  he  saw  his  way  clear 
to  the  halls  of  the  Montezumas  —  to  the*throne  of  the  Monte- 
zumas ! 

/Jjut  there  might  be  no  war,  or  it  might  be  long  delayedji 
^To  provide  for  both  these  contingencies,  a  large  purchase 
of  land  was  contemplated,  far  to  the  south-west,  beyond  the 
Mississippi,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Washita,  a  branch  of 
the  Red  river.  There  the  choice  spirits  of  the  expedition 
would  have,  at  least,  a  rendezvous  and  a  refuge.^  There  the 
chief  could,  if  necessary,  fortify  and  maintain  a  position. 
There,  if  the  grand  scheme  should  fail  or  be  abandoned,  he 
would  found  a  colony  composed  of  persons  of  wealth,  education, 
refinement  and  talent,  who  would  embark  capital  in  the  most 
productive  region  of  the  South-west,  and  form  the  most  bril 
liant,  accomplished,  and  enlightened  society  on  the  continent. 
In  July,  1806,  this  purchase  was  made.  It  comprised  four  hun 
dred  thousand  acres,  for  which  Burr  was  to  pay  forty  thousand 
dollars,  the  first  installment  of  which,  five  thousand  dollars, 
he  did  actually  pay.  In  this  purchase,  several  persons  partici 
pated,  most  of  whom  were  near  relatives  or  connections  of 
Burr.  One  of  his  relatives  in  Connecticut,  a  descendant  of 
Jonathan  Edwards,  advanced  a  great  part  of  his  savings  for 
this  purchase.  Mr.  Alston,  probably,  furnished  money ;  it  is 
certain  he  endorsed  paper  for  his  father-in-law.  Burr's  con 
nections  in  New  York  were  not  backward  in  aiding  him. 
From  one  soure,  and  another,  a  sum  was  raised  which,  as  I 
conjecture,  did  not  exceed  forty  thousand  dollars,  though 
more  was  to  be  forthcoming,  when  needed. 

CWho  were  his  confederates?  Before  all  others,  his  daugh 
ter,  who  was  devoted  to  the  scheme  heart  and  soulT^  To 
achieve  a  career,  and  a  residence,  which  she,  her  husband,  and 
her  boy  could  share,  were  the  darling  objects  with  which 
Burr  had  gone  forth  to  seek  a  new  country.  She  caught 
eagerly  at  his  proposal.  She  sa\v  in  it  the  means  whereby  her 
father  could  win  a  glorious  compensation  for  the  wrongs  she 


THE     EXPEDITION.  411 

felt  he  had  endured,  and  obtain  a  conspicuous  triumph  over 
all  his  enemies.  (Her  husband,  whose  mind  Burr  had  aided 
to  form,  and  wrrb  tenderly  loved  Theodosia,  entered  into 
the  enterprise  with  energy.  In  New  York,  it  found  ad 
herents  among  the  young  ambitious  men  who  had  surrounded 
him  in  the  days  of  his  glory  J)  The  Swartwouts  were  in  it. 
Marinus  Willet,  who  was  atfcerward  Mayor  of  New  York, 
was  one  of  its  promoters.  A  score  or  two  of  other  New 
Yorkers  were  involved,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree.  Doctor 
Erich  Bollman,  a  German,  who  had  distinguished  himself  by 
a  gallant  attempt  to  rescue  Lafayette  from  prison,  was  one 
of  Burr's  most  trusted  confederates.  Dayton  was  another. 
Colonel  Dupiester  was  one  of  the  leading  spirits.  General 
Jackson,  a  thorough-going  hater  of  Spaniards,  was  enthusiastic 
in  the  cause.  General  Adair,  of  Kentucky,  deep  in  Burr's  con 
fidence,  approved  his  plans  heartily,  but  was  not  personally  en 
gaged  in  them.  Blennerhassett  was  completely  captivated  by 
an  enterprise  which  was  to  enrich  him  and  his  children  without 
his  being  subjected  to  disagreeable  exertion.  Upon  his  island 
the  first  rendezvous  was  to  be  made.  Mrs.  Blennerhassett,  no 
less  ardent,  was  preparing  to  entertain  the  chief  and  his 
daughter  at  her  fantastic  mansion  ;  for  it  was  settled  that 
Theodosia  should  accompany  her  father,  and  that  both  she 
and  Mrs.  Blennerhassett  should  go  wTith  the  expedition  as  far 
as  Natchez  or  New  Orleans ;  there  to  await  the  issue.  Alston 
was  to  follow  in  a  few  weeks.  Probably,  jjye  hundred  persons 
in  all,  knew  something  of  Burr's  plans,  and  had  entered  into 
some  kind  of  engagement  to  follow  his  fortunes.  There  were, 
also,  four  or  iive  thousand  whose  names  were  on  Burr's  lists, 
and  who,  he  thought,  would  hasten  to  his  standard,  as  soon 
he  should  obtain  a  foothold  on  Spanish  soil. 

During  the  first  half  of  the  year  1806  Burr  resided  at 
Philadelphia,  in  a  style  and  situation  more  obscure  than  was 
formerly  his  custom.  He  sought  the  society  of  men  who 
had  had  cause  to  be  dissatisfied  with  the  government,  such  as 
Commodore  Truxton,  who  had  been  struck  from  the  navy 
list,  and  General  Eaton,  who  could  not  get  his  claim  against 
the  government  paid.  To  these  men,  as  to  others,  he  spoke  in 


412  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURK. 

contemptuous  terras  of  the  administration  ;  he  said  a  separa 
tion  of  the  western  States  must  come,  sooner  or  later ;  he  un 
folded  his  own  plans,  and  urged  them  to  unite  their  fortunes 
with  his.  Mr.  Davis  says  that  Burr  had  repeated  conferences 
with  Mr.  Merry,  the  British  minister  at  Washington,  who 
communicated  the  project  to  his  government,  and  that  Colonel 
Charles  Williamson,  a  well-connected  Scotchman,  went  to  En 
gland  to  promote  the  business.  "  From  the  encouragement 
which  he  received,"  adds  Mr.  Davis,  "  it  was  hoped  and  be 
lieved  that  a  British  naval  squadron  would  have  been  furnished 
in  aid  of  the  expedition.  The  Catholic  bishop  of  New  Or 
leans,"  he  adds,  "  was  also  consulted,  and  prepared  to  promote 
the  enterprise.  He  designated  three  priests  of  the  order  of 
Jesuits  as  suitable  agents,  and  they  were  accordingly  em 
ployed.  *  *  *  The  superior  of  the  convent  of  Ursuline 
nuns,  at  New  Orleans,  was  in  the  secret.  Some  of  the  sister 
hood  were  also  employed  in  Mexico." 

There  is  a  vagueness  about  these  statements  which  looks  in 
tentional,  and  lessens  their  credibility.  The  following  is  more 
positive:  "  At  this  juncture  (January  6,  1806),  Mr.  Pitt  died. 
Wilkinson  must  have  heard  of  the  death  of  the  premier  late 
in  the  spring  of  1806.  From  that  moment,  in  Mr.  Burr's 
opinion,  Wilkinson  became  alarmed,  and  resolved  on  an 
abandonment  of  the  enterprise,  at  the  sacrifice  of  his  associ 
ates."  It  may  have  been  the  news  of  Pitt's  death,  then,  that 
produced  the  temporary  suspension  of  the  scheme,  during 
which  Burr  applied  to  the  President  for  employment. 

Omitting  conjectures  on  points  which  the  issue  rendered  of 
no  importance,  nothing  remains  but  to  narrate  the  events  of 
the  latter  half  of  1806,  as  they  occurred.  Never  was  an  ad 
venturer  more  sanguine  of  success  than  Burr  was  in  July  and 
August  of  that  year.  The  plot  seemed  well  laid.  The  excel 
lence  of  it  was  that  both  his  schemes  were  genuine.  He  really 
had  two  strings  to  his  bow.  If  war  broke  out,  he  would 
march  into  Mexico  ;  if  not,  he  would  settle  on  the  Washita ; 
and  wait  for  a  better  opportunity.  In  either  case,  he  was  go 
ing  westward  never  to  return.  In  either  case,  a  career  opened 


THE     EXPEDITION.  413 

up  before  him  which  he  believed  in,  and  could  have  been  sat 
isfied  with. 

At  the  end  of  July,  his  preparations  at  the  East  being1  com 
plete,  his  first  movement  was  to  send  forward  Samuel  S\vart- 
wout,  with  a  packet  of  letters  and  communications,  in  cipher, 
to  General  Wilkinson,  for  the  purpose,  as  he  said,  of  securing 
a  concert  of  action  between  them.  On  the  29th  of  July, 
Swartwout,  accompanied  by  another  adventurer,  young  Og- 
den,  a  son  of  Matthew  Ogden,  of  New  Jersey,  set  out  on  his 
long  journey  to  the  lower  Mississippi. 

Six  days  after,  Burr  and  his  daughter,  with  two  or  three 
friends,  and  a  servant  or  two,  followed,  taking  what  they  sup 
posed  to  be  their  last  farewell  of  the  eastern  world.  As  they 
floated  down  the  Ohio,  Burr  would  occasionally  make  detours 
into  the  adjacent  country  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  recruits, 
and  feeling  the  western  pulse.  It  so  chanced,  that  one  of  the 
first,  if  not  the  first,  visit  of  this  kind,  had  consequences  of  the 
utmost  importance. 

It  was  to  the  house  of  Colonel  Morgan,  a  name  of  renown 
In  the  West,  a  valiant  old  campaigner,  who  lived,  with  two 
stalwart  sons,  near  Cannonsburg,  Ohio,  that  this  fatal  visit  was  . 
made.  Civilities  had  passed  between  Morgan  and  Burr  in 
former  years,  and  the  old  patriot  had  conceived  for  Burr  a 
very  warm  friendship,  which  his  misfortunes  and  "  persecu 
tions"  had  strengthened.  As  his  custom  was,  Colonel  Burr 
gave  notice  of  his  coming,  and  the  old  gentleman,  bursting 
with  hospitality,  sent  forth  his  two  sons  to  meet  the  expected 
guests.  Colonel  Burr  rode  with  one  of  the  sons,  and  Colonel 
Dupiester  with  the  other.  Burr's  conversation  surprised  the 
young  gentleman.  Among  other  things,  he  said  the  Union 
could  not  last  long ;  a  separation  of  the  States  must  ensue, 
as  a  natural  consequence,  in  four  or  five  years.  He  made 
minute  inquiries  respecting  the  militia  and  arms  of  the  coun 
try,  and  the  character  of  the  officers.  One  of  Morgan's  work 
men,  a  fine  stout  fellow,  chanced  to  pass,  and  Burr  said  he 
wished  he  had  ten  thousand  such. 

After  dinner,  in  the  presence  of  a  considerable  company, 
Burr  talked  in  a  strain  that  shocked  and  puzzled  these  good 


414  LIFE     OF     AAKON     IJURR. 

people  still  more.  "  I  spoke,"  deposed  Colonel  Morgan,  "  of 
our  fine  country,  I  observed  that,  when  I  first  went  west, 
there  was  not  a  single  family  between  the  Alleghany  mount 
ains  and  the  Ohio  ;  and  that,  by  and  by,  we  should  have  Con 
gress  sitting  in  this  neighborhood  or  Pittsburg." 

"  No,  never,"  said  Colonel  Burr,  "  for  in  less  than  five  years 
you  will  be  totally  divided  from  the  Atlantic  States." 

"  God  forbid  !"  exclaimed  the  old  gentleman  ;  "  I  hope  no 
such  thing  will  ever  happen,  at  least  not  in  my  time." 

The  conversation  then  turned  to  Burr's  favorite  topic  of 
the  imbecility  of  the  Federal  government.  The  narrative  of 
Colonel  Morgan  continues  thus  : 

"  Colonel  Burr  said,  that  with  two  hundred  men  he  could 
drive  Congress,  with  the  President  at  its  head,  into  the  river 
Potomac ;  or  that  it  might  be  done ;  and  he  said  with  five 
hundred  men,  he  could  take  possession  of  New  York.  He 
appealed  to  Colonel  Dupiester,  if  it  could  not  be  done :  he 
nodded  assent.  There  was  a  reply  made  to  this  by  one  of  my 
sons,  that  he  would  be  damned  if  they  could  take  our  little 
town  of  Cannonsburg  with  that  force.  Some  short  time  after* 
»this,  Colonel  Burr  went  out  from  the  dining-room  to  the  pas 
sage,  and  beckoned  to  rny  son  Thomas.  What  their  conversa 
tion  was,  I  can  not  say.  Soon  after,  a  walk  was  proposed  to  my 
son's  mill,  and  the  company  went  out.  When  they  returned, 
one  (or  both  of  my  sons)  came  to  caution  me,  and  said,  '  You 
may  depend  upon  it,  Colonel  Burr  will  this  night  open  himself 
to  you.  He  wants  Tom  to  go  with  him.'  After  the  usual 
conversation,  Colonel  Burr  went  up  stairs,  and,  as  I  thought, 
to  go  to  bed.  Mrs.  Morgan  was  reading  to  me  (as  is  usual, 
when  the  family  have  retired),  when,  about  eleven  o'clock,  and 
after  I  had  supposed  he  had  been  an  hour  in  bed,  she  told  me 
that  Colonel  Burr  was  coming  down,  and  as  she  had  heard  rny 
son's  conversation,  she  added,  '  You'll  have  it  now.'  Colonel 
Burr  came  down  with  a  candle  in  his  hand.  Mrs.  Morgan  im 
mediately  retired.  The  colonel  took  his  seat  by  me.  He 
drew  from  his  pocket  a  book.  I  suppose  it  was  a  memoran 
dum-book.  After  looking  at  it,  he  asked  me  if  I  knew  a  Mr. 
Vigo,  of  Fort  Vincent,  a  Spaniard.  I  replied,  yes ;  I  knew 


T  M  E.    E  x  r  j;  i)  i  T  I  o  x .  415 

him  ;  I  had  reasons  to  know  him.  One  was,  that  I  had  rea 
sons  to  believe  that  he  was  deeply  involved  in  the  British  con 
spiracy  in  1788,  as  I  supposed  ;  the  object  of  which  was  to 
separate  the  States ;  and  which  General  Neville  and  myself 
had  suppressed.  I  called  it  a  nefarious  thing  to  aim  at  the 
division  of  the  Stales.  I  was  ca'reful  to  put  great  emphasis 
on  the  word  <*  nefarious:  Colonel  Burr,  finding  what  kind 
of  man  he  had  to  deal  with,  suddenly  stopped,  thrust  into 
his  pocket  the  book  which  I  saw  had  blank  leaves  in  it,  and 
retired  to  bed.  I  believe  I  was  pretty  well  understood.  The' 
next  morning  Colonel  Burr  and  Colonel  Dupiester  went  off 
before  breakfast,  without  my  expecting  it." 

In  short,  Colonel  Burr,  on  this  occasion  as  on  others,  com 
ported  himself  precisely  as  a  man  having  "  treasonable"  de 
signs  would  not  comport  himself,  unless  he  were  mad  or 
intoxicated. 

Not  so  thought  Colonel  Morgan.  He  thought  there  was 
danger  in  what  he  had  heard.  There  was  a  court  sitting  in 
the  neighborhood ;  he  invited  two  of  the  judges  to  dinner,  to 
whom  he  detailed  all  that  Burr  had  said  and  done.  These 
gentlemen  wrote  a  joint  letter  to  the  President,  giving  him 
the  same  information,  and  advising  that  Burr's  future  move 
ments  be  watched.  Jefferson  expressly  says  that  this  letter 
gave  him  the  first"  intimation  of  Burr's  designs.  He  acted 
upon  the  judges'  suggestion  by  forwarding  information  to 
confidential  persons  in  the  western  country,  and,  soon  after, 
by  detaching  a  government  clerk,  named  Graham,  with  orders 
to  go  in  pursuit  of  Burr,  and  ascertain,  if  possible,  what  his 
plans  were.  But  in  those  days  operations  of  this  kind  wore 
slow.  It  was  not  until  nearly  the  end  of  September  that  the 
judges' letter  reached  Washington ;  and  two  months,  there 
fore,  passed  before  Burr  began  to  experience  the  results  of  his 
indiscretion ;  during  which  his  affairs  went  on  without  inter 
ruption.  In  these  days,  a  telegraphic  dispatch  would  hare 
finished  the  business  in  two  hours. 

Marietta  was  Burr's  next  halting-place.  It  happened  that 
lie  arrived  there  on  the  day  of  a  general  training  of  the  mili 
tia.  Riding  to  the  field,  he  exercised  a  regiment  in  a  few 


416  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

evolutions,  and,  by  his  prompt,  energetic  manner,  gave  the 
multitude  a  high  idea  of  his  military  talents.  In  the  evening, 
he  and  Theodosia  attended  a  ball,  where  he  completed  the 
conquest  of  Marietta  by  the  courtly  grace  of  his  manners. 
The  belief  was  general  that  he  was  engaged  in  an  expedition 
of  some  kind.  The  belief  was  equally  general,  that  that  ex 
pedition  was  sanctioned,  or  would  be  sanctioned,  by  the  gov 
ernment,  and  he  was  at  no  loss  for  recruits  in  Marietta. 

How  far  Burr  guiltily  inculcated  the  falsehood,  that  his 
ulterior  designs  were  known  and  approved  by  the  President, 
is  still  somewhat  uncertain.  Davis,  who  knew  him  intimately 
for  forty  years,  says  he  never  knew  him  to  tell  a  direct  lie  ; 
and  other  friends  of  Burr  have  given  me  the  same  informa 
tion.  But  Davis  admits,  that  "  by  innuendoes  or  otherwise, 
Burr  induced  some  to  believe  that  his  arrangements  for  the 
invasion  of  Mexico  were  with  the  knowledge,  if  not  the  ap 
probation  of  the  government."  Strange  perversion  of  morals, 
which  could  deem  an  indirect,  or  acted,  falsehood,  less  un 
worthy  of  a  gentleman  than  a  bold  and  downright  lie ! 

Mr.  Jefferson,  wrho,  with  all  his  admirable  qualities,  must  be 
pronounced  a  credulous  man,  and  who  certainly  burned  and 
strove  for  Burr's  conviction  to  a  degree  extraordinary  and 
unaccountable,  sent  the  following  to  the  prosecuting  attor 
ney  during  the  trial  at  Richmond :  "  It  is  understood  that 
whenever  Burr  met  with  subjects  who  did  not  choose  to  em 
bark  in  his  projects,  unless  approved  by  their  government,  he 
asserted  that  he  had  that  approbation.  Most  of  them  took 
his  word  for  it,  but  it  is  said  that  with  those  who  would  not, 
the  following  stratagem  was  practiced.  A  forged  letter,  pur 
porting  to  be  from  General  Dearborne  (Secretary  of  War), 
was  made  to  express  his  approbation,  and  to  say  that  I  was 
absent  at  Monticello,  but  that  there  was  no  doubt  that  on  my 
return,  my  approbation  of  his  enterprise  would  be  given.  This 
letter  was  spread  open  on  his  table,  so  as  to  invite  the  eye  of 
whoever  entered  his  room,  and  he  contrived  occasions  of  send 
ing  up  into  his  room  those  whom  he  wished  to  become  wit 
nesses  of  his  acting  under  sanction.  By  this  means  he  avoided 
committing  himself  to  any  liability  to  prosecution  for  forgery, 


THE     EXPEDITION.  417 

and  gave  another  proof  of  being  a  gre.it  man  in  little  things, 
while  he  is  really  small  in  great  ones.  I  must  add  (it-m-ral 
Dearborne's  declaration,  that  he  never  wrote  a  letter  to  Burr 
in  his  life,  except  that  when  here,  once  in  a  winter  he  usually 
wrote  him  a  billet  of  invitation  to  dine." 

How  much  truth  there  may  be  in  this,  I  can  not  tell.  Some 
thing  resembling  such  a  trick  may  have  been  resorted  to 
once,  and  for  some  special  purpose  —  but  not  for  the  purpose 
of  overcoming  the  conscientious  scruples  of  patriots.  Patriots 
of  conscientious  scruples  never  read  letters  which  they  find 
lying  open  in  the  apartments  of  others.  Nevertheless,  Jelter- 
son's  main  charge  is  undeniably  true,  namely,  that  the  idea,  in 
some  way,  was  given  out,  that  the  government  secretly  ap 
proved  of  what  Burr  was  doing.  Burr  would  reply  to  this, 
that  his  plans  were  based  on  the  certainty  of  war;  and  in  time 
of  war,  private  expeditions,  designed  to  injure  the  enemy,  can 
not  but  be  approved  by  government. 

Leaving  his  daughter  upon  Blennerhassett  Island,  Burr  bent 
all  his  powers  to  preparing  for  the  expedition.  Contracts  for 
fifteen  large  batteaux,  to  be  capable  of  transporting  five  hun 
dred  men,  were  entered  into  at  Marietta,  and  the  work  forth 
with  began.  Quantities  of  flour,  pork,  and  meal  wrere  pur 
chased.  On  the  island  kilns  were  constructed  for  drying  the 
corn.  Men  were  daily  added  to  the  rolls.  They  appear  to 
have  been  engaged  for  an  object  which  was  to  be  explained 
to  them  afterward,  but  all  were  to  come  equipped  and  armed, 
and  to  each  was  promised,  as  part  of  the  compensation  for  his 
services,  one  hundred  acres  of  land  on  the  Washita.  Blen 
nerhassett  was  busy  enough.  To  prepare  the  western  mind 
for  future  contingencies,  he  wrote  a  series  of  articles  in  a 
neighboring  newspaper,  in  which  the  advantages  of  a  separa 
tion  of  the  western  States  from  the  eastern  were  discussed  and 
exhibited.  His  island  resounded  with  the  din  of  preparation. 
Mrs.  Blennerhassett,  happy  in  the  society  of  Theodosia,  full  of 
confidence  in  her  father's  talents,  was  all  a-glow  with  pleasant 
expectation.  Burr  was  everywhere  ;  now  at  Marietta  ;  now 
at  Chillicothe ;  then  at  Cincinnati ;  through  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee;  everywhere  gaining  adherents,  and  enhrginor  his 

18* 


418  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

acquaintance  with  men  of  influence ;  received  always  as  the 
great  man.  Six  boats  were  set  building  on  the  Cumberland, 
and  four  thousand  dollars  deposited  with  General  Jackson  to 
pay  for  them.  In  October,  Mr.  Alston  arrived,  and  soon  after, 
he,  Theodosia,  and  Blennerhassett,  journeyed,  by  easy  stages, 
to  Lexington,  in  Kentucky,  leaving  the  energetic  wife  of 
Blennerhassett  upon  the  island,  to  superintend  the  great  con 
cerns  there  going  forward.  On  their  journey  they  found  the 
country  full  of  rumors  respecting  Burr,  and  some  scheme  he 
was  said  to  have  in  hand ;  but  they  also  observed  that  these 
rumors  were  generally  believed  to  be  groundless  ;  and  attrib 
uted  to  the  malice  of  Burr's  old  enemies,  the  Federalists. 

Before  long,  the  press  began,  in  a  confused  and  doubtful 
tone,  to  sound  the  alarm.  In  the  Western  World,  a  news 
paper  published  at  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  there  appeared  some 
articles,  in  which,  along  with  many  errors,  Burr's  scheme  was 
shadowed  forth,  and  he  himself  denounced  as  a  traitor.  The 
writer  descanted  on  the  disunion  party  of  1796,  re-stated  its 
plan  of  disunion,  denounced  anew  the  surviving  members  of 
that  party,  some  of  whom  were  in  high  place,  .and  asserted 
that  a  gigantic  conspiracy  had  been  formed  to  revive  and 
carry  out  the  plan.  All  this,  he  avowred,  was  done  through 
Spanish  agents,  who  kept  in  pay  some  of  the  leading  men  of 
Kentucky.  This  farrago  of 'truth  and  falsehood,  though  it 
convinced  few,  yet  added  fuel  to  the  flame  of  popular  excite 
ment. 

On  the  3d  of  November,  at  Frankfort,  Mr.  Daviess,  Attor 
ney  for  the  United  States,  rose  in  court,  and  moved  that 
Aaron  Burr  be  compelled  to  attend  the  court,  to  answer  a 
charge  to  be  made  against  him,  of  being  engaged  in  an  enter 
prise  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  designed 
to  injure  a  power  with  which  the  United  States  were  at  peace. 
This  movement  took  every  one  by  surprise.  Daviess  was  a 
noted.  Federalist,  and  the  motion  was  at  once  concluded  to  be 
a  mere  manifestation  of  party  spite.  As  the  news  flew  about 
the  town,  nine  tenths  of  the  people,  it  is  said,  sided  instantly 
with  Burr,  and  indignantly  denounced  the  attorney.  Judge 
Innis  evidently  sympathized  with  the  popular  feeling,  and, 


T  11  K     J£  X  P  K  D  1  T  1  O  JT  .  410 

after  deliberating  on  the  motion  for  two  days,  denied  it.  The 
interesting  scenes  which  followed  this  decision  at  Frankfort, 
are  spiritedly  related  by  an  eye-witness,  or  from  information 
given  by  eye-witnesses,  in  Collins's  History  of  Kentucky. 

"  Colonel  Burr  was  in  Lexington  at  the  time,  and  was  in 
formed  of  the  motion  made  by  Daviess  in  an  incredibly  short 
space  of  time  after  it  was  made.  He  entered  the  court-house 
shortly  after  Innis  had  overruled  the  motion,  and  addressed 
the  judge  with  a  grave  and  calm  dignity  oif  manner  which  in 
creased,  if  possible,  the  general  prepossession  in  his  favor. 
He  spoke  of  the  late  motion  as -one  which  had  greatly  sur 
prised  him ;  insinuated  that  Daviess  had  reason  to  believe 
that  he  was  absent  upon  business  of  a  private  and  pressing  na 
ture,  which,  it  was  well  known,  required  his  immediate  atten 
tion  ;  that  the  judge  had  treated  the  application  as  it  de 
served  ;  but  as  it  might  be  renewed  by  the  attorney,  in  his 
absence,  he  preferred  that  the  judge  should  entertain  the  mo 
tion  now,  and  he  had  voluntarily  appeared  hi  order  to  give  the 
gentleman  an  opportunity  of  proving  his  charge. 

"  Nowise  disconcerted  by  the  lofty  tranquillity  of  Burr's 
manner,  than  which  nothing  could  be  more  imposing,  Daviess 
promptly  accepted  the  challenge,  and  declared  himself  ready 
to  proceed  as  soon  as  he  could  procure  the  attendance  of  hia 
witnesses.  After  consulting  with  the  marshal,  Daviess  an 
nounced  his  opinion  that  his  witnesses  could  attend  on  the  en 
suing  Wednesday  ;  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  Burr,  that 
day  was  fixed  upon  by  the  court  for  the  investigation. 

"  Burr  awaited  the  day  with  an  easy  tranquillity  which 
seemed  to  fear  no  danger,  and  on  Wednesday  the  court-house 
was  crowded  to  suffocation.  Daviess,  upon  counting  his  wit 
nesses,  discovered  that  Davis  Floyd,  one  of  the  most  import 
ant,  was  absent,  and,  with  great  reluctance,  asked  a  postpone 
ment  of  the  case.  The  judge  instantly  discharged  the  grand 
jury.  Colonel  Burr  then  appeared  at  the  bar,  accompanied 
by  his  counsel,  Henry  Clay  and  Colonel  Allen.  Colonel  Bun* 
arose  in  court,  expressed  his  regret  that  the  grand  jury  had 
been  discharged,  and  inquired  the  reason.  Colonel  Daviess 
renlied,  and  added,  that  Floyd  was  then  in  Indiana,  attending 


420  1,1  VK     OF     AARON     1IU.KR. 

a  session  of  the  territorial  legislature.  Burr  calmly  desired 
that  the  cause  of  the  postponement  might  be  entered  upon  the 
record,  as  well  as  the  reason  why  Floyd  did  not  attend.  He 
then,  with  great  self-possession,  and  with  an  air  of  candor  dif 
ficult  to  be  resisted,  addressed  the  court  and  crowded  au 
dience  upon  the  subject  of  the  accusation.  His  style  was  with 
out  ornament,  passion,  or  fervor ;  but  the  spell  of  a  great 
mind,  and  daring,  but  calm  spirit  was  felt  with  singular  power 
by  all  who  heard  him.  He  hoped  the  good  people  of  Ken 
tucky  would  dismiss  their  apprehensions  of  danger  from  him, 
if  any  such  really  existed.  -There  was  really  no  ground  for 
them,  however  zealously  the  attorney  might  strive  to  awaken 
them.  He  was  engaged  in  no  project  inimical  to  the  peace  or 
tranquillity  of  the  country  ;  as  they  would  certainly  learn 
whenever  the  attorney  should  be  ready,  which  he  greatly  ap 
prehended  would  never  be.  In  the  mean  time,  although  pri 
vate  business  urgently  demanded  his  presence  elsewhere,  he 
felt  compelled  to  give  the  attorney  one  more  opportunity  of 
proving  his  charge,  and  would  patiently  await  another  attack. 

"  Upon  the  25th  of  November,  Colonel  Daviess  informed 
the  court  that  Floyd  would  attend  on  the  2d  of  December 
following,  and  another  grand  jury  was  summoned  to  attend 
on  that  day.  Colonel  Burr  came  into  court  attended  by  the 
same  counsel  as  on  the  former  occasion,  and  coolly  awaited 
the  expected  attack.  Daviess,  with  evident  chagrin,  again 
announced  that  he  was  not  ready  to  proceed  ;  that  John  Adair 
had  been  summoned,  and  was  not  in  attendance,  and  that  his 
testimony  was  indispensable  to  the  prosecution.  He  again 
asked  a  postponement  of  the  case  for  a  few  days,  and  that  the 
grand  jury  should  be  kept  impanneled  until  he  could  compel 
the  attendance  of  Adair  by  attachment. 

"  Burr,  upon  the  present  occasion,  remained  silent,  and  en 
tirely  unmoved  by  any  thing  that  occurred.  Not  so  his  coun 
sel.  A  most  animated  and  impassioned  debate  sprung  up,  in 
termingled  with  sharp  and  flashing  personalities,  between  Clay 
and  Daviess.  Never  did  two  more  illustrious  orators  encoun 
ter  each  other  in  debate.  The  enormous  mass  which  crowded 
to  suffocation  the  floor,  the  galleries,  the  windows,  the  plat- 


r  ii  K    i:  x  r  Kit  i  T  ION.  421 

form  of  the  judge,  remained  still  and  breathless  for  hours, 
while  these  renowned  and  immortal  champions,  stimulated  by 
mutual  rivalry,  and  each  glowing  in  the  ardent  conviction  of 
right,  encountered  each  other  in  splendid  intellectual  combat. 
Clay  had  the  sympathies  of  the  audience  on  his  side,  and  was 
the  leader  of  the  popular  party  in  Kentucky.  Daviess  was  a 
Federalist,  and  was  regarded  as  persecuting  an  innocent  and 
unfortunate  man  from  motives  of  political  hate.  But  he  was 
buoyed  up  by  the  full  conviction  of  Burr's  guilt,  and  the  delu 
sion  of  the  people  on  the  subject ;  and  the  very  infatuation 
which  he  beheld  around  him,  and  the  smiling  serenity  of  the 
traitor  who  sat  before  him,  stirred  his  great  spirit  to  one  of 
his  most  brilliant  efforts.  All,  however,  was  in  vain.  Judge 
Innis  refused  to  retain  the  grand  jury,  unless  some  business 
was  brought  before  them  ;  and  Daviess,  in  order  to  gain  time, 
sent  up  to  them  an  indictment  against  John  Adair,  which  wras 
pronounced  by  the  jury  '  not  a  true  bill.'  The  hour  being 
late,  Daviess  then  moved  for  an  attachment  to  compel  the 
presence  of  Adair,  which  was  resisted  by  Burr's  counsel,  and 
refused  by  the  court,  on  the  ground  that  Adair  was  not  in 
contempt  till  the  day  had  expired.  On  the  motion  of  Daviess, 
the  court  then  adjourned  to  the  following  day. 

"  In  the  interval,  Daviess  had  a  private  interview  with  the 
judge,  and  obtained  from  him  an  expression  of  the  opinion 
that  it  would  be  allowable  for  him  as  prosecutor  to  attend  the 
grand  jury  in  their  room,  and  examine  the  witnesses,  in  order 
to  explain  to  them  the  connection  of  the  detached  particles  of 
evidence  which  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  plot  would 
enable  him  to  do,  and  without  which  the  grand  jury  would 
scarcely  be  able  to  comprehend  their  bearing.  When  the 
court  resumed  its  sitting  on  the  following  morning,  Daviess 
moved  to  be  permitted  to  attend  the  grand  jury  in  their  room. 
This  was  resisted  by  Burr's  counsel  as  novel  and  unprecedent 
ed,  and  refused  by  the  court.  The  grand  jury  then  retired, 
witnesses  were  sworn  and  sent  up  to  them,  and  on  the  5th  of 
the  month,  they  returned,  as  Daviess  had  expected,  '  not  a 
I  rue  bill.'  In  addition  to  this,  the  grand  jury  returned  into 
court  a  written  declaration,  signed  by  the  whole  of  them,  in 


422  L1FKOFAARONU  U  Ji  li . 

which,  from  all  the  evidence  before  them,  they  completely 
exonerated  Burr  from  any  design  inimical  to  the  peace  or 
well-being  of  the  country.  Colonel  Allen  instantly  moved  the 
court  that  a  copy  of  the  report  of  the  grand  jury  should  be 
taken  and  inserted  in  the  newspapers,  which  was  granted. 
The  popular  current  ran  with  great  strength  in  his  favor,  and 
the  United  States'  attorney,  for  the  time,  was  overwhelmed 
with  obloquy. 

1  "The  acquittal  of  Burr  was  celebrated  at  Frankfort .  by  a 
brilliant  ball,  numerously  attended ;  which  was  followed  by 
another  ball  given  in  honor  of  the  baffled  attorney,  by  those 
friends  who  believed  the  charge  to  be  just,  and  that  truth,  for 
the  time,  had  been  baffled  by  boldness,  eloquence,  and  delusion. 
At  one  of  these  parties  the  editor  of  the  Western  World,  who 
had  boldly  sounded  the  alarm,  was  violently  attacked,  with  a 
view  of  driving  him  from  the  ball-room,  and  was  rescued  with 
difficulty. 

"  Before  Mr.  Clay  took  any  active  part  as  the  counsel  of 
Burr,  he  required  of  him  an  explicit  disavowal,  upon  his  honor, 
that  he  was  engaged  in  no  design  contrary  to  the  laws  and 
peace  of  the  country.  The  pledge  was  promptly  given  by 
Burr  in  language  the  most  comprehensive  and  particular. 
4  He  had  no  design,'  he  said,  4  to  intermeddle  with  or  disturb 
the  tranquillity  of  the  United  States,  nor  its  territories,  nor  any 
part  of  them.  He  had  neither  issued,  nor  signed,  nor  promised 
\  a  commission  to  any  person  for  any  purpose.  He  did  not  own 
a  single  musket,  nor  bayonet,  nor  any  single  article  of  military 
stores,  nor  did  any  other  person  for  him,  by  his  authority  or 
knowledge.  His  views  had  been  explained  to  several  distin 
guished  members  of  the  administration,  were  well  understood 
and  approved  by  the  government.  They  were  such  as  every 
man  of  honor,  and  every  good  citizen  must  approve.' " 

Mr.  Clay,  there  is  reason  to  believe,  w-ent  to  his  grave  in 
the  belief  that  each  of  these  assertions  was  an  unmitigated 
falsehood,  and  the  writer  of  the  above  adduces  them  merely 
as  remarkable  instances  of  cool,  impudent  lying.  On  the  con 
trary,  with  one  exception,  all  of  Burr's  allegations  were  true ; 
and  even  that  one  was  true  in  a  BtiTrian  sense.  He  did  not 


THE     EXPEDITION.  423 

own  any  arms  or  military  stores.  By  the  terms  of  his  engage 
ment  with  his  recruits,  every  man  was  to" join  him  armed,  just 
as  every  backwoodsman  was  armed  whenever  he  went  from 
home.  He  had  not  issued  nor  promised  any  commissions  ;  the 
time  had  not  yet  come  for  that.  Jefferson  and  his  cabinet  un 
doubtedly  knew  his  views  and  intentions  up  to  the  point 
where  they  ceased  to  be  lawful !  That  is  to  say,  they  knew 
that  Tie  was  going  to  settle  in  the  western  country,  and  that 
if  the  expected  war  should  break  out,  he  would  head  an  on 
slaught  on  the  Dons.  His  ulterior  views  may  have  been  known 
to  one,  or  even  two,  members  of  Jefferson's  cabinet,  for  any 
thing  that  can  now  be  ascertained.  The  moment  the  tide 
really  turned  against  this  fated  man,  a  surprising  ignorance 
overspread  many  minds  that  had  before  been  extremely  well- 
informed  respecting  his  plans. 

To  several  otber  persons,  Burr  held  similar  language  about 
this  time.  He  told  John  Smith  of  Ohio,  that  if  Bonaparte 
with  all  his  army  were  in  the  western  country,  with  the  ob 
jects  attributed  to  himself,  he  would  never  see  salt  water 
again.  November  27th,  he  wrote  to  Governor  Harrison: 
"  Considering  the  various  and  extravagant  reports  which  cir 
culate  concerning  me,  it  may  not  be  unsatisfactory  to  you  to 
be  informed  (and  to  you  there  can  be  no  better  source  of  in 
formation  than  myself)  that  I  have  no  wish  or  design  to  at 
tempt  a  separation  of  the  Union,  that  I  have  no  connection 
with  any  foreign  power  or  government,  that  I  never  medita 
ted  the  introduction  of  any  foreign  power  or  influence  into  the 
United  States,  or  any  part  of  its  territories,  but  on  the  con 
trary  should  repel  with  indignation  any  proposition  or  meas 
ure  having  that  tendency ;  in  fine,  that  I  have  no  project  or 
views  hostile  to  the  interest  or  tranquillity  or  union  of  the 
United  States,  or  prejudicial  to  its  government,  and  I  pledge 
my  honor  to  the  truth  of  this  declaration.  It  is  true  that  I 
am  engaged  in  an  extensive  speculation,  and  that  with  me  are 
associated  some  of  your  intimate  and  dearest  friends  The 
objects  are  such  as  every  man  of  honor  and  every  good  citizen 
must  approve.  They  have  been  communicated  to  several  of 
the  principal  officers  of  our  government,  particularly  to  one 


424  I,  I  F  B     OF     AARON     B  U  R  R . 

in  the  confidence  of  the  administration.  He  has  assured  me 
my  views  would  be  grateful  to  the  administration.  Indeed, 
from  the  nature  of  them,  it  can  not  be  otherwise,  and  I  have 
no  doubt  of  having  received  your  active  support,  if  a  personal 
communication  with  you  could  have  been  had." 

After  his  acquittal  at  Frankfort,  Burr  proceeded,  with  flying 
colors,  to  Nashville,  where  he  was  again  received  as  a  cor^quer- 
ing  hero,  and  where  another  grand  ball  celebrated  his  deliver 
ance  from  "  Federal  machinations."  He  addressed  himself  to 
the  task  of  completing  his  preparations,  fondly  supposing  that 
now  every  obstacle  was  removed.  The  plan  was,  for  Blenner- 
hassett  and  his  party  to  float  down  the  Ohio,  in  the  fifteen 
batteaux  that  were  building  at  Marietta ;  and  for  himself  and 
the  Tennesseeans  to  descend  the  Cumberland.  At  the  mouth 
of  the  Cumberland  the  parties  were  to  unite,  Burr  to  take  the 
command,  and  the  whole  flotilla  to  proceed  down  the  Missis 
sippi  in  quest  of  what  fortune  might  have  in  store  for  them. 

But  alas !  never  was  a  fly  more  completely  entangled  in  a 
spider's  web  than  was  this  adventurer  in  the  meshes  of  his 
own  plot,  at  the  moment  when  every  body  was  congratulating 
him  on  his  triumph,  and  when  he  saw  the  path  to  fortune  and 
glory  clear  and  bright  before  him. 


CHAPTER     XXIII. 

THE    EXPLOSION. 

SwARTwotrr's  ARRIVAL  IN  GENERAL  WILKINSON'S  CAMP  — THE  CIPHER  LETTERS  — 
WILKINSON  REVEALS  THE  SCHEME  —  SENDS  INFORMATION  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  — 
THE  PROCLAMATION  —  WILKINSON'S  MEASURES  —  TUB  PUBLIC  FRENZY —  SCENES 
ON  BLENNERHASSETT  ISLAND  —  DESCENT  OF  THE  RIVER  —  BURR  SURRENDERS  — 
OBAND  JURY  REFUSE  TO  INDICT  HIM  —  His  FLIGHT  INTO  THE  WILDERNESS. 

THE  summer  of  1806  was  a  busy  one  indeed  with  General 
Wilkinson.  What  with  fortifying  New  Orleans,  transporting 
troops  to  the  Sabine,  calling  out  the  militia,  preparing  them 
for  the  field,  and  writing  long  dispatches  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  the  portly  general  had  had  his  hands  full.  He  had  never 
before  been  so  important  a  personage.  Beside  being  the  gov 
ernor  of  a  Territory,  he  was  the  commandcr-in-chief  of  the 
army ;  and  the  critical  relations  subsisting  between  Spain  and 
the  United  States  fixed  upon  him,  for  the  time,  the  eyes  of  two 
nations.  It  was  this  —  not  Pitt's  death  —  which  made  him  a 
traitor  to  Efurr,  if  he  was  a  traitor  to  Burr. 

Toward  the  close  of  September,  he  repaired  in  person  to 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Sabine,  where,  for  several  weeks,  a 
body  of  his  troops  had  been  confronting  the  Spanish  camp. 
Every  thing  wore  a  more  warlike  aspect  than  ever,  and  the 
American  soldiers  were  impatient  to  be  led  against  the  enemy. 
Wilkinson  himself  expected  battle,  so  he  said  ;  was  expecting 
it  daily  ;  when  an  event  occurred  which  totally  and  instantly 
changed  the  current  of  his  plans.  This  was  the  arrival  in 
camp  of  Samuel  Swartwout. 

If  Wilkinson's  account  be  true,  the  very  means  which  Burr 
adopted  to  precipitate  war,  was  the  direct  and  only  cause  of  its 
prevention. 

Misled  by  false  information  respecting  the  general's  move 
ments,  Swartwout  and  his  companion  had  been  traveling  for 


426  LIFE     OF     A  A  K  O  N     BURR. 

nine  weeks,  with  all  the  rapidity  possible  in  the  year  before 
Fulton  went  to  Albany  in  his  steamboat.  Leaving  Ogden  to 
continue  his  journey  to  New  Orleans,  Swartwout,  on  the  8th 
of  October,  came  in  sight  of  Wilkinson's  quarters  at  Nachi- 
toches,  and  inquired  for  Colonel  Gushing,  the  second  in  com 
mand.  He  was  conducted  to  the  quarters  of  that  officer, 
which  were,  indeed,  at  head-quarters.  To  him  he  presented 
a  letter  from  Dayton,  which  introduced  Ogden  to  Gushing'^ 
acquaintance,  but  mentioned  Swartwout  as  Ogden's  traveling 
companion.  What  followed  the  reading  of  this  letter  has 
been  related  by  Colonel  Gushing  himself  in  a  formal  deposi 
tion  :  "  The  gentleman  informed  me,"  he  deposed,  "  that  he 
was  the  Mr.  Swartwout  mentioned  in  the  letter,  and  I  pre 
sented  him  to  General  Wilkinson  as  the  friend  of  General 
Dayton,  and  requested  him  to  take  a  seat  with  us  at  table, 
which  he  did.  Mr.  Swartwout  then  observed  that  Mr.  Ogden 
and  himself,  being  on  their  way  to  New  Orleans,  had  learned 
at  Fort  Adams  that  our  troops  and  some  militia  were  assem 
bling  at  Nachitoches,  from  whence  they  were  to  march  against 
the  Spanish  army,  then  in  our  neighborhood ;  and  that  the 
object  of  his  visit  was  to  act  with  us  as  a  volunteer.  He  re 
mained  with  us  for  some  time,  and  conversed  on  various  topics, 
but  said  nothing  which  could  excite  a  suspicion  against  him ; 
and  he  left  us,  with  a  strong  impression,  on  my  mmd  that  his 
business  to  New  Orleans  was  of  a  commercial  nature,  and 
could  be  conducted  by  Mr.  Ogden  during  his  absence.  While 
he  was  in  my  quarters,  I  was  called  out  on  business,  and  was 
absent  from  five  to  ten  minutes." 

During  this  brief  absence  of  Colonel  Gushing  from  the 
room,  Swartwout  seized  the  opportunity  to  give  the  general 
the  important  packet  of  which  he  was  the  bearer.  As  a  speci 
men  of  the  flat  contradictions  with  which  every  part  of  the 
evidence  respecting  Burr's  expedition  abounds,  it  may  be  men 
tioned  that  Wilkinson  asserts  that  the  packet  was  slyly  slipped 
into  his  hand  ;  while  Swartwout  swears  that,  being  alone  with 
the  general,  he  presented  the  packet  to  him  in  the  ordinary 
manner.  It  was  received  in  silence,  and,  soon  after,  Swart 
wout  left  the  general  and  strolled  about  the  camp,  comport- 


THE     EXPLOSION.  427 

ing  himself,  in  all  respects,  as  became  his  assumed  character 
of  volunteer. 

It  was  not  till  evening  that  Wilkinson  had  time  and  oppor 
tunity  to  examine  the  important  packet.  He  found  it  to  con 
sist  of  three  letters,  two  of  them  in  cipher,  and  one  in  ordinary 
writing.  First,  there  was  the  following  letter  from  Burr  to 
Wilkinson,  introducing  Swartwout.  This  .  was  in  common 
hand :  "  Dear  Sir,  Mr.  Swartwout,  the  brother  of  Colonel  S., 
of  New  York,  being  on  his  way  down  the  Mississippi,  and 
presuming  he  may  pass*you  at  some  post  on  the  river,  has  re 
quested  of  me  a  letter  of  introduction,  which  I  give  with 
pleasure,  as  he  is  a  most  amiable  young  man  and  highly  re 
spected  from  his  family  and  connections.  I  pray  you  to  afford 
any  friendly  offices  which  his  situation  may  require,  and  beg 
you  to  pardon  the  trouble  which  this  may  give  you." 

Secondly,  the  packet  contained  the  celebrated  cipher  letter 
from  Burr  to  the  general,  a  copy  of  which,  as  given  in  Wil 
kinson's  Memoirs,  is  as  follows: 

"  Yours,  post-marked  1 3th  of  May,  is  received.  I,  Aaron 
Burr,  have  obtained  funds,  and  have  actually  commenced  the 
enterprise.  Detachments  from  different  points,  and  under 
different  pretenses,  will  rendezvous  on  the  Ohio,  1st  Novem 
ber —  every  thing  internal  and  external,  favors  views  ;  protec 
tion  of  England  is  secured.  T is  going  to  Jamaica  to 

arrange  with  the  admiral  on  that  station ;  it  will  meet  on  the 

Mississippi.  ,  England, ,  navy  of  the  United  States 

are  ready  to  join,  and  final  orders  are  given  to  my  friends  and 
followers  :  it  will  be  a  host  of  choice  spirits.  Wilkinson  shall 
be  second  to  Burr  only,  Wilkinson  shall  dictate  the  rank  and 
promotion  of  his  officers.  Burr  will  proceed  westward,  1st 
August,  never  more  to  return  ;  with  him  goes  his  daughter; 
the  husband  will  follow  in  October  with  a  corps  of  worthies. 

"  Send  forth  an  intelligent  and  confidential  friend  with  whom 
Burr  may  confer ;  he  shall  return  immediately  with  further 
interesting  details ;  this  is  essential  to  concert  and  harmony  of 
movement.  Send  a  list  of  all  persons  known  to  Wilkinson, 
west  of  the  mountains,  who  may  be  useful,  with  a  note  delin 
eating  their  characters.  By  your  messenger  send  me  four  or 


428  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

five  commissions  of  your  officers,  which  you  can  borrow  under 
any  pretense  you  please ;  they  shall  be  returned  faithfully. 
Already  are  orders  to  the  contractors  given  to  forward  six 
months'  provisions  to  points  Wilkinson  may  name  :  this  shall 
not  be  used  until  the  last  moment,  and  then  under  proper  in 
junctions.  The  project  is  brought  to  the  point  so  long  desired. 
Burr  guaranties  the  result  with  his  life  and  honor,  with  the 
honor,  and  fortunes  of  hundreds  of  the  best  blood  of  our 
country. 

"  Burr's  plan  of  operation  is,  to  move  down  rapidly  from 
the  Falls  on  the  15th  of  September,  with  the  first  500  or  1,000 
men  in  light  boats,  now  constructing  for  that  purpose,  to  be 
at  Natchez  between  the  5th  and  15th  of  December;  there  to 
meet  Wilkinson  ;  there  to  determine  whether  it  will  be  expe 
dient  in  the  first  instance  to  seize  on  or  pass  by  Baton  Rouge. 
On  receipt  of  this  send  an  answer.  Draw  on  Burr  for  all  ex 
penses,  etc.  The  people  of  the  country  to  which  we  are 
going,  are  prepared  to  receive  us.  Their  agents,  now  with 
Burr,  say,  that  if  we  will  protect  their  religion,  and  will  not 
subject  them  to  a  foreign  power,  that  in  three  weeks  all  will 
be  settled.  The  gods  invite  to  glory  and  fortune  ;  it  remains 
to  be  seen  whether  we  deserve  the  boon.  The  bearer  of  this 
goes  express  to  you ;  he  will  hand  a  formal  letter  of  introduc 
tion  to  you  from  Burr.  He  is  a  man  of  inviolable  honor  and 
perfect  discretion  ;  formed  to  execute  rather  than  to  project ; 
capable  of  relating  facts  with  fidelity,  and  incapable  of  relating 
them  otherwise.  He  is  thoroughly  informed  of  the  plans  and 
intentions  of  Burr,  and  will  disclose  to  you  as  far  as  you  in 
quire  and  no  further.  He  has  imbibed  a  reverence  for  your 
character,  and  may  be  embarrassed  in  your  presence.  Put  him 
at  ease,  and  he  will  satisfy  you." 

Thirdly,  as  though  to  make  assurance  doubly  sure,  the  fol 
lowing  letter  from  Dayton  was  brought  to  bear  on  the  gen 
eral's  mind : 

"  Dear  Sir — It  is  now  well  ascertained  that  you  are  to  be  dis 
placed  in  next  session.  Jefferson  will  affect  to  yield  reluct 
antly  to  the  public  sentiment,  but  yield  he  will.  Prepare 
yourself,  therefore,  for  it.  You  know  the  rest.  You  are  not 


THE      EXPLOSION.  429 

a  man  to  despair,  or  even  despond,  especially  when  such  pros 
pects  offer  in  another  quarter.  Are  you  ready  ?  Are  your 
numerous  associates  ready  ?  Wealth  and  glory,  Louisiana  and 
Mexico  !  I  shall  have  time  to  receive  a  letter  from  you  before 
I  set  out  for  Ohio.  OHIO.  Address  one  to  me  here,  and  another 
in  Cincinnati.  Receive  and  treat  my  nephew  affectionately 
as  you  would  receive  your  friend  DAYTON." 

It  was  late  at  night  before  Wilkinson  had  deciphered  these 
letters  sufficiently  to  have  an  idea  of  their  drift.  His  resolu 
tion  was  taken  without  delay.  Burr  had  overdone  it ;  had 
put  more  upon  the  general  than  he  had  the  strength  to  exe 
cute.  The  continuation  of  Colonel  Cushing's  deposition  shows 
that,  within  a  few  hours  after  Wilkinson  had  mastered  the  con 
tents  of  the  packet,  he  committed  himself  to  an  exposure  of 
the  scheme.  "  The  next  morning,"  says  dishing,  "  I  was 
walking  on  the  gallery  in  front  of  my  quarters,  when  General 
Wilkinson  came  up,  and  taking  me  aside,  informed  me  that  he 
had  something  of  a  very  serious  nature  to  communicate  to 
me.  So  much  so  that,  although  it  was  necessary  to  hold  it 
in  strict  reserve  for  the  present,  he  begged  me  to  bear  it  in 
mind,  that  I  might  be  able  to  make  a  fair  statement  of  it  at 
any  future  period.  He  then  asked  me  if  I  knewr,  or  had 
heard,  of  any  enterprise  being  on  foot  in  the  western  States. 
I  replied  that  I  had  heard  nothing  on  the  subject,  and  asked 
him  what  the  enterprise  was  to  which  he  alluded.  He  then 
said,  '  Yes,  my  friend,  a  great  number  of  individuals  possess 
ing  wealth,  popularity,  and  talents,  are,  at  this  moment,  asso 
ciated  for  purposes  inimical  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States.  Colonel  Burr  is  at  their  head,  and  the  young  gentle 
man  who  delivered  you  the  letter  last  evening,  is  one  of  his 
emissaries.  The  story  of  serving  as  a  volunteer  is  only  a 
mask.  He  has  brought  me  a  letter  from  Colonel  Burr,  which, 
being  in  cipher,  I  have  not  yet  been  fully  able  to  make  out ; 
but  I  have  discovered  that  his  object  is  treasonable,  and  that 
it  is  my  duty  to  oppose  him  by  every  means  in  my  power. 
He  assures  me  that  he  has  funds  ;  says  the  navy  is  with  him  ; 
offers  to  make  me  second  in  command,  and  to  give  the  officers 
of  the  army  any  thing  I  may  ask  for  them;  and  he  requests 


430  L I  F  K     OF     AARON      BURR. 

me  to  send  a  confidential  friend  to  confer  with  him  at  Nash- 
villo,  in  Tennessee.  In  fact,  he  seems  to  calculate  on  me  and 
the  army  as  ready  to  join  to  him.' 

"  I  then  asked  the  general  whether  he  had  received  any  in 
formation  or  instruction  on  this  subject  from  government,  to 
which  he  replied  that  he  had  not,  and  that  he  must  therefore 
adopt  such  measures  as,  in  his  judgment,  were  best  calculated 
to  defend  the  country.  He  said  he  would  immediately  march 
to  the  Sabine,  and  endeavor  to  make  such  terms  with  the  Span 
ish  commander  as  would  justify  him  in  removing  the  greater 
part  of  his  force  to  the  Mississippi ;  and  that  the  moment  this 
could  be  effected,  he  would  send  me  to  New  Orleans  in  a 
light  barge,  with  orders  to  secure  the  French  train  of  artillery 
at  that  post,  and  to  put  the  place  in  the  best  possible  situation 
for  defense,  and  that  he  would  follow  with  every  man  that 
could  be  spared  from  Nachitoches,  with  all  possible  expedi 
tion.  He  told  me  that  he  would  give  the  information  he  had 
received,  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  solicit 
particular  instructions  tor  his  government,  but  as  delay  might 
prove  ruinous,  he  would  pursue  the  course  before  suggested, 
as  the  only  means  in  his  power,  to  save  the  country,  until  the 
pleasure  of  the  President  pould  be  known." 

At  the  last  moment,  then,  Wilkinson  shrank  from  the  work 
expected  of  him.  The  probability  is  strong  that  he  always 
meant  to  do  so.  That  he  was  a  weak,  vain,  false,  greedy  man, 
is  likely  enough.  That  carried  away  by  the  magic  of  Burr's 
resistless  presence,  and  hoping  the  scheme  would  never  involve 
him  in  its  folds,  lie  suggested,  encouraged,  and  aided  it,  is 
very  probable.  That  he  had  given  Burr  to  understand  in 
some  vague  way,  that  he  would  strike  a  blow  which  would 
begin  a  war,  whenever  it  should  be  needed,  is  also  probable 
That  he  chose  the  part  he  did  choose  from  a  calculation  of  ad 
vantages  to  himself,  from  motives  mean  and  mercenary  rests 
upon  evidence  that  convinces.*  Nevertheless,  the  fact  re- 

*  The  charge  that  Wilkinson  sent  a  confidential  agent,  Walter  Burling,  to 
Mexico,  to  demand  of  the  Viceroy  a  compensation  of  two  hundred  thousand 
dollars  for  his  services  in  suppressing  Burr's  expedition,  is  supported  by  the 
following  evidence:  1.  The  Vice-Queen  of  Mexico,  in  1816,  after  her  hus- 


THE     EXPLOSION.  431 

mains,  that  he  did  not  "  strike  the  blow  ;"  he  did  not  involve 
t\vo  nations  in  war  ;  he  did  not  shape  his  course  according  to 
the  wishes  of  Aaron  Burr,  instead  of  the  orders  of  Thomas 
Jefferson.  If  he  was  a  traitor,  he  was  a  traitor  to  his  confed 
erates,  not  to  his  country,  his  commission,  his  flag.  True,  the 
country,  particularly  the  western  States,  desired  war,  and 
would  have  applauded  him  for  beginning  it.  But  to  a  soldier, 
his  country  speaks  only  through  the  commands  of  its  chief. 

For  ten  days  Swartwout  remained  in  camp,  during  which 
Wilkinson  seemed  to  favor  and  applaud  the  project,  and  ex 
tracted  from  him  all  the  information  he  possessed.  Swartwout 
conversed  freely,  replying  to  all  of  Wilkinson's  questions,  with 
out  suspicion  of  his  treachery.  "  I  inquired,"  says  Wilkinson, 
in  his  Memoirs,  "  what  would  be  their  course  ?  He  said, 
this  territory  (Louisiana)  would  be  revolutionized,  where  the 
people  were  ready  to  join  them,  and  that  there  would  be  some 
seizing  he  supposed,  at  New  Orleans ;  that  they  expected  to 
be  ready  to  embark  about  the  1st  of  February,  and  intended 
to  land  at  Yera  Cruz,  and  to  march  from  thence  to  Mexico. 
I  observed  that  there  were  several  millions  of  dollars  in  the 
bank  of  this  place,  to  which  he  replied,  '  We  know  it  full 
well ;'  and  on  remarking  that  they  certainly  did  not  mean  to 
violate  private  property,  he  said  they  '  merely  meant  to  bor- 
rotv,  and  would  return  it ;  that  they  must  equip  themselves 
in  New  Orleans ;  that  they  expected  naval  protection  from  / 

Great  Britain;   that  Captain ,    and  the  officers  of  our* 

navy  were  so  disgusted  with  the  government,  that  they  were 
ready  to  join  ;  that  similar  disgusts  prevailed  throughout  the 

band's  death,  asserted  it  repeatedly  to  Colonel  Richard  Raynal  Keene,  an  Irish 
gentleman  in  the  Mexican  service.  2.  Dr.  Patrick  Mangan,  an  Irish  priest  and 
professor,  who  served  as  interpreter  between  the  Viceroy  and  Burling,  testi 
ficd,  in  writing,  to  the  same  effect,  adding,  that  the  application  was  contempt 
uously  refused  by  the  Viceroy,  and  Burling  ordered  out  of  the  country. 
3.  Colonel  Keene,  who  afterward  practiced  law  in  New  Orleans,  deposed  to 
having  heard  the  statements  of  the  Vice-Queen,  as  aforesaid ;  and  placed  on 
permanent  and  legal  record  in  New  Orleans,  a  declaration  of  the  Vice-Queen's 
to  the  same  effect,  signed  with  her  own  hand ;  also,  a  formal  statement  by 
Dr.  Mangan ;  and  lastly,  his  own  affidavit.  All  of  these  documents  are  duly 
preserved  in  New  Orleans  at  the  proper  office. 


432  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

western  country,  where  the  people  were  zealous  in  favor  of 
the  enterprise,  and  that  pilot-boat  built  schooners  were  con 
tracted  for  along  our  western  coasts  for  their  service.'  " 

Swartwout  left  the  camp  on  the  18th  of  October,  and  pro 
ceeded  on  his  way  down  the  river,  nothing  doubting.  Wil 
kinson  then  set  about  sending  information  to  the  President. 
To  conceal  his  object,  he  caused  Lieutenant  Smith  to  resign 
his  commission  on  pretense  of  a  desire  to  return  to  his  home 
in  the  East ;  and  to  him  Wilkinson  intrusted  dispatches  for 
the  President.  To  pay  his  expenses  to  Washington,  he  fur 
nished  him  with  five  hundred  dollars ;  none  too  large  a  sum 
for  a  journey  upon  which  a  man  might  have  to  buy  a  boat  or 
two,  and  wear  out  two  or  three  horses. 

The  messenger  left  camp  on  the  21st  of  October,  and  de 
livered  his  dispatches  to  the  President  on  the  25th  of  Novem 
ber.  On  the  27th,  Jefferson  issued  his  proclamation,  and  sent 
it  flying  through  the  States,  paralyzing  the  enterprise  as  it 
flew,  and  filling  the  country  with  consternation.  It  is  notice 
able,  that  neither  in  Wilkinson's  dispatches,  nor  in  Jefferson's 
proclamation,  was  the  name  of  Burr  mentioned.  Wilkinson, 
indeed,  expressly  and  falsely  wrote  that  he  did  not  kno\v  who 
the  prime  mover  of  the  conspiracy  was.  He  admitted,  after 
ward,  that  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Burr  after  the  receipt  of  the 
cipher,  but,  upon  reflection,  pursued  the  letter  and  destrojit'd 
it.  The  President's  proclamation  merely  announced  that  un 
lawful  enterprises  were  on  foot  in  the  western  States ;  warned 
all  persons  "  to  withdraw  from  the  same  without  delay,"  "  as 
they  will  answer  the  contrary  at  their  peril,  and  incur  prose 
cution  with  all  the  rigors  of  the  law ;"  and  commanded  all 
officers,  civil  and  military,  to  use  their  immediate  and  utmost 
exertions  to  bring  the  offending  persons  to  condign  punish 
ment. 

While  Wilkinson  was  still  in  some  doubt  what  course  to 
pursue,  he  received  a  letter  from  an  acquaintance  in  Natchez, 
which  (as  he  says)  decided  him.  It  stated  that  a  well-authen 
ticated  rumor  was  afloat,  "  that  a  plan  to  revolutionize  the 
western  country  has  been  formed,  matured,  and  is  ready  to 
explode;  that  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Tennessee,  Orleans,  and  In 


THE     EXPLOSION.  433 

diana,  are  combined  to  declare  themselves  independent  on  the 
15th  of  November.  That  proposals  have  been  made  to  some 
of  the  most  influential  characters  of  St.  Louis,  by  an  accred 
ited  agent  of  the  conspiracy,  to  join  in  the  plan."  And  pages 
more  to  the  same  effect. 

Then  it  was  that  the  general,  perceiving  the  golden  oppor 
tunity,  fully  resolved  to  set  up  in  the  character  of  Deliverer 
of  his  Country.  He  went  to  the  Sabine,  patched  up  an  ar 
rangement  with  the  Spaniards,  put  every  thing  in  train  for  the 
withdrawal  of  the  troops  (who  retired  cursing  the  general  for 
ordering  them  away  from  an  enemy  they  were  eager  to  en 
gage),  sent  forward  an  officer  to  begin  the  work  of  preparing 
New  Orleans  for  defense,  and,  on  the  24th  of  November,  ar 
rived  there  himself  to  deliver  a  devoted  province  from  spolia 
tion  and  ruin. 

Prodigious  was  his  zeal,  enormous  were  his  labors,  terrible 
and  ridiculous  was  the  excitement  he  created.  The  current 
belief  was,  that  the  "  conspiracy"  extended  from  one  end  of 
the  Union  to  the  other,  embracing  immense  numbers  of  the 
most  wealthy  and  influential  citizens  ;  that  seven  thousand 
armed  men  were  on  their  way  to  the  scene ;  and  that  Burr, 
with  a  vanguard  of  two  thousand,  was  then  descending  the 
river,  and  might  be  expected  at  any  moment  to  fall  upon  the 
town  ;  that  the  city  swarmed  with  his  adherents,  who  only 
awaited  his  arrival  to  throw  off  the  mask  and  assist  in  the  re 
duction  of  the  place.  Martial  law  was  proclaimed.  Wilkin 
son  dispatched  a  lieutenant  to  the  British  admiral  at  Jamaica, 
to  put  him  on  his  guard  against  Burr's  emissaries.  A  public 
meeting  was  held,  at  which  Wilkinson  harangued  the  excited 
multitude,  and  gave  them  a  narrative  of  Swartwout's  mission, 
and  of  the  dread  secrets  his  acuteness  had  drawn  from  that 
agent  of  treason.  Governor  Claiborne,  too,  addressed  the 
meeting,  exhorting  every  citizen  to  stand  to  the  defense  of  a 
country  toppling  on  the  verge  of  ruin.  The  volunteer  bat 
talion  offered  their  services ;  its  ranks  were  swelled  by  hun 
dreds  of  recruits ;  and,  dividing  itself  into  companies,  it 
paraded  by  day,  and  patrolled  by  night,  giving  the  city  the 
appearance  of  a  garrisoned  town.  New  stockades  were  con- 

19 


434  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUKK. 

structed  in  all  directions.  A  party  of  sixty  men  were  sta 
tioned  at  a  point  some  distance  above  the  city,  and  ordered 
to  stop  and  thoroughly  overhaul  every  descending  craft. 
Business  was  at  a  stand-still.  The  crews  of  the  vessels  in 
port,  American  and  foreign,  volunteered  to  aid  in  the  defense 
of  the  city. 

Emboldened  by  the  general  terror,  and  supported  by  orders 
from  the  President,  Wilkinson  soon  began  to  make  arrests. 
Swartwout,  Bollman,  Ogden,  and  Adair,  were  seized,  and  in 
continently  shipped,  per  schooner,  to  Baltimore.  A  hundred 
men  gallantly  surrounded  the  hotel  where  General  Adair  lived, 
and,  seizing  him  as  he  sat  at  table  eating  his  dinner,  bore  him 
off  in  triumph  to  head-quarters.  There  were  secret  sessions 
of  the  legislature ;  there  were  proclamations  from  Governor 
Claiborne,  and  from  the  governors  of  the  adjacent  territories. 
The  Spaniards  were  in  alarm.  As  the  news  sped  on  its  way 
to  Mexico,  guards  were  doubled,  forts  were  repaired,  and  gar 
risons  were  increased.  The  western  States,  agitated  all  the 
summer  by  rumors,  soon  caught  the  infection  of  this  new 
frenzy,  and  increased  its  virulence. 

A  month  passed.  The  new  year  was  at  hand.  No  signs  of 
the  flotilla  yet.  Wilkinson  began  to  be  uneasy.  He  was 
growing  ridiculous,  and  he  felt  it.  Burr's  adherents,  who 
comprised  the  elite  of  the  young  American  residents,  particu 
larly  the  members  of  the  bar,  recovered  from  the  stunning 
effect  of  Wilkinson's  vociferation,  and  ventured  to  oppose  his 
violent  and  arbitrary  proceedings.  Half  the  month  of  Janu 
ary  passed,  and  still  no  flotilla.  The  alarm  subsiding,  we  find 
the  grand  jury  presenting  Wilkinson 's  measures  as  illegal  and 
unconstitutional.  The  press  denounced  him  too.  Comforted, 
however,  by  a  very  long,  complimentary,  and  confidential  let 
ter  from  Jefferson,  he  held  his  course,  and  ruled  the  territory 
with  a  high  and  mighty  hand  —  to  the  wrathful  disgust  of  a 
majority  of  the  American  residents. 

By  this  time  the  eastern  States  had  caught  the  alarm. 
Jefferson  had  received  full  particulars  of  Swartwout's  mission. 
Bollman  and  Swartwout  had  reached  the  seat  of  government, 
had  been  examined,  and  discharged  for  want  of  evidence  — as 


THE     EXPLOSION.  435 

well  they  might  be,  for  not  one  unlawful  act  had  been  com 
mitted  by  them.  Special  messages  from  the  President,  attrib 
uting  to  Burr  designs  the  most  treasonable,  were  sent  to 
Congress,  where  they  provoked  excited  discussion.  Military 
companies  of  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  and  Boston 
wrote  to  the  President,  offering  their  services.  The  Senate 
actually  passed  an  act  suspending  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus ; 
but  the  House,  recovering  its  serenity  in  time,  rejected  the 
measure  by  one  hundred  and  thirteen  to  nineteen. 

While  the  public  excitement  was  at  fever  heat,  General 
Eaton  came  forward  with  a  deposition  which  raised  it  to  the 
boiling  point,  and  turned  the  tide  of  feeling  so  strongly 
against  Burr  that  it  was  never  reversed  in  his  life-time,  and 
has  not  been  reversed  to  this  day.  With  General  Eaton, 
Burr  had  conversed  in  the  same  style  as  that  which  had  so 
shocked  the  honest  Morgans  ;  and  with  the  more  freedom,  as 
he  knew  that  Eaton  felt  himself  aggrieved  by  the  govern 
ment's  delaying  to  compensate  him  for  his  services  and  dis 
bursements  in  Barbary.  Very  few  weeks  elapsed,  after  this 
deposition  had  been  made,  before  Eaton's  account  with  the 
government  was  settled  by  the  payment  of  ten  thousand  dol 
lars.  In  the  trial,  Eaton's  evidence  will  be  given  at  length. 
Here  it  is  only  necessary  to  say  that  his  wildly-exaggerated 
version  of  Burr's  wild  talk  about  a  separation  of  the  western 
States,  and  throwing  Congress  into  the  Potomac,  was  the  tes 
timony  which,  in  connection  with  the  cipher  to  Wilkinson, 
convinced  the  people  of  the  United  States  that  Aaron  Burr 
was  a  traitor. 

To  return  to  Blennerhassett  Island. 

Graham,  the  government's  confidential  agent,  in  the  per 
formance  of  the  duty  intrusted  to  him,  reached  Marietta, 
where  the  batteaux  were  building,  about  the  middle  of  No 
vember,  and  immediately  obtained  an  interview  with  Blen 
nerhassett.  Passing  himself  off  as  one  of  Burr's  confederates, 
he  soon  got  from  that  unsuspecting  gentleman  the  informa 
tion  he  desired.  He  found  Blennerhassett  all  enthusiasm,  and 
unconscious  that  the  enterprise  in  which  he  was  engaged 
could  be  seriously  objected  to  by  any  one.  It  was  the  settle- 


436  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

ment  on  the  Washita  that  seemed  to  engage  his  attention 
most ;  the  expedition  to  Mexico  being  a  secondary  and  con 
ditional  object.  Graham,  supposing  him  to  be  a  deluded  man, 
the  tool  of  artful  conspirators,  presented  himself,  at  length,  in 
his  true  character  ;  did  his  utmost  to  persuade  Blennerhassett 
to  abandon  the  enterprise,  and  informed  him  that  any  attempt 
to  descend  the  Ohio  with  an  armed  force  would  be  prevented 
by  the  authorities.  Blennerhassett's  ardor  was  cooled  for  a 
day  or  two  by  this  interview  with  Graham,  but  the  opportune 
arrival  at  the  island  of  a  "  corps  of  worthies,"  young  adven 
turers  from  the  city  of  New  York,  revived  his  hopes.  His 
wife,  too,  who  was  more  eager  for  the  scheme  than  he  had 
ever  been,  adding  her  eloquence,  all  his  old  enthusiasm  was 
soon  rekindled,  and  he  longed  for  the  day  of  their  departure. 

Graham,  meanwhile,  completed  his  inquiries  at  Marietta, 
and  went  to  Chillicothe,  then  the  capital  of  the  State  of  Ohio ; 
and,  laying  his  information  before  the  governor,  asked  the  aid 
of  the  State  in  suppressing  the  enterprise.  The  legislature 
was  in  session.  The  governor  sent  them  a  secret  message,  to 
which  they  promptly  responded  by  passing  an  act  empower 
ing  him  to  use  the  resources  of  the  State  for  the  purpose  de 
sired.  He  proceeded  to  act  with  energy.  The  militia  of  the 
district,  under  command  of  a  major-general,  were  called  out, 
and  marched  to  Marietta,  where  they  captured  the  fifteen  bat- 
teaux.  To  intercept  parties  from  above,  they  were  stationed 
along  the  banks  of  the  river,  where  they  occupied  themselves 
with  drinking  whisky  and  playing  upon  one  another  practical 
jokes.  They  were  as  rude,  undisciplined  a  horde  of  young 
backwoodsmen  as  have  ever  been  assembled  for  mischief  or 
for  pleasure.  The  company  in  charge  of  the  captured  boats 
were  so  careless  that  an  attempt  of  a  party  of  Burr's  men  to 
retake  them  came  within  an  ace  of  succeeding.  One  of  the 
boats  was  got  safely  away,  but  before  the  others  could  be  set 
afloat,  the  militiamen  were  roused,  and  the  party  had  to  fly. 

The  islanders,  astounded  and  dismayed  by  these  events, 
knew  not  what  course  to  take.  Blennerhassett  Island,  like  all 
the  islands  of  the  Ohio  river,  being  part  of  the  State  of  Vir 
ginia,  they  felt  themselves  safe  from  the  authorities  of  Ohio. 


THE     EXPLOSION.  437 

But  early  in  December,  the  President's  proclamation  reached 
the  neighborhood.  Under  its  authority,  the  colonel  of  a  mi- 
lilia  regiment  in  Wood  county,  Virginia,  called  out  his  men, 
with  the  intention  of  marching  to  the  island,  arresting  the 
whole  band  of  confederates,  and  seizing  their  arms  and  stores. 
News  of  this  movement  was  brought  to  Blennerhassett  the 
day  before  the  one  named  for  its  execution.  As  soon  as  night 
fell,  four  boats  were  hurriedly  loaded,  and  the  whole  party  of 
confederates,  thirty  or  forty  in  number,  embarked  and  made 
the  best  of  their  way  down  the  river,  leaving  Mrs.  Blenner 
hassett  and  her  two  little  boys,  with  some  servants,  to  abide 
the  storm  of  the  morrow.  It  was  arranged  that  she  should 
procure  their  "  family  boat"  from  Marietta,  and  follow  the  fly 
ing  band  in  a  few  days. 

The  next  morning,  the  expected  irruption  of  wild  militia 
took  place.  The  colonel,  finding  the  island  deserted,  left  a 
small  party  in  charge,  and  marched  across  one  of  the  giant 
"  bends"  of  the  Ohio  to  intercept  the  fugitives  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Great  Kanawha.  Ascertaining  that  the  boats  had  not 
yet  passed  that  point,  he  stationed  a  company  on  the  bank  of 
the  river  with  the  strictest  injunctions  to  watch  all  night.  It 
was  a  cold  evening  in  December,  however  ;  the  whisky-flask 
circulated  ;  a  drunken  debauch  ensued  ;  the  flotilla  glided  si 
lently  by,  and,  before  daylight,  was  beyond  pursuit.  A  day 
or  two  after,  a  party  of  fourteen  young  men  on  their  way 
down  the  river  to  join  the  expedition,  were  arrested  near  the 
island,  and  conducted  to  it  for  safe  keeping.  A  ridiculous  ex 
amination  took  place,  in  one  of  Blennerhasset's  grand  apart 
ments,  before  three  county  justices,  to  whom  the  young  city 
gallants  paid  small  respect.  Nothing  whatever  appearing 
against  them,  they  were  discharged. 

It  was  during  this  examination  that  the  spirit  of  license 
and  riot  broke  out  among  the  militiamen.  The  lady  of  the 
mansion  had  gone  herself  to  Marietta  to  demand  her  boat  of 
the  authorities,  and  the  colonel  of  the  militia,  who  was  a 
gentleman  and  a  soldier,  was  also  absent.  First  of  all,  the 
men  broke  into  the  wine-cellar,  and  there  drank  themselves 
into  Vandals.  Then,  they  ranged  the  house,  destroying  or  dis- 


438  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUER. 

figuring  wherever  they  went ;  firing  rifle-balls  through  painted 
ceilings,  tearing  down  costly  drapery,  and  dashing  to  pieces 
mirrors  and  vases.  Then  they  rushed,  like  so  many  savages, 
about  the  grounds,  destroying  the  shrubbery,  and  breaking 
down  trellises  and  arbors.  The  ornamental  fences  were  torn 
away,  piecemeal,  to  make  fires  for  the  sentinels  at  night.  In 
the  midst  of  this  riot  and  destruction  Mrs.  Blennerhassett  re 
turned;  but  the  embarrassments  of  her  situation,  and  her 
anxiety  for  the  success  of  the  expedition  were  such,  that  she 
surveyed  the  ruin  of  her  abode  with  indifference. 

She  had  been  refused  the  boat.  In  this  dilemma,  the  party 
of  young  men  who  had  just  been  released,  and  who  were  pre 
paring  to  continue  their  journey,  offered  her  an  apartment  in 
theirs.  In  a  few  hours  she  was  ready,  and,  December  iVth, 
left  her  island  in  the  hands  of  the  lawless  crew  who  had  laid 
it  desolate. 

Burr  was  still  at  Nashville.  Graham  learning  that  boats 
for  the  expedition  were  building  on  the  Cumberland,  hast 
ened,  after  rousing  Ohio  and  Kentucky,  to  put  the  powers  of 
Tennessee  on  the  alert.  An  express  with  the  President's  proc 
lamation  reached  the  Governor  of  Tennessee  on  the  19th,  and 
preparations  were  made  immediately  to  seize  the  boats  and 
arrest  the  men.  But  timely  information  reached  the  chief. 
On  the  22d,  with  two  boats  and  a  few  men,  armed  only  ac 
cording  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  he  dropped  down  the 
Cumberland.  The  next  day  Graham  himself  arrived  at  Nash 
ville,  to  find  the  "  conspirators"  beyond  his  reach. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Cumberland,  the  parties  met ;  in  all, 
thirteen  boats  and  about  sixty  men.  Colonel  Burr  here  briefly 
addressed  the  band  of  adventurers,  drawn  up  on  the  bank  of 
the  Ohio.  He  said  he  had  intended  here  to  make  an  exposi 
tion  of  his  designs  and  plan  of  operations,  but  the  events  which 
had  occurred  obliged  him  to  defer  doing  so  to  a  future  oppor 
tunity.  He  should  go  forward,  and  had  still  confidence  in  the 
success  of  their  enterprise. 

Ignorant  of  Wilkinson's  treachery,  away  went  Burr  with 
his  flotilla  down  the  Ohio,  down  the  Mississippi,  stopping 
boldly  at  the  forts  on  the  banks,  asking  and  receiving  favors, 


THE     EXPLOSION.  439 

ami  occasionally  picking  up  a  recruit  or  two.  He  wore  a  smil 
ing  face,  and  reassured  every  one  by  the  cheerful  serenity  of 
his  bearing.  It  was  not  until  he  reached  Bayou  Pierre,  about 
thirty  miles  above  Natchez,  that  he  heard  of  the  course  which 
had  been  pursued  by  Wilkinson,  and  of  the  prodigious  excite 
ment  which  his  measures  had  created  in  the  lower  country. 
There,  too,  he  read  the  proclamation  of  the  Governor  of  Mis 
sissippi,  charging  him  and  his  followers  with  being  conspira 
tors  against  their  country,  and  calling  on  the  officers  of  the 
government  to  renew  their  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  United 
States,  and  give  their  best  efforts  toward  crushing  this  nefari 
ous  plot. 

Whatever  his  feelings  may  have  been  at  the  discovery,  Col 
onel  Burr  never  for  one  moment  lost  his  self-possession ;  but 
proceeded,  on  the  very  instant,  to  grapple  with  this  new  com 
plication  of  difficulties.  He  wrote  a  public  letter  denying  the 
truth  of  the  governor's  allegations,  and  asserting  that  he  had 
no  objects  but  such  as  were  lawful  and  honorable.  "  If,"  said 
he,  "  the  alarm  which  has  been  excited  should  not  be  appeased 
by  this  declaration,  I  invite  my  fellow-citizens  to  visit  me  at 
this  place,  and  to  receive  from  me,  in  person,  such  further  ex 
planations  as  may  be  necessary  to  their  satisfaction,  presuming 
that  when  my  views  are  understood,  they  will  receive  the 
countenance  of  all  good  men."  This  letter,  he  requested, 
might  be  read  to  the  militia,  who  were  'assembled  for  his  ar 
rest. 

But  the  excitement  had  risen  to  a  height  which  could  not 
be  allayed  by  fine  words.  The  news  of  Burr's  arrival  at  Ba 
you  Pierre  reached  Natchez  on  the  14th  of  January,  when  the 
whole  militia  force  of  the  neighborhood,  who  had  been  for 
weeks  expecting  the  summons,  seized  their  arms,  and  hurried 
to  the  rendezvous.  In  a  few  hours,  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  men  were  ready  to  embark.  All  one  cold  and  dismal  night 
they  worked  their  way  up  the  river  to  a  point  near  where  the 
dread  flotilla  was  moored.  There  disembarking,  they  were 
joined  by  a  troop  of  cavalry,  and  were  soon  in  readiness  to 
march  against  the  foe.  It  was  thought  best,  however,  first  to 
ascertain  if  Colonel  Burr  was  disposed  to  resist  this  formidable 


440  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUEK. 

array,  or  would  surrender  peacefully  to  the  lawful  authorities. 
For  this  purpose,  George  Poindexter,  the  Attorney-General  of 
the  Territory,  and  Major  Shields  of  the  militia,  visited  the  flo 
tilla,  and  had  an  interview  with  its  commander. 

A  letter  from  the  acting  governor  was  handed  to  Burr,  who 
read  it,  and  spoke  with  some  contempt  of  the  public  alarm  to 
which  it  alluded.  "  As  to  any  projects,"  said  he,  "  which  may 
have  been  formed  between  General  Wilkinson  and  myself, 
heretofore,  they  are  now  completely  frustrated  by  the  perfidi 
ous  conduct  of  Wilkinson ;  and  the  world  must  pronounce  him 
a  perfidious  villain.  If  I  am  sacrificed,  my  port-folio  will  prove 
him  to  be  such."  He  declared  that,  so  far  was  he  from  hav 
ing  any  design  hostile  to  the  United  States,  he  had  intended 
to  meet  the  governor  at  the  general  muster  at  Bayou  Pierre. 
Upon  the  Attorney-General's  urging  him  to  surrender,  he  de 
manded  an  interview  with  the  governor.  After  some  further 
colloquy,  the  parties  separated,  Burr  agreeing  to  meet  Gover 
nor  Mead  on  the  following  day  at  a  designated  house  near  by. 

The  governor  came  at  the  time  appointed,  and,  after  meet 
ing  Burr,  demanded  his  unconditional  surrender,  and  that  of 
his  whole  party,  to  the  civil  authorities,  and  gave  him  fifteen 
minutes  to  decide.  Resistance  being  out  of  the  question,  Burr 
only  requested  that  if  Wilkinson  should  attempt  to  get  posses, 
sion  of  his  person  by  a  military  force,  it  might  be  resisted.  He 
then  surrendered,  and  was  conducted  to  the  neighboring  town 
of  Washington,  where  two  citizens  became  sureties  for  his 
appearance  at  court  on  the  following  day,  in  the  sum  of  ten 
thousand  dollars.  His  men  remained  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
flotilla, 

A  court  of  justice  was  to  Aaron  Burr  what  his  native  heath 
was  to  MacGregor.  On  that  field  he  was  invincible.  It  was 
only  after  warm  discussions  that  it  was  concluded  that  he 
could  be  lawfully  tried  in  the  Territory.  The  next  step  was  to 
get  him  indicted  for  some  offense.  A  grand  jury  was  impan- 
neled,  and  witnesses  were  sent  in  to  them.  Imagine  the  feel 
ings  of  the  Attorney-General  when  he  read  the  result  of  all 
his  toils  in  the  following  presentments  : 

"The  grand  jury  of  the  Mississippi  Territory,  on  a  due  in- 


TllJfi     EXPLOSION.  441 

vestigation  of  the  evidence  brought  before  them,  are  of  opin 
ion  that  Aaron  Burr  has  not  been  guilty  of  any  crime  or 
misdemeanor  against  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  or  of  this 
Territory  ;  or  given  any  just  cause  of  alarm  or  inquietude  to 
the  good  people  of  the  same. 

"  The  grand  jurors  present,  as  a  grievance,  the  late  military 
expedition,  unnecessarily,  as  they  conceive,  fitted'  out  against 
the  person  and  property  of  the  said  Aaron  Burr,  when  no  re 
sistance  had  been  made  to  the  civil  authorities. 

"  The  grand  jurors  also  present,  as  a  grievance,  destructive 
of  personal  liberty,  the  late  military  arrests,  made  without 
warrant,  and,  as  they  conceive,  without  other  lawful  author 
ity  ;  and  they  do  sincerely  regret  that  so  much  cause  has  been 
given  to  the  enemies  of  our  glorious  Constitution,  to  rejoice 
at  such  measures  being  adopted,  in  a  neighboring  Territory, 
as,  if  sanctioned  by  the  Executive  of  our  country,  must  sap 
the  vitals  of  our  political  existence,  and  crumble  this  glorious 
fabric  in  the  dust." 

It  was  of  no  avail  for  the  Attorney-General  to  declare  that 
such  presentments  were  a  disgrace  and  an  outrage,  nor  for  the 
judge  to  pronounce  them  impertinent  and  useless.  The  peo 
ple  were  with  the  prisoner.  Nothing  approaching  or  resem 
bling  a  breach  of  the  law  had  been  committed  by  him  ;  and, 
in  short,  the  grand  jury  had  made  up  its  mind,  and  would  not 
recede  from  its  position. 

His  companions  were  at  perfect  liberty.  A  Natchez  news 
paper  of  the  time,  commenting  on  this  attempt  to  indict,  says 
that  "  Burr  and  his  men  were  caressed  by  a  number  of  the 
wealthy  merchants  and  planters  of  Adams  county ;  several 
balls  were  given  to  them  as  marks  of  respect  and  confidence." 
Also,  "  that  the  proceedings  against  the  accused  were  more 
like  a  mock  trial  than  a  criminal  prosecution,  and  that,  during 
the  trial,  Judge  Bruin  appeared  more  like  his  advocate  than 
his  impartial  judge."  All  of  which  is  extremely  probable. 

Having,  as  he  thought,  fully  complied  with  his  recognizances, 
Colonel  Burr  demanded  a  legal  release  from  the  court.  This 
was  refused.  Learning  that  further  and  more  arbitrary  pro 
ceedings  were  intended  against  him  by  the  government  offi- 

19* 


442  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUEE. 

cials,  and  perceiving  the  utter  hopelessness  of  attempting  to 
•proceed,  and  that  his  presence  must  embarrass,  but  could  not 
assist  this  band,  he  resolved  to  fly.  Disguising  himself  in  the 
dress  of  a  boatman,  he  crossed  to  the  eastern  side  of  the  Missis 
sippi  and  disappeared  in  the  wilderness. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  court  on  the  following  morning,  he, 
of  course,  did  not  present  himself,  and  there  was  a  great  show 
of  surprise.  The  governor,  who,  it  is  said,  had  connived  at 
his  escape,  promptly  oifered  two  thousand  dollars  for  his  arrest. 
Two  or  three  days  passed  without  any  tidings  of  the  fugitive, 
though  the  surrounding  country  was  scoured  by  parties  in 
search.  At  length,  a  colored  boy  was  seen,  opposite  where 
the  flotilla  lay,  riding  one  of  Burr's  horses,  and  wearing  an 
overcoat  that  had  been  his.  He  was  seized  forthwith,  and 
thoroughly  searched.  Sewed  in  the  cape  of  the  coat  was 
found  a  note  addressed  to  "  C.  T.  and  D.  F."  (Comfort  Tyler 
and  Davis  Floyd,  leading  men  in  the  expedition),  which  read 
as  follows  :  "  If  you  are  yet  together,  keep  so,  and  I  will  join 
you  to-morrow  night.  In  the  mean  while,  put  all  your  arms 
in  perfect  order.  Ask  no  questions  of  the  bearer,  but  tell  him 
all  you  may  think  I  wish  to  know.  He  does  not  know  that 
this  is  from  me,  nor  where  I  am." 

In  consequence  of  this  discovery,  Burr's  men  were  arrested, 
placed  under  guard,  and  kept  as  prisoners  until  the  alarm  was 
over.  But  no  further  trace  of  the  chief  was  seen  in  the  neigh 
borhood.  He  had  left  the  vicinity,  and  was  making  his  way 
through  a  dismal  wilderness,  toward  the  port  of  Pensacola, 
where  lay  a  British  man-of-war,  in  which  he  hoped  to  find  a 
temporary  refuge. 

Blennerhassett,  after  his  discharge  from  custody,  returned 
homeward,  and  had  reached  Kentucky,  when  he  was  again 
arrested  and  committed  to  prison,  on  a  charge  of  treason. 
Others  of  Burr's  confederates,  who  had  the  means,  returned  to 
the  eastern  States,  and  forgot  the  dream  of  glory  in  the  pur 
suits  of  civil  life.  A  large  number  of  the  band  remained  in 
the  Territory,  supplying  it,  as  the  Attorney-General  afterward 
remarked,  with  a  superfluity  of  school-masters,  music-masters, 
and  dancing-masters,  for  many  years.  The  narrative  of  these 


THE     EXPLOSION.  443 

events,  published  in  all  the  newspapers  of  the  land,  drew  pub 
lic  attention  to  the  south-western  Territories  of  the  Union,  and 
attracted  (says  Dr.  Monette,  the  historian  of  the  Valley  of 
the  Mississippi)  thousands  of  emigrants  thither  from  the  At 
lantic  and  western  States. 


CHAPTER    XXIY. 

THE    ARREST. 

BTTRR  EECOGNIZED  —  THE  PURSUIT  —  BURR  CAPTIVATES  THE  SHERIFF  —  INTERVIEW 
BETWEEN  BURR  AND  CAPTAIN  GAINES —  THE  AEREST —  BURR'S  DEPORTMENT  AS  A 
PRISONER  — His  DEPARTURE  FROM  FORT  STODDART  — THE  JOURNEY  THROUGH  THE 
WILDERNESS  —  ANECDOTE  —  BURR'S  APPEAL  TO  THE  PEOPLE  —  ARRIVAL  AT  EICH- 
MOND  —  EXAMINATION  BEFORE  CHIEF  JUSTICE  MARSHALL  —  BURR  DEFENDS  HIM 
SELF —  ADMITTED  TO  BAIL  —  JEFFERSON. 

Ox  a  cold  evening  in  February,  two  young  lawyers  were 
playing  backgammon  in  a  cabin  of  the  village  of  Wakefield, 
Washington  county,  Alabama.  The  hour  of  ten  had  arrived, 
and  they  were  still  absorbed  in  the  game,  when  the  distant 
tramp  of  horses  arrested  their  attention.  TVo  travelers  rode 
up  to  the  door,  one  of  whom,  without  dismounting,  inquired 
for  the  tavern.  It  was  pointed  out  to  him.  He  then  asked 
the  road  to  Colonel  Hinson's,  a  noted  resident  of  the  vicinity. 
One  of  the  lawyers,  Perkins  by  name,  replied  that  the  house 
was  seven  miles  distant,  the  road  exceedingly  difficult  to  find, 
and  there  was  a  dangerous  creek  to  be  crossed. 

While  he  was  explaining  the  road,  the  light  of  their  pine- 
wood  fire  flashed  occasionally  upon  the  countenance  of  the 
traveler,  who  had  asked  the  questions.  Perkins  gazed  upon 
the  face  as  though  it  fascinated  him.  The  eyes  of  the  stranger 
sparkled  like  diamonds,  as  he  sat,  composed  and  erect,  upon  a 
superb  horse,  better  caparisoned  than  was  usual  in  the  wilder 
ness.  His  dress  was  the  rude  homespun  of  the  country,  but 
the  quick  eye  of  Perkins  observed  that  his  boots  were  far  too 
elegantly  shaped,  and  of  materials  much  too  fine,  to  accord 
with  the  coarse,  ill-cut,  pantaloons  from  which  they  protruded. 

The  travelers  rode  on.  Perkins's  suspicions  were  aroused. 
The  striking  features  of  the  man  with  whom  he  had  conversed, 
the  incongruity  of  his  dress,  his  superior  air,  the  lateness  of 


THE     A  11  HE  ST.  445 

the  hour  for  strangers  to  be  abroad  in  a  region  so  wild  and 
unknown,  all  confirmed  the  impression  which  had  been  left  on 
his  mind.  Rushing  into  the  cabin,  he  exclaimed, 

"  That  is  Aaron  Burr  !  I  have  read  a  description  of  him  in 
the  proclamation.  I  can  not  be  mistaken.  Let  us  follow  him 
to  Hinson's,  and  take  measures  for  his  arrest." 

His  companion,  not  so  easily  moved,  ridiculed  the  project 
of  pursuing  a  traveler  at  so  late  an  hour,  merely  on  a  conjec 
ture  ;  and,  in  short,  refused  to  go.  But  Perkins,  not  deterred 
from  his  purpose,  hastened  to  a  neighboring  cabin,  roused  the 
sheriff  of  the  county,  and  told  him  his  story.  In  a  few  min 
utes  the  two  men  were  equipped  and  mounted,  and  rode  off  at 
a  rapid  pace  through  the  pine  woods. 

The  mysterious  travelers,  meanwhile,  made  their  way  to 
Colonel  Hinson's  residence.  Ilinson  was  absent  from  home. 
His  wife,  roused  by  their  halloo,  rose,  peeped  through  a  small 
window,  and,  seeing  by  their  holsters  and  accoutrements  that 
they  were  strangers,  made  no  reply  to  them,  but  quietly  closed 
the  window,  and  returned  to  bed.  The  strangers  alighted 
and  entered  the  kitchen,  where  a  cheerful  fire  was  still  burning. 

Shortly  after  Perkins  and  the  sheriff  came  in  sight  of  the 
house.  The  former  remained  behind  in  the  woods,  while  the 
sheriff  went  forward  to  reconnoiter,  agreeing  to  return  to 
Perkins  as  soon  as  he  should  have  discovered  any  thing  of 
importance.  According  to  custom,  the  sheriff  hailed  the 
house,  when  the  lady,  reassured  by  hearing  a  well-known 
voice,  descended  to  entertain  her  midnight  guests. 

The  sheriff  entered  the  kitchen,  the  strangers  eyeing  him 
keenly.  Supper  was  soon  ready,  and  the  party  sat  down  to 
it,  Perkins,  meanwhile,  shivering  in  the  woods,  and  wondering 
that  his  confederate  did  not  return.  As  the  meal  progressed, 
the  traveler  with  the  sparkling  eyes  led  the  conversation  in 
so  sprightly  a  manner,  was  so  polite  and  grateful  to  the  lady, 
and  made  himself  so  agreeable  generally,  that  the  heart  of 
the  sheriff  relented.  He  came  to  arrest,  and  remained  to  ad 
mire.  The  lady,  too,  was  charmed  with  her  guest's  amiable 
manners.  The  repast  ended,  the  captivating  stranger  returned 
to  the  kitchen  fire,  leaving  his  companion  at  the  table.  Now 


446  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURK. 

was  the  sheriff's  opportunity.  Whispering  his  suspicions  to 
the  lady  of  the  house,  he  induced  her  to  make  the  important 
inquiry. 

"  Have  I  not,"  said  she  to  the  traveler  who  still  sat  at  the 
table,  "  the  honor  of  entertaining  Colonel  Burr,  the  gentle 
man  who  has  just  walked  out  ?" 

The  individual  addressed  (a  country  guide)  not  being  an 
adept  in  diplomacy,  showed  palpable  signs  of  embarrassment 
at  the  question.  He  made  no  reply  whatever,  but  immedi 
ately  rejoined  his  companion  in  the  kitchen.  The  subject  was 
not  resumed.  After  some  further,  and  very  agreeable  courte 
ous  conversation,  the  strangers  went  to  bed,  and  the  sheriff, 
unwilling  to  encounter  the  impetuosity  of  Perkins,  and  re 
solved  to  take  no  part  in  arresting  so  amiable  a  gentleman, 
stretched  himself  before  the  fire,  and  slept.  In  the  morning 
the  traveler  breakfasted,  inquired  the  road  to  Pensacola, 
thanked  the  lady,  again  and  again,  for  her  hospitable  atten 
tions,  and  rode  off,  the  sheriff  actually  accompanying  them 
as  their  guide  for  a  short  distance  before  returning  home. 

Perkins  remained  at  his  post  in  the  woods  until  his  patience 
was  exhausted.  Suspecting,  at  last,  that  his  confederate  had 
fallen  a  prey  to  the  blandishments  of  a  man  renowned  for  his 
seductive  manners,  this  indomitable  son  of  the  wilderness  was 
only  the  more  resolved  upon  effecting  the  arrest.  Riding, 
with  furious  haste,  to  Mannahubba  Bluff,  he  borrowed  a  canoe 
and  a  negro  from  a  friend,  paddled  down  the  Alabama,  and 
arrived,  as  the  day  was  breaking,  at  Fort  Stoddart.  Rushing 
into  the  fort,  he  informed  the  commandant,  Captain  Gaines 
(afterward  the  well-known  Major-General  Gaines)  of  his  sus 
picions.  Gaines  entered  into  Perkins's  project  with  such  spirit, 
that  by  sunrise,  with  a  file  of  dragoons,  he  and  Perkins  rode 
out  of  the  fort  toward  the  Pensacola  road. 

About  nine  in  the  morning,  they  met  the  twro  travelers  de 
scending  a  hill,  not  more  than  two  miles  from  Hinson's  house, 
when  Captain  Gaines  rode  forward  and  addressed  the  suspected 
personage. 

"  I  presume,  sir,"  said  he,  "  that  I  have  the  honor  of  address 
ing  Colonel  Burr." 


THE     ARREST.  447 

"  I  am  a  traveler  in  the  country,"  replied  the  stranger,  "and 
do  not  recognize  your  right  to  ask  such  a  question." 

Whereupon,  Gaines  said,  "  I  arrest  you  at  the  instance  of 
the  federal  Government." 

"  By  what  authority  do  you  arrest  a  traveler  upon  the 
highway,  on  his  own  private  business  ?"  asked  the  stranger. 

"  I  am  an  officer  of  the  army,"  answered  the  captain.  "  I 
hold  in  my  hands  the  proclamations  of  the  President  and  the 
Governor,  directing  your  arrest." 

"  You  are  a  young  man,"  rejoined  the  traveler,  "  and  may 
not  be  aware  of  the  responsibilities  which  result  from  arresting 
travelers." 

"  I  am  aware  of  the  responsibilities,"  said  Gaines,  "  but  I 
know  my  duty." 

The  traveler  now  broke  into  an  animated  and  eloquent  de 
nunciation  of  those  proclamations,  protesting  his  innocence, 
asserting  that  the  charges  against  him  originated  in  the  ma 
levolence  of  his  enemies,  and  pointing  out  to  Gaines  the  liabil 
ities  he  would  incur  if  he  should  arrest  him. 

But  Gaines,  assuming  a  severe  aspect,  replied,  "  My  mind  is 
made  up.  You  must  accompany  me  to  Fort  Stoddart,  where 
you  shall  be  treated  with  all  the  respect  due  to  one  who  has 
been  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  so  long  as  you 
make  no  attempt  to  escape  from  me." 

The  traveler  looked  at  him  for  a  few  moments,  apparently 
surprised  at  this  unwonted  firmness ;  then,  with  an  inclination 
of  the  head,  indicated  his  willingness  to  accompany  the  young 
officer.  He  bade  good-by  to  his  guide,  who  returned  to 
Wakefield,  wheeled  his  horse  round,  and  rode  by  the  captain's 
side  towards  the  fort,  conversing  on  the  way,  with  his  usual 
nonchalance,  on  ordinary  topics.  Arriving  at  the  fort  early 
in  the -evening,  Colonel  Burr  —  for  Colonel  Burr  it  was — was 
shown  to  a  room,  where  he  dined  alone,  and  sat  reading  to  a 
late  hour,  while  the  tread  of  the  sentinel  was  heard  without. 

In  the  night,  it  is  related,  he  heard  a  groan  in  the  room  ad 
joining.  He  left  his  book,  and,  entering  the  apartment,  saw 
the  sick  brother  of  Captain  Gaines  lying  in  bed.  He  spoke 
tenderly  to  the  sufferer,  inquired  his  complaint,  felt  of  his 


448  LIFE     OF     A  A 11  ON     BURli. 

pulse,  told  him  he  had  traveled  much,  and  knew  something 
of  medicine,  and  offered  his  services.  The  sick  man  revived 
under  his  gentle  touch  and  encouraging  tones,  and  entered 
into  conversation  with  his  distinguished  nurse.  Burr  made 
many  inquiries  of  the  patient,  who  was  a  Choctaw  trader,  re 
specting  the  Indians,  their  ways,  and  commerce.  The  conver 
sation  was  singularly  cheerful  and  pleasant,  and  completely 
won  the  good  will  of  the  sick  merchant. 

The  next  day  Colonel  Burr  was  presented  to  the  wife  of 
the  commandant,  dined  with  the  family,  played  several  games 
of  chess  with  the  lady,  and  bore  himself,  in  all  respects,  as  he 
would  have  done  in  a  drawing-room  of  Philadelphia  or  New 
York.  Every  night  he  sat  by  the  bedside  of  Mr.  Gaines,  ad 
ministering  his  medicines,  and  cheering  him  by  his  animated, 
intelligent  conversation.  The  patient  became  warmly  at 
tached  to  him,  and  mourned  deeply  over  his  many  misfor 
tunes  ;  but,  with  all  their  intimacy  and  fondness,  not  the 
slightest  allusion  to  Burr's  situation  ever  passed  the  lips  of 
either.  Day  by  day,  the  prisoner  mingled  gayly  in  the  nar 
row  circle  of  the  fort,  played  his  games  of  chess,  won  every 
one's  heart,  and  appeared  to  give  himself  no  concern  respect 
ing  the  future. 

Two  weeks  passed.  Captain  Gaines  had  resolved  to  send 
his  prisoner  direct  to  the  seat  of  government,  a  thousand 
miles  distant,  four  or  five  hundred  miles  o/  which  lay  through 
a  nearly  unbroken  wilderness.  He  had  been  busy  during 
those  two  weeks  in  preparing  an  expedition  for  the  safe  con 
duct  of  the  prisoner,  and  on  the  5th  of  March  his  arrange 
ments  were  complete,  and  the  journey  was  begun.  The  tears 
of  the  ladies  residing  at  the  fort  fell  fast  as  Colonel  Burr,  es 
corted  by  a  file  of  soldiers,  went  down  to  the  shore  and  em 
barked  on  board  the  boat  provided  for  the  ascent  of  the 
Alabama.  He  had  no  enemies  there.  The  men  could  have 
no  ill-will  to  one  whose  offense  had  been  a  desire  to  terminate 
the  hateful  rule  of  the  Spaniards ;  and  women  were  always 
and  everywhere  his  friends.  As  the  boat,  with  its  crew  of 
soldiers,  glided  past  the  few  houses  on  the  river's  bank,  all  the 
ladies,  it  is  said,  waved  their  handkerchiefs,  except  those  who 


TIIE     ARREST.  410 

were  obliged  to  put  those  weapons  to  a  tenderer  use.  One  of 
the  ladies  of  the  Alabama  named  her  infant  Aaron  Burr  ; 
and  he  was  not  the  only  young  gentleman  in  the  South-west 
who  bore  through  life  a  similar  record  of  the  events  amid 
which  he  was  born. 

Above  Lake  Tensau,  the  party  disembarked,  and  the  pris 
oner  was  formally  given  into  the  custody  of  the  guard  who 
were  to  conduct  him  through  the  wilderness  to  the  Atlantic 
States.  This  guard  consisted  of  nine  men,  commanded  by 
the  redoubtable  Perkins,  who  had  selected  and  equipped  the 
party.  Before  taking  the  final  plunge  into  the  forest,  Perkins, 
fearful  of  Burr's  fascinating  powers,  and  mindful  of  their  re 
cent  effect  upon  his  friend  the  sheriff,  took  his  band  aside, 
warned  them  of  the  danger,  required  from  each  a  solemn 
promise  to  steel  his  soul  against  the  prisoner's  winning  arts, 
and  indeed  to  avoid  all  conversation  with  him,  except  such  as 
should  be  strictly  necessary.  All  having  given  their  word  of 
honor  to  the  effect  required,  the  order  was  given  to  prepare 
for  an  immediate  start. 

The  prisoner  still  wore  the  dress  in  which  he  had  fled  from 
the  Mississippi.  It  consisted,  we  are  told,*  of  coarse,  home 
spun  pantaloons  of  the  color  of  copperas,  a  jacket  of  common 
drab  cloth,  and  an  old  hat,  with  a  broad,  flapping  brim,  It 
was  said,  as  he  bestrode  the  superb  horse  which  he  had 
ridden  at  the  time  of  his  capture,  his  hat  hanging  over  his 
face,  but  not  concealing  his  brilliant  eyes,  that  his  appearance 
and  bearing  were  as  distinguished  as  when,  seated  in  the  chair 
of  office,  he  had  presided  over  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States.  When  the  guard  had  mounted,  and  the  word  was 
given  to  march,  he  said  good-by  to  the  few  by-standers  in  a 
cheerful  voice,  and  took  the  place  assigned  him  in  the  file. 

The  party  struck  into  the  woods  by  the  Indian  trail,  and 
marched,  from  necessity,  in  the  Indian  manner  —  the  gigantic 
Perkins  at  the  head  of  the  line,  the  prisoner  in  the  middle. 

*  Most  of  the  facts  and  incidents  relating  to  Burr's  arrest,  were  derived 
from  the  excellent  history  of  Alabama,  by  Mr.  A.  J.  Pickett,  who  collected 
them  from  eye-witnesses,  or  from  persons  to  whom  they  had  been  related  by 
eye-witnesses. 


450  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BURR. 

At  night,  the  only  tent  carried  by  the  party  was  pitched  and 
assigned  to  Burr,  who  slept  guarded  by  armed  men  and  lulled 
by  the  howling  of  innumerable  wolves.  He  slept  soundly. 
Rising  with  the  dawn,  the  first  to  be  in  readiness  for  the  day's 
march,  he  took  his  place  with  alacrity  in  the  line.  The  men 
were  very  attentive  to  his  wants,  and  treated  him  with  the 
respect  due  rather  from  an  escort  than  a  guard.  He,  on  his 
part,  was  most  courteous  to  them,  and  a  kind  of  silent  friend 
ship  grew  up  between  them. 

It  was  a  perilous  and  fatiguing  march.  For  several  days  in 
succession,  the  chilling  spring  rains  fell  in  torrents  upon  the 
unprotected  horsemen,  swelling  the  rivulets  to  rivers,  and  the 
creeks  to  rushing  floods.  Sometimes,  the  whole  party  were 
swimming  their  horses  over  a  rapid  stream.  Often,  they 
toiled  wearily  through  mire,  more  dangerous  than  the  flood 
itself.  Hundreds  of  Indians  thronged  their  pathway.  But, 
amid  angry  elements,  wild  beasts,  vast  swamps,  boundless  for 
ests,  and  treacherous  savages,  the  dauntless  Perkins  held  his 
course,  marching  swiftly  at  the  head  of  his  company,  and  urg 
ing  them  along  at  the  rate  of  forty  miles  a  day.  In  the  journey 
through  Alabama,  says  the  historian  of  that  State,  the  party 
always  slept  in  the  woods,  near  swamps  of  reeds,  upon  which 
the  horses,  "  belled  and  hobbled,"  fed  during  the  night.  "  Af 
ter  breakfast,  it  was  their  custom  again  to  mount  their  horses 
and  march  on,  with  a  silence  which  was  sometimes  broken  by 
a  remark  about  the  weather,  the  creeks,  or  the  Indians.  Burr 
sat  firmly  in  the  saddle,  was  always  on  the  alert,  and  was  a 
most  excellent  rider.  Although  drenched  for  hours  with  cold 
and  clammy  rain,  and  at  night  extended  upon  a  thin  pallet,  on 
the  bare  ground,  after  having  accomplished  a  ride  of  forty 
miles,  yet,  in  the  whole  distance  to  Richmond,  this  remarka 
ble  man  was  never  heard  to  complain  that  he  was  sick,  or  even 
fatigued." 

It  was  ten  days  before  they  reached  again  the  abodes  of  the 
white  man.  Occasionally,  as  they  approached  the  settlements, 
they  would  find  an  Indian  in  possession  of  a  crossing  place  on 
a  river,  with  canoes  for  the  conveyance  of  travelers.  Then, 
they  would  place  their  stores  in  the  canoes,  and  paddb  over, 


THE     ARREST.  451 

leading  their  swimming  horses.  The  first  roof  that  sheltered 
the  party  was  that  of  a  small  tavern,  near  Fort  Wilkinson,  on 
the  river  Oconee,  about  eighty  miles  from  the  boundary  line 
between  Georgia  and  South  Carolina.  The  arrival  of  so  ex 
traordinary  a  party  at  this  remote  place  of  entertainment 
seems  to  have  astonished  the  landlord.  While  breakfast  was 
getting  ready,  and  the  guard  and  their  prisoner  were  sitting 
quietly  around  the  fire,  he  began  to  ask  them  a  series  of  ex 
tremely  disagreeable  questions.  Learning  that  they  came 
from  the  Tombigbee  settlement,  he  hit  at  once  upon  the  pre 
vailing  topic,  and  asked  the  news  respecting  Aaron  Burr,  the 
traitor !  Had  he  yet  been  arrested  ?  Was  he  not  a  very  bad 
man  ?  Was  not  every  body  afraid  of  him  ?  To  these  and 
other  questions  of  the  kind,  Perkins  and  his  men  could  make 
no  reply,  but  hung  down  their  heads  in  extreme  embarrass 
ment,  full  of  sympathy  for  their  captive.  Burr,  who  was  sit 
ting  in  a  corner  near  the  fire,  raised  his  head,  and,  fixing  his 
blazing  eyes  upon  the  unsuspecting  landlord,  said, 
"  I  am  Aaron  Burr  —  what  is  it  you  want  with  me  ?" 
The  poor  landlord,  amazed  at  the  information,  and  struck 
with  the  majestic  manner  of  the  man,  stood  aghast,  and,  with 
out  a  syllable  of  reply,  glided  about  the  house,  offering  the 
party  the  most  obsequious  attentions. 

Two  days  more  brought  them  to  the  confines  of  South  Car 
olina,  where  Burr  from  of  old  had  been  a  popular  favorite, 
and  where,  on  his  visits  to  Theodosia,  he  had  ever  been 
warmly  welcomed,  and  made  many  personal  friends.  Per 
kins  knew  the  difficulty  he  should  have  in  conveying,  with  such 
a  force  as  his,  a  prisoner  like  Burr  through  that  State,  and  he 
exhorted  his  men  to  renewed  vigilance.  By  keeping  well  to 
the  north,  he  avoided  the  larger  settlements  until  he  reached 
the  district  of  Chester,  which  was  only  one  day's  march  from 
North  Carolina.  As  he  approached  the  principal  village  of 
this  district,  he  halted  the  party,  and  changed  the  order  of 
their  march,  placing  two  men  in  front  of  the  prisoner,  two 
more  behind,  and  one  at  each  side  of  him.  In  this  manner 
they  proceeded,  without  incident,  until  they  passed  near  a 
tavern,  before  which  a  considerable  number  of  persons  were 


452  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BURK. 

standing,  while  music  and  dancing  were  heard  from  within. 
Here,  Burr  threw  himself  from  his  horse,  and  exclaimed  in  a 
loud  voice, 

"  I  am  Aaron  Burr,  under  military  arrest,  and  claim  the  pro 
tection  of  the  civil  authorities." 

Perkins  snatched  his  pistols  from  his  holster,  sprang  to  the 
ground,  and  in  an  instant  was  at  the  side  of  his  prisoner. 
With  a  pistol  in  each  hand,  he  sternly  ordered  him  to  re 
mount. 

"  I  will  not  /"  shouted  Burr  in  his  most  defiant  manner. 

Perkins,  unwilling  to  shed  blood,  but  resolute  to  execute 
the  commission  intrusted  to  him,  threw  his  pistols  upon  the 
ground,  caught  the  prisoner  round  the  waist  with  the  resist 
less  grasp  of  a  frontiersman,  and  threw  him  into  the  saddle. 
One  of  the  guard  seizing  the  bridle  of  Burr's  horse,  led  him 
rapidly  away,  and  the  whole  party  swept  through  the  village 
in  a  mass,  and  disappeared,  before  the  group  of  spectators  had 
recovered  from  their  astonishment  at  the  scene. 

A  mile  or  two  beyond  the  village,  Perkins  halted  the  party 
to  consult  with  his  comrades.  Burr  was  wild  with  excitement. 
The  indifference  of  the  people,  the  personal  indignity  he  had 
suffered,  the  thought  of  his  innocence  of  any  violation  of  the 
law,  the  triumph  his  enemies  were  about  to  have  over  him, 
all  rushed  upon  his  mind,  and,  for  a  minute,  unmanned  him. 
Perkins  used  to  say  that,  when  the  party  halted,  he  found  his 
prisoner  in  a  flood  of  tears,  and  that  the  man  who  led  his 
horse,  touched  by  the  spectacle  of  fallen  greatness,  was  also 
crying.  It  may  have  been  so.  Never  had  mortal  man  to  en 
dure  more  of  what  is  called  mortification  than  Aaron  Burr  at 
that  moment ;  and  if,  for  an  instant,  he  lost  that  amazing  self- 
command  which  he  exhibited  all  through  his  unexampled  mis 
fortunes,  it  was  pardonable,  and  it  was  but  once. 

After  conversing  with  his  men,  Perkins  sent  them  forward 
with  the  prisoner,  under  the  command  of  his  lieutenant,  and 
returned  himself  to  Chester,  where  he  bought  a  gig,  and  re 
joined  the  party  before  night.  Burr  was  then  transferred  to 
the  vehicle,  with  one  of  the  guard  to  drive,  and,  in  that  man 
ner,  traveled  the  remainder  of  the  distance.  At  Frederics- 


THE     A  K  BEST.  453 

burg,  Perkins  was  met  by  orders  from  Washington  to  con 
vey  the  prisoner  to  Richmond,  where  the  party  arrived  on  the 
20th  of  March.  They  had  accomplished  the  journey  in  the 
remarkably  short  period  of  twenty-one  days.  Arriving  on  the 
evening  of  Thursday,  the  prisoner  was  taken  to  the  Eagle 
Tavern,  where  he  remained,  under  guard,  until  Monday  morn 
ing. 

The  morning  after  kis  arrival,  lie  wrote  a  short  note  to  his 
daughter,  announcing  the  fact.  "  It  seems,"  he  added,  "  that 
here  the  business  is  to  be  tried  and  concluded.  I  am  to  be 
surrendered  to  the  civil  authority  to-morrow,  when  the  ques 
tion  of  bail  is  to  be  determined.  In  the  mean  time,  I  remain 
at  the  Eagle  Tavern." 

A  letter  which  he  wrote  to  her  some  days  after  is  worthy 
of  note.  It  was  long  a  puzzle  in  my  mind,  whether  the  fol 
lowing  passage  was  written  in  joke  or  earnest.  It  was  un 
doubtedly  written  in  earnest.  He  really  felt  just  so  respecting 
his  own  character  and  conduct :  "  You  have  read  to  very  little 
purpose  if  you  have  not  remarked  that  such  things  happen  in 
all  democratic  governments.  Was  there  in  Greece  or  Rome 
a  man  of  virtue  and  independence,  and  supposed  to  possess 
great  talents,  who  was  not  the  object  of  vindictive  and  unre 
lenting  persecution?  Now,  madame,  I  pray  you  to  amuse 
yourself  by  collecting  and  collating  all  the  instances  to  be 
found  in  ancient  history,  which  you  may  connect  together,  if 
you  please,  in  an  essay,  with  reflections,  comments,  and  appli 
cations.  *  *  *  I  promise  myself  great  pleasure  in  the 
perusal,  and  I  promise  you  great  satisfaction  and  consolation 
in  the  composition." 

Theodosia,  as  may  be  imagined,  was  overwhelmed  by  this 
new  calamity.  How  fondly  she  had  indulged  in  the  dream  that 
her  father's  misfortunes  were  at  an  end,  and  that  she  should 
see  him  the  glorious  and  powerful  head  of  a  nation  created 
by  his  own  genius  !  Or,  if  not  that,  yet  the  leading  spirit  of 
a  prosperous  and  refined  community,  of  which  she,  too,  should 
be  a  member  !  For  many  days,  she  forgot  her  father's  count 
less  exhortations  to  fortitude,  and  remained  stupefied  with 
sorrow.  She  recovered  her  serenity,  ere  long,  and  had  then 


454  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

no  thought  but  to  fly  to  Richmond  to  be  at  his  side  during 
the  scenes  that  were  before  him.  In  a  few  weeks  she  and  her 
husband  began  their  melancholy  journey  northward. 

On  Monday,  Major  Scott,  the  marshal  of  the  district,  at 
tended  by  two  deputies,  waited  upon  the  prisoner,  and,  with 
the  utmost  respectfulness  of  manner,  conducted  him,  "  through 
an  awfully  silent  and  attentive  assemblage  of  citizens,"  to  an 
other  apartment  of  the  hotel,  where  he  was  brought  before 
Chief  Justice  Marshall  for  examination.  This  examination  was 
merely  preliminary  to  commitment,  which  was  strenuously 
opposed  by  Burr  and  his  counsel. 

In  a  brief  but  forcible  speech,  Colonel  Burr  denied  that 
there  was  the  smallest  ground  for  even  an  accusation  against 
him.  The  country,  he  said,  had  been  causelessly  alarmed. 
Wilkinson  had  alarmed  the  President,  and  the  President  had 
alarmed  the  country.  He  appealed  to  facts  which  were  known 
to  all ;  to  the  history  of  his  arrangements  in  the  West ;  to  the 
promptness  with  which  he  had  met  every  charge  ;  and  to  the 
unanimity  with  which  juries  had  acquitted  him.  If  there  had 
been  any  cause  of  alarm,  it  must  have  been  known  to  the 
people  in  that  part  of  the  country  where  his  offense  was  said 
to  have  been  committed.  The  manner  of  his  descent  of  the 
river  was  proof  enough  that  his  object  was  purely  peaceable 
and  agricultural.  He  declared  that  all  his  designs  were  hon 
orable,  and  calculated  to  be  beneficial  to  the  United  States. 
His  flight,  as  it  was  termed,  had  been  mentioned  as  a  proof 
of  guilt ;  but  it  was  only  from  the  resistless  arm  of  military 
despotism  that  he  had  fled.  Was  it  -his  duty  to  remain  sur 
rounded  by  armed  men  assembled  for  his  unlawful  capture  ? 
He  thought  not.  He  took  the  advice  of  his  best  friends,  pur 
sued  the  dictates  of  his  own  judgment,  and  abandoned  a 
country  where  the  laws  had  ceased  to  be  the  sovereign  power. 
The  charge  stated  in  a  handbill,  that  he  had  forfeited  his  re 
cognizance,  was  false.  He  had  forfeited  no  recognizance.  If 
he  had  forfeited  any  recognizance,  why  had  no  proceedings 
taken  place  for  the  breach  of  it  ?  If  he  was  to  be  prosecuted 
for  such  breach,  he  wished  to  know  why  he  was  brought  to 
this  place  ?  Why  not  carry  him  to  the  place  where  the 


THE     AEKEST.  455 

• 

breach  happened  ?  More  than  three  months  had  elapsed  since 
the  order  of  government  had  issued  to  seize  and  bring  him  to 
that  place  ;  yet  it  was  pretended,  that  sufficient  time  had  not 
been  allowed  to  adduce  testimony  in  support  of  the  prosecu 
tion.  He  asked  why  the  guard,  who  conducted  him  to  that 
place,  avoided  every  magistrate  on  the  way,  unless  from  a  con 
viction  that  they  were  acting  without  lawful  authority  ?  Why 
had  he  been  debarred  the  use  of  pen  and  ink,  and  paper,  and 
not  even  permitted  to  write  to  his  daughter  ?  In  the  State 
of  South  Carolina,  where  he  happened  to  see  three  men  to 
gether,  he  demanded  the  interposition  of  the  civil  authority ; 
it  was  from  military  despotism,  from  the  tyranny  of  a  military 
escort,  that  he  wished  to  be  delivered,  not  from  an  investiga-  ' 
tion  into  his  conduct,  or  from  the  operation  of  the  laws  of  his  ' 
country. 

After  an  argument  of  three  days'  duration,  the  Chief  Just 
ice  decided  to  commit  the  prisoner  on  the  charge  of  misde 
meanor  only,  leaving  the  charge  of  treason  to  be  investigated 
by  the  grand  jury.  By  this  decision  Colonel  Burr  was  freed 
from  the  immediate  apprehension  of  imprisonment.  Five  gen 
tlemen  of  Richmond  gave  bonds  in  the  sum  of  ten  thousand 
dollars  for  the  appearance  of  the  prisoner  at  the  next  circuit 
court  of  the  United  States,  to  be  held  at  Richmond  on  the 
22d  of  May.  He  was  then  discharged  from  custody. 

Innocent  as  he  was  of  the  slightest  infraction  of  the  law,  he 
now  saw  that  it  was  necessary  to  prepare  for  an  arduous  con 
flict  in  the  court.  It  was  not  merely  that  the  deposition  of 
Eaton  and  the  dispatches  of  Wilkinson  had  turned  the  tide  of 
public  opinion  so  strongly  against  him,  that  an  unbiased  jury 
could  not  be  found  in  all  Virginia.  The  serious  circumstance 
was,  that  the  President,  by  his  proclamations  and  by  his  mes 
sages  to  Congress,  had  conspicuously  committed  himself  to  the 
opinion  of  Burr's  guilt.  He  had  so  frightened  the  country 
from  its  propriety,  that  to  escape  being  overwhelmed  with 
ridicule,  he  must  get  his  prisoner  convicted  of  the  fell  designs 
which  he  had  publicly  attributed  to  him.  Not  that  Jefferson 
had  the  least  doubt  of  Burr's  guilt.  His  familiar  letters  written 
in  the  spring  of  1807,  show  that  he  implicitly  believed  the 


456  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

story  he  had  told  the  people.  "Burr's  enterprise,"  wrote 
Jefferson,  January  llth,  "is  the  most  extraordinary  since  the 
days  of  Don  Quixote.  It  is  so  extravagant  that  those  who 
know  his  understanding  would  not  believe  it  if  the  proofs  ad 
mitted  doubt.  He  has  meant  to  place  himself  on  the  throne 
of  Montezuma,  and  extend  his  empire  to  the  Alleghany,  seiz 
ing  on  New  Orleans  as  the  instrument  of  compulsion  for  our 
western  States." 

How  nonsensical  is  this!  What  impossibilities  does  this 
closet-wise  man  attribute  to  his  late  companion  and  rival !  By 
what  means  imaginable  could  the  western  States  be  compelled 
to  yield  submission  to  a  usurper  at  New  Orleans  ?  The  States 
of  this  Union  are  so  constituted  and  circumstanced,  that  trea 
son  of  the  kind  attributed  to  Aaron  Burr  is  a  simple  and  man 
ifest  impossibility !  There  is  no  part  of  Jefferson's  long  and 
glorious  career  in  which  he  appears  to  so  little  advantage  as 
during  the  period  we  are  now  considering.  His  mind  was 
absurdly  excited.  One  of  his  letters  to  Senator  Giles,  written 
a  few  days  after  Burr's  first  examination  at  Richmond,  speaks 
of  the  tricks  of  the  judges  in  hastening  the  trial  so  as  to  clear 
Burr ;  rails  at  the  Federalists,  saying  that  they  were  disap 
pointed  at  Burr's  failure  to  rend  the  Union.  If,  said  he,  Burr 
had  succeeded  ever  so  partially,  the  Federalists  were  ready 
to  join  him  in  the  attempt  to  overthrow  "  this  hated  republic," 
and  introduce  "  their  favorite  monarchy."  At  first,  he  adds, 
the  Federalists  accused  the  President  of  permitting  "  treason 
to  stalk  through  the  land  in  open  day  ;"  but  now,  they  com- 
plainjbecause  he  crushed  it  before  it  had  ripened  to  an  overt 
act.  "  As  if  an  express  could  go  to  Natchez,  or  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Cumberland,  and  return,  in  five  weeks,  to  do  which  has 
never  taken  less  than  twelve."  He  proceeds  to  denounce  the 
federal  judges,  of  whom  John  Marshall  was  the  chief,  in  a  man 
ner  which  shows  that  philosophers  are  sometimes  angry,  and 
that  sages  are  not  always  wrise.  He  wrote  also  to  Governor 
Pinckney  of  South  Carolina,  telling  him  that  Alston  was  im 
plicated  with  Burr,  had  traveled,  solicited,  endorsed  for  Burr; 
and  inquiring  whether  it  would  be  advisable  to  take  any  meas 
ures  against  him.  In  one  word,  the  real  prosecutor  of  Aaron 


TIIE     A  It  BEST.  457 

Jiurr,  throughout  this  business,  was  Thomas  Jefferson,  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  who  was  made  President  of  the 
United  States  by  Aaron  Burr's  tact  and  vigilance,  and  who 
was  able  therefore  to  wield  against  Aaron  Burr  the  power  and 
resources  of  the  United  States. 

It  was  not  without  truth,  then,  that  Colonel  Burr  wrote  in 
the  early  stages  of  the  trial :  "  The  most  indefatigable  indus 
try  is  used  by  the  agents  of  government,  and  they  have  money 
at  command  without  stint.  If  I  were  possessed  of  the  same 
means,  I  could  not  only  foil  the  prosecutors,  but  render  them 
ridiculous  and  infamous.  The  democratic  papers  teem  with 
abuse  against  me  and  my  counsel,  and  even  against  the  Chief 
Justice.  Nothing  is  left  undone  or  unsaid  which  can  tend  to 
prejudice  the  public  mind,  and  produce  a  conviction  without 
evidence.  The  machinations  of  this  description  which  were 
used  against  Moreau  in  France  were  treated  in  this  country 
with  indignation.  They  are  practiced  against  me  in  a  still 
more  impudent  degree,  not  only  with  impunity,  but  with  ap 
plause  ;  and  the  authors  and  abettors  suppose,  with  reason, 
that  they  are  acquiring  favor  with  the  administration." 

20 


CHAPTER    XXY. 

THE    INDICTMENT. 

THE  CONCOURSE  AT  RICHMOND  —  GENERAL  JACKSON  DENOUNCES  JEFFEKSON  —  WIN- 
FIELD  SCOTT  IN  THE  COUTVT-ROOM —  THE  LAWYERS  —  GEORGE  HAY — WILLIAM' 
WIRT  —  MACRAE  —  BURR'S  MANNER  AND  APPEARANCE  IN  COURT  —  EDMUND  RAN 
DOLPH—  WILLIAM  WICKHAM  — LUTHER  MARTIN  — BENJAMIN  BOTTS— -.JACK  BAKER 

—  THE  GRAND  JUEY  —  MOTION  TO    COMMIT  —  THE  ARGUMENT  —  WIRT'S   SPEECH 

—  BURR'S    REPLY  —  WAITING    FOR    WILKINSON  —  TREASON  DEFINED  —  THE  SUB- 
VOJNA    DUCES    TECUM  —  INDICTMENTS    FOUND  —  BUKR   IN    PRISON  —  THEODOSIA'S 
ARRIVAL  —  BARNEY'S  RECOLLECTIONS. 

THE  court  convened  on  the  appointed  day,  May  22d,  1807. 
Richmond,  itself  a  city  of  six  thousand  inhabitants,  and  the 
social  metropolis  of  Virginia,  was  thronged  with  strangers  — 
all  eager  to  witness  the  opening  scenes  of  a  trial  more  remark 
able  than  any  which  had  yet  taken  place  in  the  infant  repub 
lic.  Besides  the  magnates  of  Virginia,  General  Jackson  was 
there,  full  of  wrath  against  the  administration  for  its  perse 
cution  of  his  innocent  friend,  the  prisoner.  The  story  that 
Colonel  Burr,  in  his  later  years,  used  often  to  tell  of  General 
Jackson's  mounting  the  steps  of  a  corner  grocery  at  Rich 
mond,  and  declaiming  furiously  against  Jefferson  for  the  part 
he  had  taken  in  crushing  the  expedition  and  its  author,  is 
confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the 
living  public  men  of  the  United  States.  "  As  I  was  crossing 
the  court-house  green,"  said  this  gentleman  to  the  writer,  "  I 
heard  a  great  noise  of  haranguing  at  some  distance  off.  Inquir 
ing  what  it  was,  I  was  told  it  was  a  great  blackguard  from  Ten 
nessee,  one  Andrew  Jackson,  making  a  speech  for  Burr,  and 
damning  Jefferson  as  a  persecutor."  Besides  Jackson,  there 
were  a  number  of  Burr's  friends  from  New  York,  and  a  host 
of  persons  from  the  West  who  had  been  his  confederates,  and 
who  were  now  summoned  as  witnesses  against  him.  Includ- 


THE     INDICTMENT.  459 

ing  witnesses,  jurymen,  and  lawyers,  there  were  not  less  tli:m 
two  hundred  persons  in  Richmond  who  had  some  official  con 
nection  with  the  trial. 

The  struggles  for  admission  to  the  hall  were  terrible.  So 
great  was  the  number  of  distinguished  persons  claiming  seats 
within  the  bar,  that  lawyers  of  twenty  years'  standing  were 
excluded  from  their  accustomed  places,  and  thought  them 
selves  fortunate  to  get  within  the  walls.  John  Randolph,  Sen 
ator  Giles,  and  many  other  public  men,  were  present.  Among 
the  young  gentlemen  of  the  town  who  had  succeeded  in  forc 
ing  their  way  into  the  room  was  Winfield  Scott,  then  just  ad 
mitted  to  the  bar.  He  stood  on  the  massive  lock  of  the  great 
door,  above  the  crowd,  in  full  view  of  the  prisoner,  who  ob 
served  and  long  remembered  the  towering  form  of  the  most 
magnificent  youth  in  Virginia.  • 

Two  judges  sat  upon  the  bench,  John  Marshall,  Chief  Just 
ice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  and  Cyrus 
Griffin,  Judge  of  the  District  of  Virginia.  The  Chief  Justice, 
in  his  fifty-second  year  (one  year  older  than  the  prisoner),  was 
a  tall,  slender  man,  with  a  majestic  head,  without  one  gray 
hair,  with  eyes  the  finest  ever  seen,  except  Burr's,  large,  black, 
and  brilliant  beyond  description.  It  was  often  remarked  dur 
ing  the  trial,  that  two  such  pairs  of  eyes  had  never  looked  into 
one  another  before.  The  soul  of  dignity  and  honor,  prudent, 
courageous,  alive  to  censure,  but  immovably  resolute  to  do 
right,  John  Marshall  was  the  Washington  of  the  bench.  Not 
a  brilliant  man,  not  a  great  man,  but  an  honest  man,  and  a 
just  judge.  Jefferson,  with  his  strange  convictions  of  Burr's 
guilt,  could  not,  and  never  could,  comprehend  the  decisions 
of  the  Chief  Justice  upon  this  trial.  He  so  far  forgot  himself 
as  to  insinuate  that  party  feelings  influenced  those  decisions 
of  the  Chief  Justice;  as  though  John  Marshall,  the  Federalist, 
could  be  biased  in  favor  of  the  man  who  had  deprived  his 
party  of  its  chief,  and  himself  of  an  honored  and  valued 
friend  !  Gentlemen  of  the  profession  who  witnessed  the  trial, 
who  saw  the  effective  dignity  with  which  the  judge  presided 
over  the  court,  who  heard  him  read  those  opinions,  so  elabo 
rate  and  right,  though  necessarily  prepared  on  the  spur  of 


460  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

the  moment,  regarded  it  as  the  finest  display  of  judicial  skill 
and  judicial  rectitude  which  they  had  ever  beheld. 

The  counsel  employed  in  the  case  comprised  the  ablest  men 
of  the  bar  of  Virginia,  with  one  powerful  recruit  from  Mary 
land.  First  in  technical  rank,  but  neither  first  nor  second  in 

^/ability,  was  George  Hay,  the  prosecuting  attorney.  He  was 
Colonel  Monroe's  son-in-law  ;  a  warm  Jeffersonian  ;  much  ad 
dicted  to  the  production  of  those  long-winded  political  disqui 
sitions  of  which  the  readers  of  that  age  were  so  fond ;  a  most 
respectable  and  zealous  man,  but,  on  this  occasion,  "  over 
weighted."  He  did  his  best  with  an  impossible  cause,  against 
five  of  the  ablest  lawyers  of  the  day  ;  but,  with  the  aid  of 
almost  daily  letters  from  Jefferson,  teeming  with  suggestions 
for  the  conduct  of  the  case,  he  showed  incompetence  at  every 
stage  of  the  proceedings.  He  was  assisted  by  William  Wirt, 
then  only  thirty-five  years  of  age,  just  rising  into  eminence, 
but  greatly  and  justly  admired  at  the  Richmond  bar  for  his 
splendid  declamation.  Among  the  lawyers  assembled  that 
day  within  the  bar,  there  was  not  one  whose  rising  to  speak 
so  instantaneously  hushed  the  spectators  to  silence  as  his.  A 
handsome,  fortunate,  happy,  brilliant,  high-minded  man  was 
^  William  Wirt,  the  toil  of  whose  life-time  it  was  to  achieve 
those  solid  attainments  which  alone  make  brilliancy  of  utter 
ance  endurable  in  a  court  of  justice.  At  the  personal  request 
of  Jefferson  himself,  Mr.  Wirt  undertook  to  aid  the  prosecu 
tion,  and  he  did  it  yeoman's  service.  Alexander  MacRae,  the 
third  on  the  side  of  the  government,  was  the  son  of  a  Scotch 
parson  who  was  distinguished  in  the  revolutionary  war,  first,  for 
being  himself  a  hot  Tory,  and,  secondly,  for  being  the  father 
of  seven  sons,  all  of  whom  were  ardent  Whigs.  MacRae  was 

^  a  lawyer  of  respectable  ability  and  a  sharp  tongue  —  sharp  from 
ill-nature  more  than  wit.  At  the  time  of  the  trial  he  was 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  Virginia. 

On  the  other   side,  the  array  of  celebrity  and  talent  was 
/  imposing  in  the  extreme.     The  real  leader  of  the  defense  was 
Burr  himself,  though  the  burden  of  the  work  fell  upon  others. 
Not  a  step  was  taken,  not  a  point  conceded,  without  his  ex 
press  concurrence.     He  appeared  in  court  attired  with  scrti- 


THE     INDICTMENT.  461 

pnlous  neatness,  in  black,  with  powdered  hair  and  queue.  His 
manner  was  dignity  itself — composed,  polite,  confident,  irn- 
pivssive.  He  had  the  air  of  a  man  at  perfect  peace  with  him 
self  and  simply  intent  upon  the  business  of  the  scene.  It  was 
observed  that  he  never  laughed  at  the  jokes  of  the  counsel, 
which,  at  some  stages  of  the  trial,  were  numerous  and  good. 
His  speeches  were  short,  concise,  exact.  They  were  uttered 
with  such  impressive  distinctness  that  there  are  men  now 
alive,  who,  after  the  lapse  of  fitly  years,  can  repeat  phrases 
and  sentences  which  they  heard  fall  from  his  lips  during  the 
trial.  He  was  at  home  again.  He  was  handling  familiar 
weapons.  The  valley  of  the  Mississippi  was  too  much  for 
him ;  but  in  a  court  of  justice,  with  the  law  all  on  his  side,  with 
a  judge  who  would  decide  according  to  law,  and  with  such 
opponents  as  Hay,  Wirt,  and  MacKae,  he  was  master  of  the 
situation. 

He  had  four  assistants,  each  of  whom  were  preeminent  at 
the  bar  for  some  one  qualification,  or  set  of  qualifications,  cal 
culated  to  be  of  service  in  the  defense.  Edmund  Randolph, 
(second  cousin  of  John  Randolph)  was  the  leader  on  Burr's 
side.  He  had  been  Attorney-General  and  Secretary  of  State 
under  Washington  ;  he  had  been  Governor  and  Attorney- 
General  of  Virginia ;  he  was  an  elderly  man  of  great  experi 
ence,  much  learning,  some  talent,  and  over-awing  dignity  of 
manner.  John  Wickham,  another  of  Burr's  defenders,  was 
perhaps,  upon  the  whole,  the  ablest  lawyer  then  practicing  at 
the  Richmond  bar.  He  had  learning,  logic,  wit,  sarcasm,  elo 
quence,  a  fine  presence,  and  a  persuasive  manner.  In  single 
endowments  he  was  excelled,  but  no  other  man  possessed  such 
a  variety  of  talents  and  resources  as  Wickham.  Another 
great  man  on  Burr's  side  was  Luther  Martin,  of  Maryland, 
who,  in  the  single  particular  of  legal  learning,  was  the  first 
lawyer  of  his  day.  His  memory  was  as  wonderful  as  his  read 
ing,  so  that  his  acquirements  were  at  instantaneous  command. 
Burr  had  become  acquainted  with  him  at  Washington  three 
years  before,  during  the  trial  of  Judge  Chace,  in  whose  de 
fense  Martin  had  greatly  distinguished  himself.  He  entered 
into  the  defense  of  Colonel  Burr  with  a  zeal  which  Jefferson 


4G2  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

thought  so  indecent  and  outrageous,  that  he  could  only  account 
for  it  on  the  supposition  that  Martin  was  implicated  with  Burr. 
He  was,  indeed,  a  somewhat  coarse  man,  more  loud  than  elo 
quent,  and  a  mighty  drinker;  resembling,  in  many  respects, 
Professor  Porson,  the  capacious  Oxford  receptacle  of  Greek  and 
wine.  Another  of  Burr's  counsel  was  Benjamin  Botts  (father 
of  the  well-known  John  Minor  Botts,  of  Virginia).  Mr.  Botts 
was  the  youngest  man  on  the  side  of  the  defense,  but  already 
eminent.  His  speciality  was  courage,  nerve ;  the  "  bravest 
of  all  possible  men,"  I  have  heard  him  described  by  a  cotem- 
porary.  There  was  also  a  certain  "  Jack  Baker,"  a  lame  man 
with  a  crutch,  a  merry  fellow  with  plenty  of  "  horse-wit"  and 
an  infectious  laugh,  no  speaker  and  no  lawyer,  but  the  best  of 
good  fellows  —  who  appeared  at  a  later  pejiod  of  the  trial  as 
counsel  for  one  of  the  accused. 

The  report  of  the  trial,  of  which  a  brief  account  is  now  to 
be  given,  fills  more  than  eleven  hundred  closely-printed  oc 
tavo  pages,  and,  of  course,  only  the  leading  points,  and  the 
most  interesting  scenes  can  be  given  in  the  few  pages  that  are 
appropriated  to  the  subject  in  this  volume. 

The  court  was  opened  at  half-past  twelve.  The  very  first 
proceedings  showed  how  general  and  how  decided  was  the 
conviction  of  the  prisoner's  guilt.  The  gentlemen  who  had 
been  summoned  to  serve  on  the  grand  jury,  upon  being  ques 
tioned,  all  admitted  that  the  proclamations  of  the  President, 
and  the  deposition  of  General  Eaton,  had  given  them  strong 
impressions  against  the  prisoner.  One  of  them  was  Senator 
Giles,  who  had  moved  in  the  Senate  the  suspension  of  the 
Habeas  Corpus  ;  another  was  an  old  political  and  personal  en 
emy  of  Burr's;  and  all  were  prepared  to  believe  him  a  traitor. 
One  of  the  jurymen  even  volunteered  the  statement  that,  upon 
reading  Eaton's  deposition  in  the  newspapers,  he  had  ex 
pressed  himself  with  great  warmth  and  indignation  upon  the 
subject,  and,  therefore,  feeling  that  it  would  be  indelicate  and 
improper  for  him  to  serve  on  the  grand  jury,  begged  to  be  ex 
cused. 

Colonel  Burr  said  :  "  Under  different  circumstances  I  might 
think  and  act  diiferently ;  but  the  industry  which  has  been 


THE     INDICTMENT.  108 

used  through  this  country  to  prejudice  my  cause,  leaves  me 
very  little  chance  indeed  of  an  impartial  jury.  There  is  very 
little  chance  that  I  can  expect  a  better  man  to  try  my  cause. 
His  desire  to  be  excused,  and  his  opinion  that  his  mind  is  not 
entirely  free  upon  the  case,  are  good  reasons  why  he  should 
be  excused  ;  but  the  candor  of  the  gentleman,  in  excepting  to 
himself,  leaves  me  ground  to  hope  that  he  will  endeavor  to  be 
impartial.  I  pray  the  court  to  notice,  from  the  scene  before 
us,  how  many  attempts  have  been  made  to  prejudge  my  cause. 
On  this  occasion  I  am  perfectly  passive." 

This  gentleman  was,  accordingly,  not  excused.  To  Mr. 
Giles  and  a  few  others  of  the  most  prejudiced  among  the 
panel,  Colonel  Burr  objected,  and  they  were  withdrawn.  The 
celebrated  John  Randolph,  being  added  to  the  panel  from 
among  the  spectators,  begged  to  be  excused  for  the  same  rea 
son,  namely,  that  he  had  an  impression  that  the  prisoner  was 
guilty  of  the  crimes  charged  against  him.  He  was  retained, 
however,  and  named  foreman  of  the  jury.  Late  in  the  after 
noon  the  requisite  number  of  jurors  was  obtained,  and,  hav 
ing  been  duly  sworn  and  charged,  were  conducted  to  the 
apartment  prepared  for  them. 

Colonel  Burr  then  addressed  the  court,  and,  in  doing  so, 
gave  an  intimation  of  the  mode  in  which  he  had  resolved  to 
conduct  the  defense,  and  in  which  he  did  conduct  it  from  first 
to  last.  He  asked  the  court  to  instruct  the  grand  jury  as  to 
the  admissibility  of  certain  evidence  which,  he  supposed, 
would  be  laid  before  them.  Mr.  Hay  objected,  and  hoped  the 
court  would  grant  no  special  indulgences  to  Colonel  Burr, 
who  stood  on  the  same  footing  with  every  other  man  who  had 
committed  a  crime.  "  Would  to  God,"  exckiimed  the  pris 
oner,  "  that  I  did  stand  on  the  same  footing  with  every  other 
man  !  This  is  the  first  time  I  have  been  permitted  to  enjoy 
the  rights  of  a  citizen.  How  have  I  been  brought  hither  ?" 

The  Chief  Justice  interposed,  observing  that  such  digressions 
were  improper.  The  day  being  far  spent,  it  was  agreed  that 
argument  respecting  the  duty  of  the  court  to  instruct  the 
grand  jury  further,  should  be  postponed.  The  court  then  ad 
journed  to  the  following  morning  ;  the  multitude  dispersed  ; 


464  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

and  the  prisoner,  accompanied  by  his  counsel,  returned  to  his 
lodgings. 

Second  Day  (Saturday).  —  Nothing  was  done  except  recog 
nizing  some  newly-arrived  witnesses.  No  witnesses  were  sent 
in  to  the  grand  jury.  It  now  appeared  that  nothing  effectual 
could  be  done  until  the  arrival  of  General  Wilkinson,  who  had 
been  summoned,  and  was  daily  expected.  It  was  thought  by 
some  that  he  would  not  dare  to  confront  the  man  he  was  sup 
posed  to  have  betrayed  ;  and  meanwhile,  the  questions  of  the 
day  at  Richmond  were,  Has  Wilkinson  arrived  ?  Has  Wil 
kinson  been  heard  from  ?  What  can  have  become  of  Wilkin 
son  ?  Wilkinson  was  the  great  Expected  —  the  Coming 
Man. 

Third  Day.  —  Mr.  Hay  was  compelled  again  to  announce 
that  he  had  received  no  tidings  of  the  general.  He  made  an 
important  motion,  however,  which  excited  one  of  the  most 
eloquent  debates  of  the  whole  trial.  The  prisoner,  as  the 
reader  has  been  informed,  was  held  to  bail,  on  his  first  exami- 

Cation,  merely  on  the  charge  of  misdemeanor,  in  having  in- 
ited  a  hostile  attempt  against  a  nation  with  which  the  United 
States  were  at  peace.  To-day,  the  prosecuting  attorney 
moved  the  court  that  he  be  committed  on  the  charge  of  high 
treason !  "  On  his  examination,"  said  the  attorney,  "  there 
was  no  evidence  of  an  overt  act,  and  he  was  committed  for  a 
misdemeanor  only.  The  evidence  is  different  now."  The  ef 
fect  of  this  motion,  if  granted,  would  be  the  immediate  intro 
duction  of  viva  voce  evidence,  and  the  commitment  of  the 
prisoner  to  jail,  if  the  judge  should  deem  the  evidence  suffi 
cient  to  warrant  it.  It  was  a  home-thrust,  and  the  defense 
summoned  all  its  energies  to  parry  it. 

Mr.  Botts  denounced  the  motion  as  a  violation  of  an  agree- 
ment  which  had  been  made  between  the  opposing  counsel, 
that  each  side  should  give  the  other  notice  of  motions  in 
tended  to  be  made.  The  counsel  for  the  defense  had  not  been 
notified  of  the  present  motion.  "The  fact  is  this,"  replied 
Mr.  Hay,  "  Mr.  Wilkinson  is  known  to  be  a  material  witness 
in  this  prosecution  ;  his  arrival  in  Virginia  might  be  announced 
in  this  city  before  he  himself  reached  it.  I  do  not  pretend  to 


THE     INDICTMENT.  465 

say  what  effect  it  might  produce  upon  Colonel  Burr's  mind  ; 
but  certainly  Colonel  Burr  would  be  able  to  effect  his  esc:i]><>, 
merely  upon  paying  the  recognizance  of  his  present  bail.  My 
only  object  then  was  to  keep  his  person  safe,  until  we  could 
have  investigated  the  charge  of  treason  ;  and  I  really  did  not 
know  but  that,  if  Colonel  Burr  had  been  previously  apprised 
of  my  motion,  he  might  have  attempted  to  avoid  it.  But  I 
did  not  promise  to  make  this  communication  to  the  opposite 
counsel,  because  it  might  have  defeated  the  very  end  for 
which  it  was  intended." 

Mr.  Wickham,  Mr.  Randolph,  and  Mr.  Botts  were  positive 
and  vehement  in  opposing  the  motion,  as  unprecedented,  un 
lawful,  unjust,  and  cruel.  Colonel  Burr,  they  said,  was  in 
court,  ready  to  go  on  with  the  investigation.  The  prosecu 
tion  had  had  months  to  prepare  their  case,  and  to  assemble 
their  witnesses ;  and  still  they  were  not  ready.  They  desired 
to  waive  the  prosecution,  and  institute,  in  its  stead,  an  oppres 
sive  inquisition,  against  which  the  prisoner  would  have  no 
means  of  defense. 

In  reply  to  these  gentlemen,  Mr.  Wirt,  for  the  first  time, 
addressed  the  court,  and  spoke  with  remarkable  fluency  and 
animation.  That  he  believed  Colonel  Burr  a  guilty  man,  is 
shown  by  the  harshness  of  his  manner  whenever,  throughout 
the  trial,  he  had  occasion  to  refer  directly  to  him. 

"  Where  is  the  crime,"  said  Mr.  Wirt,  "  of  considering 
Aaron  Burr  as  subject  to  the  ordinary  operation  of  the  human 
passions?  Toward  any  other  man,  it  seems,  the  attorney 
would  have  been  justifiable  in  using  precautions  against  alarms 
and  escapes :  it  is  only  improper  when  applied  to  this  man. 
Really,  sir,  I  recollect  nothing  in  the  history  of  his  deport 
ment,  which  renders  it  so  very  incredible  that  Aaron  Burr 
would  fly  from  a  prosecution. 

"  Sir,  if  Aaron  Burr  be  innocent,  instead  of  resisting  this 
motion,  he  ought  to  hail  it  with  triumph  and  exultation. 
What  is  it  that  we  propose  to  introduce  ?  Not  the  rumors 
that  are  floating  through  the  world,  nor  the  bulk  of  the  multi 
tude,  nor  the  speculations  of  newspapers  :  but  the  evidence  of 
facts.  We  propose  that  the  whole  evidence,  exculpatory  as 

20* 


466  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

well  as  accusative,  shall  come  before  you  ;  instead  of  exciting, 
this  is  the  true  mode  of  correcting  prejudices.  The  world, 
which  it  is  said  has  been  misled  and  inflamed  by  falsehood, 
will  now  hear  the  truth.  Let  the  truth  come  out,  let  us  know 
how  much  of  what  we  have  heard  is  false,  how  much  of  it  is 
true  ;  how  much  of  what  we  feel  is  prejudice,  how  much  of  it 
is  justified  by  fact.  Whoever  before  heard  of  such  an  appre 
hension  as  that  which  is  professed  on  the  other  side  ?  Preju 
dice  excited  l>y  evidence  !  Evidence,  sir,  is  the  great  corrector 
v of  prejudice.  Why  then  does  Aaron  Burr  shrink  from  it? 
It  is  strange  to  me  that  a  man,  who  complains  so  much  of 
being,  without  cause,  illegally  seized  and  transported  by  a 
military  officer,  should  be  afraid  to  confront  this  evidence. 
Evidence  can  be  promotive  only  of  truth.  I  repeat  it  then, 
sir,  why  does  he  shrink  from  the  evidence  ?  The  gentlemen 
on  the  other  side  can  give  the  answer.  On  our  part,  we  are 
ready  to  produce  that  evidence. 

"The  gentleman  assures  us  that  no  imputation  is  meant 
against  the  government.  Oh,  no,  sir ;  Colonel  Burr  indeed 
has  been  oppressed,  has  been  persecuted  ;  but  far  be  it  from 
the  gentleman  to  charge  the  government  with  it.  Colonel 
Burr  indeed  has  been  harassed  by  a  military  tyrant,  who  is 
x  the  instrument  of  a  government  bound  to  a  blind  obedience;' 
but  the  gentleman  could  not  by  any  means  be  understood  as 
intending  to  insinuate  aught  to  the  prejudice  of  the  govern 
ment.  The  gentleman  is  understood,  sir ;  his  object  is  cor 
rectly  understood.  He  would  divert  the  public  attention 
from  Aaron  Burr,  and  point  it  to  another  quarter.  He  would, 
too,  if  he  could,  shift  the  popular  displeasure  which  he  has 
spoken  of,  from  Aaron  Burr  to  another  quarter.  These  re 
marks  were  not  intended  for  your  ear,  sir ;  they  were  intended 
for  the  people  who  surround  us ;  they  can  have  no  effect  upon 
the  mind  of  the  court.  I  am  too  well  acquainted  with  the 
dignity,  the  firmness,  the  illumination  of  this  bench,  to  appre 
hend  any  such  consequence.  But  the  gentlemen  would  bal 
ance  the  account  of  popular  prejudices  ;  they  would  convert 
this  judicial  into  a  political  question ;  they  would  make  it  a 
question  between  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Aaron  Burr.  The 


THE      INDICTMENT.  467 

purpose  is  well  understood,  sir ;  but  it  shall  not  be  served.  I 
will  not  degrade  the  administration  of  this  country  by  enter 
ing  on  their  defense.  Besides,  sir,  this  is  not  our  business ;  at 
present  we  have  an  account  to  settle,  not  between  Aaron  Burr 
and  Thomas  Jefferson,  but  between  Aaron  Burr  and  the  laws 
of  his  country.  Let  us  finish  his  trial  first.  The  administra 
tion,  too,  will  be  tried  before  their  country  ;  before  the  world. 
They,  sir,  I  believe,  will  never  shrink,  either  from  the  evidence 
or  the  verdict. 

"  Why  is  not  General  Wilkinson  here  ?  The  certainty  that 
Aaron  Burr  would  be  put  upon  his  trial,  could  not  have  been 
known  at  Washington  till  the  5th  or  6th  of  April.  Now,  sir, 
let  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  make  a  slight  calculation. 
Orleans  is  said  to  be  fifteen  hundred  or  sixteen  hundred  miles 
from  this  place.  Suppose  the  United  States  mail,  traveling 
by  a  frequent  change  of  horses  and  riders,  a  hundred  miles 
per  day,  should  reach  Orleans  in  seventeen  days  from  the  fed 
eral  city,  it  would  be  the  24th  or  25th  of  April  (putting  all 
accidents  out  of  the  question)  before  General  Wilkinson  could 
have  received  his  orders  to  come  on.  Since  that  time  until 
this,  he  has  had  thirty  days  to  reach  Richmond.  Could  a 
journey  of  fifteen  hundred  or  sixteen  hundred  miles  be  reas 
onably  performed  in  thirty  days?  Who  can  bear  a  journey 
of  fifty  miles  per  day  for  thirty  days  together." 

Mr.  Hay  followed  in  an  elaborate  speech.  To  him,  as  to 
Mr.  Wirt,  the  counsel  for  the  defense,  replied,  and  Colonel 
Burr  concluded  the  debate  in  a  ten  minutes'  speech.  He  de 
clared  himself,  not  only  willing,  but  anxious  to  proceed  —  but 
not  to  proceed  in  the  way  proposed.  On  a  motion  for  com 
mitment,  exparte  evidence  alone  would  be  introduced,  and  lie 
would  not  submit  to  go  on  at  such  disadvantage,  when  the  re 
sult  involved  such  consequences  to  himself.  "  My  counsel," 
said  he,  "  have  been  charged  with  declamation  against  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States.  I  certainly,  sir,  shall  not  be 
charged  with  declamation ;  but  surely  it  is  an  established  prin 
ciple,  that  no  government  is  so  high  as  to  be  beyond  the 
reach  of  criticism ;  and  it  is  particularly  laid  down,  that  this 
vigilance  is  more  peculiarly  uecessar*,  when  any  government 


468  L  1  F  K     OF     AARON      B  IT  K  B  . 

institutes  a  prosecution  ;  and  one  reason  is,  on  account  of  the 
vast  disproportion  of  means  which  exists  between  it  and  the 
accused.  But,  if  ever  there  was  a  case  which  justified  this 
vigilance,  it  is  certainly  the  present  one,  when  the  government 
has  displayed  such  uncommon  activity.  If,  then,  this  govern 
ment  has  been  so  peculiarly  active  against  me,  it  is  not  im 
proper  to  make  the  assertion  here,  for  the  purpose  of  increas 
ing  the  circumspection  of  the  court." 

He  observed,  that  he  meant  by  persecution,  the  harassing 
of  any  individual,  contrary  to  the  forms  of  law ;  and  that  his 
case,  unfortunately,  presented  too  many  instances  of  this  de 
scription.  His  friends  had  been  everywhere  seized  by  the  mil 
itary  authority  ;  a  practice  truly  consonant  with  European 
despotism.  Persons  had  been  dragged  by  compulsory  process 
before  particular  tribunals,  and  compelled  to  give  testimony 
against  him.  His  papers,  too,  had  been  seized.  And  yet,  in 
England,  where  we  say  they  know  nothing  of  liberty,  a  gen 
tleman  who  had  been  seized  and  detained  two  hours  in  a  back 
parlor,  had  obtained  damages  to  the  amount  of  one  thousand 
guineas.  He  said  that  an  order  had  been  issued  to  kill  him, 
as  he  was  descending  the  Mississippi,  and  seize  his  property. 
And  yet,  they  could  only  have  killed  his  person  if  he  had 
been  formally  condemned  for  treason.  Even  post-offices  had 
been  broken  open,  and  robbed  of  his  papers,  in  the  Missis 
sippi  Territory ;  even  an  indictment  was  about  to  be  laid 
against  the  postmaster.  He  had  always  taken  this  for  a  felony ; 
but  nothing  seemed  too  extravagant  to  be  forgiven  by  the 
amiable  morality  of  this  government.  "  All  this,"  said  Colo 
nel  Burr,  "  may  only  prove  that  my  case  is  a  solitary  excep 
tion  from  the  general  rule  ;  that  government  may  be  tender, 
mild,  and  humane,  to  every  one  but  me.  If  so,  to  be  sure  it 
is  of  little  consequence  to  any  body  but  myself.  But  surely  I 
may  be  excused  if  I  complain  a  little  of  such  proceedings." 
There  seemed  to  be  something  mingled  in  those  proceedings, 
which  manifested  a  more  than  iisual  inclination  to  attain  the 
ends  of  justice. 

"  Our  President  is  a  lawyer,  and  a  great  one  too.  He  cer 
tainly  ought  to  know  what  it  is  that  constitutes  a  war.  Six 


T  UK      I  N  1)  H'T  MK  N  T. 


months  ago  lie  proclaimed  tliat  there  was  a  civil  war.  And 
yet,  for  six  months  have  they  been  hunting  for  it,  and  still 
can  not  find  one  spot  where  it  existed.  There  was,  to  be  sure, 
a  most  terrible  war  in  the  newspapers  ;  but  no  where  else. 
When  I  appeared  before  the  grand  jury,  in  Kentucky,  they 
iiad  no  charge  to  bring  against  me,  and  I  was  consequently 
dismissed.  When  I  appeared  for  a  second  time,  before  a 
grand  jury  in  the  Mississippi  Territory,  there  was  nothing  to 
appear  against  me;  and  the  judge  even  told  the  United  States 
Attorney,  that  if  he  did  not  send  up  his  bill  before  the  grand 
jury,  he  himself  would  proceed  to  name  as  many  of  the  wit 
nesses  as  he  could,  and  bring  it  before  the  court.  Still  there 
was  no  proof  of  war.  At  length,  however,  the  Spaniards  in 
vaded  our  territory,  and  yet,  there  was  no  war.  But,  sir,  if 
there  was  a  war,  certainly  no  man  can  pretend  to  say  that  the 
government  is  able  to  find  it  out.  The  scene  to  which  they 
have  now  hiuited  it,  is  only  three  hundred  miles  distant,  and 
still  there  is  no  evidence  to  prove  this  war." 

He  concluded  by  reminding  the  judge,  that  if  he  should 
then  be  committed  to  prison,  he  would  be  obliged  by  law  to 
remain  there  until  the  next  term  of  the  court,  which  would 
involve  a  delay  of  six  months.  The  argument  then  rested, 
and  the  court  adjourned  for  the  day. 

Fourth  Day.  —  The  Chief  Justice  decided,  writh  avowed  re 
luctance,  that  "  if  it  was  the  choice  of  the  prosecuting  attor 
ney  to  proceed  with  the  motion"  he  might  open  his  testimony  ; 
but  "  the  court  perceives  and  regrets  that  the  result  of  this 
motion  may  be  publications  unfavorable  to  the  justice  and  to 
the  right  decision  of  the  case."  Mr.  Hay  then  said  that  he  was 
struck  with  the  observation  of  the  court  respecting  "  publica 
tions,"  and  he  was  willing  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the 
counselor  for  the  defense  with  a  view  to  avoid  that  "  inconve 
nience  ;"  that  is  to  say,  if  they  would  consent  to  an  amount 
of  bail  sufficiently  large  to  insure  the  prisoner's  appearance, 
he  would  forbear  to  avail  himself  of  the  decision  just  rendered. 
Colonel  Burr's  counsel  demanding  time  for  reflection,  the 
court  adjourned. 

Fifth  Day.  —  Mr.  Hay  said  he  had  received  a  letter  from 


470  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BURR. 

the  counsel  for  the  defense,  positively  refusing  to  give  additional 
bail.  He  deemed  it  his  duty,  therefore,  to  go  on  with  the  ex 
amination  of  witnesses,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  com 
mitment  of  Colonel  Burr  on  the  charge  of  treason. 

Now  arose,  as  might  have  been  foreseen,  the  vital  question, 
what  evidence  was  admissible  f 

A  field-day  of  argument  ensued,  in  the  course  of  which  Mr. 
Botts,  in  a  manner  plain  to  the  comprehension  of  non-legal  au 
ditors,  stated  the  law  of  the  United  States  respecting  the  crime 
of  high  treason.  First,  he  said,  it  must  be  proved  that  there 
w  was  an  actual  war;  a  war  consisting  of  acts,  not  of  intentions. 
"  In  England,"  said  Mr.  Botts,  "  where  conspiring  the  death 
of  the  king  was  treason,  the  quo  animo  formed  the  essence  of 
the  offense ;  but  in  America  the  national  convention  has  con 
fined  treason  to  the  act.  We  can  not  have  a  constructive  war 
within  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution.  An  intention  to  levy 
war,  is  not  evidence  that  a  war  was  levied.  Intentions  are 
always  mutable  and  variable ;  the  continuance  of  guilty  inten 
tions  is  not  to  be  presumed."  Secondly,  the  war  must  not 
only  have  been  levied,  but  the  prisoner  must  be  proved  to 
have  committed  an  overt  (open,  not  covert]  act  of  treason  in 
that  war.  "  A  treasonable  intention  to  cooperate  is  no  evi 
dence  of  an  actual  cooperation.  The  act  of  others,  even  if 
in  pursuance  of  his  plan,  \vould  be  no  evidence  against  him. 
It  might  not  be  necessary  that  he  should  be  present,  perhaps; 
he  must  be,  at  the  time  of  levying  the  war,  cooperating  by 
acts,  or,  in  the  language  of  the  Constitution,  be  committing 
overt  acts."  Thirdly,  the  'overt  act  by  the  accused,  in  an  ac 
tual  war,  must  be  proved  to  have  been  committed  within  the 
district  in  which  the  trial  takes  place.  Fourthly,  the  overt 
act  must  be  proved  by  two  witnesses. 

The  court  sustained  this  view  of  the  crime  of  treason,  and 
refused  to  hear  evidence  of  treasonable  intention,  until  it  was 
first  proved  that  an  overt  act  of  treason  had  been  committed. 
Just  as  in  a  case  of  murder,  the  fact  of  the  killing  must  be 
shown  before  other  evidence  has  any  relevancy.  That  the 
counsel  for  the  prosecution  were  mortified  and  perplexed  by 
this  decision,  they  took  no  pains  to  conceal.  They  appeared  to 


THE     INDICTMENT.  471 

have  drawn  up  their  list  of  witnesses  in  the  historical  order ; 
intending,  first,  to  show  the  state  of  the  prisoner's  mind  when 
the  alleged  treason  was  conceived,  and  then  to  narrate  its  pro 
gressive  development  in  the  order  in  which  the  events  were 
supposed  to  have  occurred.  The  decision,  besides  excluding 
all  their  choicest  morsels  of  evidence,  disarranged  this  com 
modious  scheme. 

Two  of  Blennerhassett's  servants  were  examined  respecting 
the  events  that  took  place  on  the  island  ;  an  affidavit  from 
New  Orleans  was  offered  as  evidence,  but  rejected  ;  and  then, 
without  having  made  the  slightest  progress,  the  court  ad 
journed. 

Sixth  Day.  —  Luther  Martin  appeared,  and  took  his  place 
among  Colonel  Burr's  counsel.  The  prosecuting  attorney  be 
ing  convinced,  to-day,  of  the  futility  of  his  efforts  to  commit 
the  prisoner  at  the  present  stage  of  the  case,  and  the  Chief 
Justice  having  expressed  a  strong  desire  that  "  the  personal 
appearance  of  Colonel  Burr  could  be  secured  without  the 
necessity  of  proceeding  with  this  inquiry,"  Colonel  Burr 
agreed  to  give  bail,  "  provided  it  should  be  understood  that 
no  opinion,  on  the  question  even  of  probable  cause,  was  pro 
nounced  by  the  court  by  the  circumstance  of  his  giving  bail." 
This  was  agreed  to,  and  the  bail  was  doubled.  One  of  the 
new  sureties  was  Luther  Martin,  who  declared  in  open  court 
that  he  was  happy  to  have  this  opportunity  to  give  a  public 
proof  of  his  confidence  in  the  honor  of  Colonel  Burr,  and  of 
his  conviction  that  he  was  innocent. 

Days  passed,  and  still  there  were  no  tidings  of  the  portly 
Wilkinson.  Here  were  nine  of  the  ablest  lawyers  of  the 
country,  however,  and  the  "eyes  of  an  excited  nation  were 
fixed  upon  them.  Need  it  be  said  that  there  were  motions 
enough,  and  talk  interminable !  There  was  talk  desultory, 
talk  animated,  talk  violent,  talk  to  the  purpose,  and  talk  di 
gressive.  Martin  roared  against  the  administration,  like  the 
" Federal  bull-dog"  that  he  was;  and  Wirt  retorted  in  pol 
ished  and  glowing  declamation.  Wickham,  Botts,  and  Ran 
dolph  went,  by  turns,  into  the  arena,  and  won  the  applause 
of  the  bar  and  the  crowd.  One  of  the  longest  arguments  was 


472  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUAB. 

upon  a  motion  made  by  Burr,  that  the  court  issue  a  subpoena 
ditces  tecum  to  the  President,  requiring  him  to  furnish  cer 
tain  papers  to  the  counsel  for  the  defense,  namely,  Wilkinson's 
letter  to  the  President,  dated  October  21st,  and  the  orders 
issued  by  the  government  to  the  army  and  navy  during  the 
late  excitement.  These  papers  (copies,  of  course)  had  been 
applied  for  by  Colonel  Burr  himself  during  a  recent  visit  to 
Washington.  They  were  refused.  His  counsel  had  since  ap 
plied,  but  they  had  not  been  obtained. 

The  letter  applied  for  was  the  one  in  which  Wilkinson  said 
he  did  not  know  who  the  prime  mover  of  the  conspiracy  was, 
and  the  orders  to  the  army  and  navy  were  such  as,  in  the 
counsels'  opinion,  would  have  justified  resistance  on  the  part 
of  Colonel  Burr  and  his  companions. 

"  We  intended  to  show,"  said  Luther  Martin,  "  in  one  of 
his  vehement  harangues,  "  that  these  orders  were  contrary 
to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  and  that  they  entitled  Colonel 
Burr  to  the  right  of  resistance.  We  intended  to  show  that 
by  this  particular  order  his  property  and  his  person  were  to 
be  destroyed  ;  yes,  by  these  tyrannical  orders  the  life  and 
property  of  an  innocent  man  were  to  be  exposed  to  destruc 
tion.  We  did  not  expect  the  originals  themselves.  But  we 
did  apply  for  copies ;  and  were  refused  under  presidential  in 
fluence.  In  New  York,  on  the  farcical  trials  of  Ogden  and 
Smith,  the  officers  of  the  government  screened  themselves 
from  attending,  under  the  sanction  of  the  President's  name. 
Perhaps  the  same  farce  may  be  repeated  here ;  and  it  is  for 
this  reason  that  we  apply  directly  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  Whether  it  would  have  been  best  to  have  ap 
plied  to  the  Secretaries  of  State,  of  the  Navy  and  War,  I  can 
not  say.  All  that  we  want  is,  the  copies  of  some  papers,  and 
the  original  of  another.  This  is  a  peculiar  case,  sir.  The 
President  has  underatken  to  prejudge  my  client  by  declaring, 
that  '  of  his  guilt  there  can  be  no  doubt.'  He  has  assumed 
to  himself  the  knowledge  of  the  Supreme  Being  himself,  and 
pretended  to  search  the  heart  of  my  highly  respected  friend. 
He  has  proclaimed  him  a  traitor  in  the  face  of  that  country 
which  has  rewarded  him.  He  has  let  slip  the  dogs  of  war,  the 


THE     INDICTMENT.  473 

hell-hounds  of  persecution,  to  hunt  down  my  friend.  And 
would  this  President  of  the  United  States,  who  lias  raised  nil 
this  absurd  clamor,  pretend  to  keep  back  the  papers  which  are 
wanted  for  this  trial,  where  life  itself  is  at  stake  ?  It  is  a 
sacred  principle,  that  in  all  such  cases,  the  accused  has  a  right 
to  all  the  evidence  which  is  necessary  for  his  defense.  And 
whoever  withholds,  willfully,  information  that  would  save  the 
life  of  a  person  charged  with  a  capital  oifense,  is  substantially 
a  murderer,  and  so  recorded  in  the  register  of  heaven." 

To  which  Mr.  Wirt  replied:  "I  beg  to  know  what  gentle 
men  can  intend,  expect,  or  hope,  from  these  perpetual  philip 
pics  against  the  government  ?  Do  they  flatter  themselves 
that  this  court  feels  political  prejudices  which  will  supply  the 
place  of  argument  and  innocence  on  the  part  of  the  prisoner  ? 
Their  conduct  amounts  to  an  insinuation  of  the  sort.  But  I 
do  not  believe  it.  On  the  contrary,  I  feel  the  firm  and  pleas 
ing  assurance,  that  as  to  the  court,  the  beam  of  their  judg 
ment  will  remain  steady,  although  the  earth  itself  should  shake 
under  the  concussion  of  prejudice.  Or  is  it  on  the  by-standers 
that  the  gentlemen  expect  to  make  a  favorable  impression  ? 
And  do  they  use  the  court  merely  as  a  canal,  through  which 
they  may  pour  upon  the  world  their  undeserved  invectives 
against  the  government  ?  Do  they  wish  to  divide  the  popular 
resentment  and  diminish  thereby  their  own  quota  ?  Before 
the  gentlemen  arraign  the  administration,  let  them  clear  the 
skirts  of  their  client.  Let  them  prove  his  innocence ;  let  them 
prove  that  he  has  not  covered  himself  with  the  clouds  of  mys 
tery  and  just  suspicion ;  let  them  prove  that  he  has  been  all 
along  erect  and  fair,  in  open  day.  and  that  these  charges  against 
him  are  totally  groundless  and  false.  That  will  be  the  most 
eloquent  invective  which  they  can  pronounce  against  the  pros 
ecution  ;  but  until  they  prove  this  innocence,  it  shall  be  in  vain 
that  they  attempt  to  divert  our  minds  to  other  objects,  and 
other  inquiries.  We  will  keep  our  eyes  on  Aaron  Burr  until 
he  satisfies  our  utmost  scruple.  I  beg  to  know,  sir,  if  the 
course  which  gentlemen  pursue  is  not  disrespectful  to  the 
court  itself?  Suppose  there  are  any  foreigners  here  accus 
tomed  to  regular  government  in  their  own  country,  what  can 


474  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

they  infer  from  bearing  the  federal  administration  thus  re 
viled  to  the  federal  judiciary  ?  Hearing  the  judiciary  told 
that  the  administration  are  "  blood  hounds,  hunting  this  man 
with  a  keen  and  savage  thirst  for  blood  ;  that  they  now  sup 
pose  they  have  hunted  him  into  their  toils,  and  have  him  safe.' 
Sir,  no  man,  foreigner  or  citizen,  who  hears  this  language  ad 
dressed  to  the  court,  and  received  with  all  the  complacency  at 
least  which  silence  can  imply,  can  make  any  inferences  from  it 
very  honorable  to  the  court.  It  would  only  be  inferred,  while 
they  are  thus  suffered  to  roll  and  luxuriate  in  these  gross  in 
vectives  against  the  administration,  that  they  are  furnishing 
the  joys  of  a  Mohammedan  paradise  to  the  court  as  well  as  to 
their  client.  I  hope  that  the  court,  for  their  own  sakes,  will 
compel  a  decent  respect  to  that  government  of  which  they 
themselves  form  a  branch.  On  our  part,  we  wish  only  a  fair 
trial  of  this  case.  If  the  man  be  innocent,  in  the  name  of 
God  let  him  go ;  but  while  we  are  on  the  question  of  his  guilt 
or  innocence,  let  us  not  suffer  our  attention  and  judgment  to 
be  diverted  and  distracted  by  the  introduction  of  other  sub 
jects  foreign  to  the  inquiry." 

After  some  days  of  debate,  the  Chief  Justice  gave  a  very 
elaborate  opinion  on  the  point,  and  decided  that  the  subpoena 
duces  tecum  might  issue. 

If  the  object  of  this  motion  was  to  annoy  the  President,  it 
certainly  accomplished  its  purpose  completely.  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  disgusted  with  the  motion,  disgusted  with  the  debate,  and 
disgusted  with  the  decision.  "  Shall  we  move,"  he  wrote  to 
Mr.  Hay,  "  to  commit  Luther  Martin  as  particeps  criminis 
with  Burr  ?  Grayball  will  fix  upon  him  misprision  of  treason 
at  least,  and,  at  any  rate,  his  evidence  will  put  down  this  un 
principled  and  impudent  Federal  bull-dog,  and  add  another 
proof  that  the  most  clamorous  defenders  of  Burr  are  all  his 
accomplices.  It  will  explain  why  Luther  Martin  flew  so 
hastily  to  the  '  aid  of  his  honorable  friend,'  abandoning  his 
clients  and  their  property  during  a  session  of  a  principal  court 
of  Maryland,  now  filled,  as  I  am  told,  with  the  clamors  and 
ruin  of  his  clients." 

The  Chief  Justice's  opinion  was  not  less  offensive   to  the 


THE     INDICTMENT.  475 

President  than  Martin's  philippics.  He  descanted,  at  length, 
upon  a  passage  which  intimated  that  even  the  bodily  presence 
of  the  President  might  be  compelled  by  the  court.  He 
emphatically  denied  tin's.  "  The  Constitution,"  wrote  the 
President,  "  enjoins  the  President's  constant  agency  in  the  con 
cerns  of  six  millions  of  people.  Is  the  law  paramount  to  this 
which  calls  on  hkn  on  behalf  of  a  single  one  ?  Let  us  apply 
the  judge's  own  doctrine  to  the  case  of  himself  and  his  breth 
ren.  The  sheriff  of  Henrico  (Judge  Marshall's  residence)  sum 
mons  him  from  the  bench  to  quell  a  riot  somewhere  in  his 
county.  The  federal  judge  is,  by  the  general  law,  a  part  of 
the  posse  of  the  State  sheriff.  Would  the  judge  abandon 
major  duties  to  perform  lesser  ones  ?  *  *  *  The  leading 
principle  of  our  Constitution  is  the  independence  of  the  legis 
lature,  executive,  and  judiciary  of  each  other,  and  none  are 
more  jealous  of  this  than  the  judiciary.  But  would  the  exec 
utive  be  independent  of  the  judiciary,  if  he  were  subject  to 
the  commands  of  the  latter,  and  to  imprisonment  for  diso 
bedience,  if  the  several  courts  could  bandy  him  from  pillar  to 
post,  keep  him  constantly  trudging  from  north  to  south,  and 
east  to  west,  and  withdraw  him  entirely  from  his  constitutional 
duties  ?  *  *  *  The  judge  says,  '  it  is  apparent  that  the 
President's  duties  as  chief  magistrate  do  not  demand  his  whole 
time,  and  are  not  unremitting.'  If  he  alludes  to  our  annual 
retirement  from  the  seat  of  goverment,  during  the  sickly 
season,  he  should  be  told  that  such  arrangements  are  made 
for  carrying  on  the  public  business  that  it  goes  on  as  unremit 
tingly  there  as  if  we  were  at  the  seat  of  government.  I  pass 
more  hours  in  public  business  at  Monticello  than  I  do  here 
every  day  and  it  is  much  more  laborious,  because  all  must  be 
done  in  writing." 

These  passages  show  the  more  than  official  interest  that  Mr. 
Jefferson  took  in  the  events  that  were  transpiring  at  Rich 
mond.  They  show  who  was  the  real  prosecutor  of  the  prison 
er,  and  who  inspired  the  eloquence  and  zeal  of  those  who  were 
delegated  to  conduct  the  cause. 

At  length  on  the  15th  of  June,  twenty-four  days  after  the 
opening  of  the  court,  General  Wilkinson,  who  had  arrived  on 


476  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

the  13th,  exhausted  with  the  fatigue  of  his  journey,  appeared 
in  court.  His  bearing,  it  was  said  at  the  time,  was  serene  and 
commanding,  while  the  countenance  of  the  prisoner  wore  an 
expression  of  inetfable  contempt.  Business  now  proceeded 
with  more  celerity.  Witnesses  were  sworn  and  sent  to  the 
grand  jury  in  scores.  Prodigious  efforts  were  made  by  Col 
onel  Burr  and  his  counsel  to  exclude  and  vitiate  the  testi 
mony  of  General  Wilkinson.  But,  on  the  24th  of  June,  while 
Mr.  Botts  was  in  the  very  act  of  urging  the  attachment  of 
Wilkinson  for  procuring  evidence  by  means  violent,  unlawful, 
and  corrupting,  the  coming  of  the  grand  jury  was  announced, 
bearing  the  result  of  their  investigations.  With  their  distin 
guished  foreman  at  the  head  of  the  procession,  they  marched 
into  the  court-room  and  took  their  places,  amid  the  hushed  and 
intense  expectation  of  a  crowded  auditory.  The  grand  jury, 
Mr.  Randolph  said,  had  agreed  upon  several  indictments, 
which  he  handed  to  the  clerk  of  the  court.  The  clerk  took 
them,  and  read  aloud  the  endorsements  upon  them,  which 
were  as  follows : 

"  An  indictment  against  Aaron  Burr  for  treason  ;"  "  an  in 
dictment  against  Aaron  Burr  for  a  misdemeanor ;"  "  an  indict 
ment  against  Herman  Blennerhassett  for  treason  ;"  "  an  indict 
ment  against  Herman  Blennerhassett  for  misdemeanor." 

The  eyes  of  the  auditors  sought  involuntarily  the  counte 
nance  of  the  prisoner.  It  was  utterly  unmoved ;  his  manner 
differed  in  no  degree  whatever  from  that  which  he  had  exhib 
ited  at  every  stage  of  the  trial.  A  Richmond  newspaper  of 
the  following  day,  however,  announced  to  a  country  hungry 
for  exciting  intelligence,  that  when  the  clerk  read  the  first  en 
dorsement,  the  prisoner  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  indescrib 
able  consternation  and  dismay. 

The  grand  jury  retired.  Mr.  Botts  concluded  his  speech. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  show  that  the  prisoner  might  still  be 
held  on  bail ;  but  after  debate,  the  Chief  Justice  decided  that 
4  he  was  "  under  the  necessity  of  committing  Colonel  Burr." 
Late  in  the  afternoon,  through  a  concourse  of  hundreds  of  spec- 
ators  who  looked  on  in  silence,  Colonel  Burr  was  conducted 
by  the  marshal  of  the  district  to  the  city  jail  of  Richmond. 


THE     INDICTMENT.  477 

His  first  thought  on  being  conducted  to  his  apartment  in  the 
prison  was  to  allay  the  apprehensions  which,  ho  well  knc\v, 
the  news  of  his  imprisonment  would  excite  in  the  mind  of  hfe 
daughter.  He  wrote  her  a  letter,  showing  the  absurdity  and 
groundlessness  of  the  indictments  for  treason.  He  said,  they 
were  founded  on  the  allegations,  that  "  Colonel  Tyler,  with 
twenty  or  thirty  men,  stopped  at  Blennerhassett's  Island  on 
their  way  down  the  Ohio ;  that  though  these  men  were  not 
armed,  and  had  no  military  array  or  organization,  and  though 
they  did  neither  use  force  nor  threaten  it,  yet  having  set  out 
with  a  view  of  taking  temporary  possession  of  New  Orleans  on 
their  way  to  Mexico,  that  such  intent  was  treasonable,  and 
therefore  a  war  was  levied  on  Blennerhassett's  Island  by  con 
struction  ;  and  that,  though  Colonel  Burr  was  then  at  Frank 
fort  on  his  way  to  Tennessee,  yet,  having  advised  the  measure, 
he  was,  by  construction  of  law ,  present  at  the  island,  and  levied 
war  there."  He  declared,  that  of  the  fifty  witnesses  who  had 
been  examined  by  the  grand  jury,  thirty  had  perjured  them 
selves.  "  I  beg  and  expect  it  of  you,"  he  said  in  conclusion, 
"  that  you  will  conduct  yourelf  as  becomes  my  daughter,  and 
that  you  manifest  no  signs  of  weakness  or  alarm." 

On  the  following  day,  the  grand  jury  indicted  ex-senators 
Dayton  and  Smith,  Comfort  Tyler,  Israel  Smith,  and  Davis 
Floyd  for  the  same  oifenses.  Hour  after  hour,  the  lawyers 
talked  their  best,  and  occasionally,  their  loudest,  upon  the 
motion  to  attach  General  Wilkinson  for  contempt.  In  vain. 

The  next  day,  on  the  opening  of  the  court,  the  counsel  of 
the  prisoner  presented  a  paper  to  the  judges,  stating  that  the 
city  jail,  where  their  client  was  confined,  was  unhealthy  and 
inconvenient,  and  was  so  constructed  that  he  could  not  have  a 
room  to  himself,  which  rendered  it  almost  impossible  for  his 
counsel  to  consult  with  him.  They  therefore  prayed  that  bet 
ter  quarters  might  be  provided.  The  Governor  of  the  State, 
under  the  advice  of  his  counsel,  having  offered  apartments  in 
the  penitentiary  near  Richmond,  the  Chief  Justice  ordered  the 
prisoner's  removal  thither.  This  proceeding  seems  to  have 
filled  up  the  measure  of  Jefferson's  disgust.  "  Before  an  im 
partial  jury,"  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Hay,  "  Burr's  conduct  would 


478  L  I  F  E     O  F     A  A  R  O  X     B  U  R  R  . 

convict  himself,  were  not  one  word  of  testimony  to  be  offered 
against  him.  But  to  what  a  state  will  our  law  be  reduced  by 
party  feelings  in  those  who  administer  it  ?  Why  do  not  Blen- 
nerhassett,  Dayton,  and  the  rest,  demand  private  and  com 
fortable  lodgings  ?  In  a  country  where  an  equal  application 
of  law  to  every  condition  of  man  is  fundamental,  how  could  it 
be  denied  to  them  ?  How  can  it  ever  be  denied  to  the  most 
degraded  malefactor  ?" 

On  the  13th  of  June,  the  court,  having  been  occupied  for 
nearly  two  months  in  getting  the  prisoners  simply  indicted, 
rested  from  its  labors,  and  adjourned  to  meet  again  on  the  3d 
of  August.  The  proceedings  thus  far  were  immediately  pub 
lished  in  a  thick,  three-shilling  pamphlet,  which  seems,  if  we 
may  judge  from  the  newspapers  of  that  day,  to  have  confirmed 
the  country  in  its  impressions  of  the  prisoner's  guilt. 

For  example  —  at  a  Fourth-of- July  celebration  in  Cecil 
county,  Maryland,  the  following  were  among  the  toasts : 

"The  grand  jurors  lately  impaneled  at  Richmond  to  in 
dict  the  traitors  of  their  country.  May  their  zeal  and  patriot 
ism  in  the  cause  of  liberty  secure  them  a  crown  of  immortal 
glory,  and  the  fruits  of  their  labor  be  a  death-wound  to  all 
conspirators. 

"  Luther  Martin,  the  ex-attorney-general  of  Maryland,  the 
mutual  and  highly  respected  friend  of  a  convicted  traitor. 
May  his  exertions  to  preserve  the  Catiline  of  America  procure 
him  an  honorable  coat  of  tar,  and  a  plumage  of  feathers  that 
will  rival  in  finery  all  the  mummeries  of  Egypt. 

"  Aaron  Burr,  the  man  who  once  received  the  confidence  of 
a  free  people.  May  his  treachery  to  his  country  exalt  him  to 
the  scaffold,  and  hemp  be  his  escort  to  the  republic  of  dust 
and  ashes." 

To  these  elegant  effusions  of  patriotic  hilarity,  Luther 
Martin  replied  with  a  spirit  and  audacity  never  employed  by 
public  men  of  the  present  day  in  addressing  the  sovereign 
People.  "  Who  is  this  gentleman,"  said  he,  "  whose  guilt  you 
have  pronounced,  and  for  whose  blood  your  parched  throats 
so  thirst?  Was  he  not,  a  few  years  past,  adored  by  you  next 
to  your  God?  I  mean  your  earthly  god;  for  whether  you 


THE     INDICTMENT.  479 

believe  in  a  deity  who  has  any  government  over  your  4  repub 
lic  of  dust  and  ashes,'  I  know  not.  Were  you  not,  then,  his 
wannest  admirers  ?  Did  he  not  then  possess  every  virtue  ? 
Had  he  then  one  sin  —  even  a  single  weakness  of  human  na 
ture?  He  was  then  in  power.  He  had  then, influence.  You 
would  then  have  been  proud  of  his  notice.  One  smile  from 
him  would  have  brightened  up  all  your  faces.  One  frown 
from  him  would  have  lengthened  all  your  visages ! 

"Go,  ye  holiday,  ye  sunshine  friends  —  ye  time-servers  — 
ye  criers  of  hosannah  to-day  and  crncifiers  to-morrow  —  go, 
hide  your  heads,  if  possible,  from  the  contempt  and  detesta 
tion  of  every  virtuous,  every  honorable  inhabitant  of  every 
clime !" 

In  Richmond  itself,  however,  Colonel  Burr  had  found  friends 
enough.  From  the  day  of  his  arrival,  he  had  been  growing  in 
the  esteem  and  good-will  of  those  who  attended  the  court  and 
saw  his  uniform  urbanity  and  good  humor.  His  situation  in 
the  penitentiary  was  extremely  agreeable.  He  had  a  suite  of 
three  rooms  in  the  third  story,  extending  one  hundred  feet, 
where  he  was  allowed  to  see  his  friends  without  the  presence 
of  a  witness.  His  rooms  were  so  thronged  with  visitors,  at 
times,  as  to  present  the  appearance  of  a  levee.  Servants  were 
continually  arriving  "  with  messages,  notes,  and  inquiries, 
bringing  oranges,  lemons,  pineapples,  raspberries,  apricots, 
cream,  butter,  ice,"  and  other  articles  —  presents  from  the 
ladies  of  the  city.  In  expectation  of  his  daughter's  arrival, 
some  of  his  friends  in  the  town  provided  a  house  for  her  ac 
commodation.  The  jailor,  too,  was  all  civility.  Colonel  Burr 
often  laughed  at  the  recollection  of  a  conversation  that  took 
place  between  himself  and  the  jailor  on  the  evening  of  his 
arrival. 

"I  hope,  sir,"  said  the  jailor,  "that  it  would  not  be  dis 
agreeable  to  you  if  I  should  lock  this  door  after  dark  ?" 

"  By  no  means,"  replied  the  prisoner  ;  "  I  should  prefer  it, 
to  keep  out  intruders." 

"  It  is  our  custom,  sir,"  continued  the  jailor,  "  to  extinguish 
all  lights  at  nine  o'clock.  I  hope,  sir,  you  will  have  no  objec 
tion  to  conform  to  that." 


480  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

"  That,  sir,"  said  Burr,  "  I  am  sorry  to  say,  is  impossible, 
for  I  never  go  to  bed  till  twelve,  and  always  burn  two 
candles." 

"  Very  well,  sir,  just  as  you  please,"  replied  the  jailor.  "  I 
should  have  been  glad  if  it  had  been  otherwise  ;  but,  as  you 
please,  sir." 

Toward  the  close  of  July,  he  received  notice  of  Theodosia's 
approach.  "  Remember,"  he  wrote  to  her,  "  no  agitations,  no 
complaints,  no  fears  or  anxieties  on  the  road,  or  I  renounce 
thee."  And  again :  "  I  want  an  independent  and  discerning 
witness  to  my  conduct  and  to  that  of  the  government.  The 
scenes  which  have  passed  and  those  about  to  be  transacted 
will  exceed  all  reasonable  credibility,  and  will  hereafter  be 
deemed  fables,  unless  attested  by  very  high  authority.  Ire- 
peat,  what  has  heretofore  been  written,  that  I  should  never 
invite  any  one,  much  less  those  so  dear  to  me,  to  witness  my 
disgrace.  I  may  be  immured  in  dungeons,  chained,  murdered 
in  legal  form,  but  I  can  not  be  humiliated  or  disgraced.  If 
absent,  you  will  suffer  great  solicitude.  In  my  presence  you 
will  feel  none,  whatever  may  be  the  malice  or  the  power  of 
my  enemies,  and  in  both  they  abound."  And  again  :  "I  am 
informed  that  some  good-natured  people  here  have  provided 
you  a  house,  and  furnished  it,  a  few  steps  from  my  town-house. 
I  had  also  made  a  temporary  provision  for  you  in  my  town- 
house  (city  jail),  whither  I  shall  remove  on  Sunday ;  but  I 
will  not,  if  I  can  possibly  avoid  it,  move  before  your  arrival, 
having  a  great  desire  to  receive  you  all  in  this  mansion  (the 
penitentiary).  Pray,  therefore,  drive  directly  out  here.  You 
may  get  admission  at  any  time  from  four  in  the  morning  till 
ten  at  night.  Write  me  by  the  mail  from  Petersburg,  that  I 
may  know  of  your  approach." 

Upon  the  letter  last  quoted  was  written  in  Theodosia's  own 
hand  :  '•'•Received  on  our  approach  to  Richmond.  How  happy 
it  made  me  /"  She  arrived  the  same  day,  and  was  thence 
forth,  until  the  end  of  the  trial  for  treason,  his  companion  and 
housekeeper.  Her  husband,  faithful  always  to  her  and  to  her 
father,  was  with  her,  and  sat  by  the  side  of  her  father  when 
he  was  arraigned  for  treason. 


THE     INDICTMENT.  481 

The  recollections  of  the  late  John  Barney,  formerly  member 
of  Congress  from  Maryland,  confirm  the  view  here  given  of 
Colonel  Burr's  position  at  Richmond  during  his  trial.  Mr. 
Barney  was  employed  by  Colonel  Burr  as  his  amanuensis,  and 
lived  in  habits  of  intimacy  with  him  for  several  weeks.  With 
an  extract  from  Mr.  Barney's  narrative,  I  conclude  the  pres 
ent  chapter : 

"In  1803, 1  witnessed  the  dignity,  impartiality,  and  winning 
grace  with  which  Aaron  Burr  presided  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  during  the  trial  of  Judge  Chace,  impeached  im 
partiality  and  injustice  toward  John  Fries,  indicted  under  the 
alien  and  sedition  law. 

"  I  attended  his  trial  at  Richmond,  when  he  himself  was 
indicted  for  treason.  His  prominent  counselor  was  Luther 
Martin,  of  Baltimore,  my  father's  lawyer,  neighbor,  and 
friend. 

"  His  daughter  Maria,  afterward  celebrated  as  Mrs.  Rich 
ard  RaynalKeene,  invited  my  sister  and  self  to  dine  with  Col 
onel  Burr.  He  was  then  living  in  a  house  standing  alone, 
around  which  was  a  patrol  of  guards. 

"  The  dinner  was  superb,  abounding  in  all  the  luxuries 
which  Virginia's  generous  soil  yields  in  lavish  abundance. 
Twenty  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  rank,  fortune,  and  fashion, 
graced  the  festive  board. 

"  He  was  esteemed  a  persecuted  martyr.  Distress,  in  every 
form  and  shape,  makes  an  irresistible  appeal  to  woman's  sym 
pathy  ;  her  tears  often  flow  for  the  suffering  of  the  criminal 
who  expiates  his  crimes  on  the  gibbet. 

"On  this  occasion,  Burr's  fascinating  flatteries  were  lav 
ished  indiscriminately  on  the  sex  in  general.  Man  he  had 
ever  found  treacherous  —  woman  always  true  to  sustain  him 
in  adversity,  solacing  in  affliction,  and  giving  a  charm  to  life, 
without  which  life  itself  was  not  worth  possessing. 

"The  grand  jury  finding  a  true  bill,  he  was  forthwith  re 
moved  to  the  State  prison.  There  we  followed  him ;  he  re 
ceived  us  in  his  usual  bland,  courteous  manner ;  apologized 
for  our  being  introduced  into  his  bed-chamber  —  his  drawing- 
room  being  then  deranged  by  the  fitting  up  of  his  ice-house, 

21 


482  LIFE     OF     AAIION     B  U  It  It . 

which  was  in  fact  in  his  chimney-corner.  Iron  gratings  pre 
vented  his  egress,  admitting  free  circulation  of  light  and  air. 
I  felt  pride  and  took  pleasure  in  being  permitted  to  become 
his  amanuensis.  Each  day  as  I  rode  along  the  streets  my 
curricle  was  freighted  with  cake,  confectionery,  flowers,  redo 
lent  with  perfume,  wreathed  into  fancy  bouquets  of  endless 
variety. 

"  The  trial  was  tedious  and  prolonged.  I  traveled  on  to 
the  borders  of  North  Carolina,  lingered  for  awhile  at-  the  no 
ble  mansion  of  Lady  Shipwith.  On  my  return,  I  found  the 
persevering  Attorney-General,  George  Hay,  fatigued,  worried. 

"  '  Would  that  I  could  only  hang  upon  a  gate,  and  have  a 
little  negro  to  swing  me  to  and  fro  all  day.  The  law's  delay 
—  the  special  pleadings  of  the  bar,  its  interminable  controver 
sies  have  worn  out  and  exhausted  me.  I  shan't  be  able  to 
hang  Burr,  but  will  be  content  to  hang  myself  on  a  gate.' 
Thus  spoke  George  Hay,  than  whom  never  lived  a  purer  pa 
triot,  or  a  more  upright,  conscientious  man." 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE    TRIAL. 

FOURTEEN  DAYS  SPENT  IN  GETTING  A  JURY— GENERAL  EATON'S  TESTIMONY  —  COM 
MODORE  TRUXTON'B  TESTIMONY  —  PETER  TAYLOR'S  TESTIMONY  —  JACOB  ALL- 
BKIQIIT'S  TESTIMONY  —  THE  NINE  DAYS'  DEBATE  ON  THE  ADMISSIBILITY  OF  INDI 
RECT  EVIDENCE  —  WIRT'S  CELEBRATED  SPEECH  —  BLENNERHASSETT'S  DIARY  — 
DECISION  OF  THE  CHIEF  JUSTICE  —  THE  VERDICT  —  LETTER  OF  THEODOSIA'S  — 
THE  TKIAL  FOR  MISDEMEANOR  —  BURR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

THE  court  met  on  the  3d  of  August.  Present,  the  same 
judges  as  before.  Present,  the  same  counsel.  Present,  an 
equal  throng  of  auditors  flushed  with  expectation.  Present, 
more  than  one  hundred  and  forty  witnesses,  and  a  panel  of 
forty-eight  jurors.  Blennerhassett  had  arrived,  and  was  in 
prison.  Burr  had  been  brought  from  his  "  country  house"  to 
a  building  in  the  city  near  the  court-room,  where  he  was 
guarded  vigilantly,  night  and  day.  He  entered  the  court 
room  accompanied  by  his  son-in-law,  Governor  Alston,  of 
South  Carolina,  and  exhibited  all  his  wonted  serenity  of  man 
ner. 

Fourteen  days  elapsed  before  the  jury  were  sworn.  Some 
of  these  days  were  wasted  in  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  wit 
nesses,  but  most  of  them  were  consumed  in  attempting  to  find 
among  the  mass  of  jurors  twelve  who  had  not  formed  and  ex- 
pretsedan  opinion  of  the  prisoner's  guilt.  One  man  confessed  to 
having  said  that  any  one  who  did  what  Colonel  Burr  had  done 
ought  to  be  hung.  Another  had  expressed  the  opinion  that 
Colonel  Burr  had  done  something  wrong,  and  seduced  Blen 
nerhassett  into  it ;  but  that  he  (Burr)  was  so  "  sensible"  a  man, 
that  if  there  was  any  hole  left  he  would  creep  out  of  it.  An 
other  had  long  thought  that  the  prisoner  was  a  very  bad  man. 
Another  believed  him  guilty  of  treasonable  intention,  but  had 
doubts  whether  an  overt  act  had  been  committed,  because  he 


484  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUIiR. 

believed  Colonel  Burr  to  be  a  man  of  such  "  deep  intrigue  as 
never  to  jeopardize  his  own  life  until  thousands  fell  before  him." 
Another  said  that  his  bad  opinion  of  Colonel  Burr  had  been 
confirmed  by  what  he  had  heard  from  his  own  lips  in  court. 
With  one  of  the  panel,  the  prisoner  had  the  following  conver 
sation  in  open  court : 

"Have  the  rumors  (mentioned  by  the  juror)  excited  a  prej 
udice  in  your  mind  against  me  ?"  asked  Colonel  Burr. 

"  I  have  no  prejudice  for  or  against  you,"  was  the  reply. 

Mr.  Botts  asked,  "  Are  you  a  freeholder  ?" 

"  Yes,"  said  the  juror ;  "  I  have  two  patents  for  land." 

"  Are  you  worth  three  hundred  dollars  ?"  inquired  one  of 
the  counsel. 

"  Yes ;  I  have  a  house  here  worth  the  half  of  it." 

"  Have  you  another  at  home,"  inquired  one  of  the  counsel, 
jocosely,  "  to  make  up  the  other  half?" 

A  general  titter  followed-  this  question,  which  nettled  the 
gentleman.  "  Yes,"  said  he,  "  four  of  them."  Then,  turning 
to  the  spectators,  he  continued,  "  I  am  surprised  that  they 
should  be  in  so  much  terror  of  me.  Perhaps  my  name  may 
be  a  terror,  for  my  first  name  is  HAMILTON  !" 

"  That  remark,"  said  Colonel  Burr,  with  memorable  dig 
nity,  "  is  a  sufficient  cause  for  objecting  to  him.  I  challenge 
him  peremptorily."  And  this  was  his  only  peremptory  chal 
lenge. 

In  short,  out  of  the  whole  venire  of  forty-eight,  but  four 
men  were  found  wrhose  opinions  were  sufficiently  undecided 
to  admit  of  their  acceptance  as  jurors;  and  of  those  four,  all 
but  one  admitted  that  they  had  been  prejudiced  against  the 
prisoner.  A  second  venire  of  forty-eight  were  summoned ; 
all  of  whom,  it  was  soon  discovered,  had  formed  unfavorable 
opinions.  An  attempt  was  made  by  the  counsel  for  the  de 
fense  to  quash  the  trial,  for  the  simple  reason  that  an  impar 
tial  jury  could  not  be  obtained,  and  the  law  requires  that  every 
prisoner  shall  be  tried  by  an  impartial  jury.  At  length,  the 
prisoner  was  allowed  to  select  eight  jurors  from  the  last  venire 
to  add  to  the  four  obtained  from  the  first.  Some  even  of  these 
confessed  to  being  decidedly  prejudiced,  confessed  to  having 


THE     TRIAL.  485 

warmly  denounced  the  prisoner  on  many  occasions.  They 
were  accepted,  however,  and  sworn,  on  the  17th  of  the 
month. 

Proclamation  was  then  made  in  the  usual  form.  The  pris 
oner  stood  up,  while  the  indictment  was  read.  Mr.  Hay  then 
rose  and  opened  the  case  with  a  speech  of  great  length,  in 
which  he  discoursed  upon  the  nature  of  treason  ;  and,  briefly, 
upon  the  treason  committed  by  the  prisoner  at  the  bar.  It 
would  be  proved,  he  said,  that  the  prisoner  meant  to  take  New 
Orleans,  and  that  the  proceedings  at  Blennerhassett  Island' 
were  the  beginning  of  the  execution  of  that  scheme.  Much 
more  would  be  proved,  but  that  alone  was  enough  to  convict 
the  prisoner  of  treason.  He  concluded  by  bestowing  a  swell 
ing  panegyric  upon  General  Wilkinson,  as  the  saviour  of  the 
American  people  from  the  horrors  of  civil  war. 

General  Eaton  was  the  first  witness  called.  He  appeared 
and  was  sworn,  when  Colonel  Burr  objected  to  that  order  of 
examining  witnesses.  General  Eaton  was  called,  he  said,  to 
prove  treasonable  intentions,  before  it  had  been  proved  that 
any  overt  act  of  treason  had  been  committed.  No  testimony 
of  that  kind,  he  contended,  was  admissible  until  the  overt  act 
had  been  established.  This  question  was  argued  in  an  earnest 
and  able  manner  by  the  counsel  on  both  sides,  for  several 
hours,  Luther  Martin  distinguishing  himself  by  his  familiar 
ity  with  precedents  and  authorities.  The  day  was  consumed 
in  this  critical  debate.  On  the  following  morning,  the  court 
gave  its  decision,  as  follows  :  "  So  far  as  General  Eaton's  testi 
mony  relates  to  the  fact  charged  in  the  indictment,  so  far  as  it 
relates  to  levying  war  on  Blennerhassett's  Island,  so  far  as  it 
relates  to  a  design  to  seize  on  New  Orleans,  or  to  separate  by 
force  the  western  from  the  Atlantic  States,  it  is  deemed  rele 
vant  and  is  now  admissible  ;  so  far  as  it  respects  other  plans 
to  be  executed  in  the  city  of  Washington,  or  elsewhere,  if  it 
indicate  a  treasonable  design,  it  is  a  design  to  commit  a  distinct 
act  of  treason,  and  is  therefore  not  relevant  to  the  present  in 
dictment." 

Eaton  was  then  placed  upon  the  stand,  and  examined  at 
length.  He  wns  permitted  to  tell  his  story  in  his  own  way, 


486  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

with  little  interruption.  As  it  was  Eaton's  evidence  which 
had  most  to  do  with  convincing  the  public  of  Burr's  own  day 
that  he  was  a  traitor  of  the  deepest  dye,  it  is  thought  due  to 
truth  and  to  Aaron  Burr,  that  the  whole  of  that  evidence 
should  here  be  given.  I  omit  only  a  passage  in  which  the 
witness  wandered  from  Burr  to  Barbary,  and  descanted  upon 
the  disappointments  and  wrongs  he  had  endured  in  that  part 
of  the  world. 

"During  the  winter  of  1805-6,"  he  began,  "Aaron  Burr 
signified  to  me  that  he  was  organizing  a  military  expedition  to 
be  moved  against  the  Spanish  provinces,  on  the  south-western 
frontiers  of  the  United  States :  I  understood  under  the  author 
ity  of  the  general  government.  From  our  existing  controver 
sies  with  Spain,  and  from  the  tenor  of  the  President's  com 
munications  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  a  conclusion  was 
naturally  drawn,  that  war  with  that  power  was  inevitable.  I 
had  just  then  returned  from  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  having 
been  for  many  years  employed  on  our  frontier,  or  a  coast 
more  barbarous  and  obscure,  I  was  ignorant  of  the  estimation 
in  which  Colonel  Burr  was  held  by  his  country.  The  dis 
tinguished  rank  he  held  in  society,  and  the  strong  marks  of 
confidence  which  he  had  received  from  his  fellow  citizens,  did 
not  permit  me  to  doubt  his  patriotism.  As  a  military  char 
acter,  I  had  been  made  acquainted  with  none  within  the  Uni 
ted  States,  under  whose  direction  a  soldier  might  with  greater 
security  confide  his  honor  than  Colonel  Burr.  In  case  of  my 
country's  being  involved  in  a  war,  I  should  have  thought  it 
my  duty  to  obey  so  honorable  a  call,  as  was  proposed  to  me. 
Under  impressions  like  these,  I  did  engage  to  embark  myself 
in  the  enterprise,  and  pledged  myself  to  Colonel  Burr's  confi 
dence.  At  several  interviews,  it  appeared  to  be  his  intention 
to  convince  me  by  maps  and  other  documents,  of  the  feasi 
bility  of  penetrating  to  Mexico.  At  length,  from  certain  indis 
tinct  expressions  and  innuendoes,  I  admitted  a  suspicion  that 
Colonel  Burr  had  other  projects.  He  used  strong  expressions 
of  reproach  against  the  administration  of  the  government : 
accused  them  of  want  of  character,  want  of  energy,  and  want 
of  gratitude.  He  seemed  desirous  of  irritating  my  resent- 


THE     TRIAL.  487 

ment  by  dilating  on  certain  injurious  strictures  I  had  received 
on  the  floor  of  Congress,  on  account  of  certain  transactions 
on  the  coast  of  Tripoli ;  and  also  on  the  delays  in  adjusting 
my  accounts  for  advances  of  money  on  account  of  the  United 
States ;  and  talked  of  pointing  out  to  me  modes  of  honorable 
indemnity. 

"  I  listened  to  Colonel  Burr's  mode  of  indemnity :  and  as  I 
had  by  this  time  began  to  suspect  that  the  military  expedition 
he  had  on  foot  was  unlawful,  I  permitted  him  to  believe  my 
self  resigned  to  his  influence,  that  I  might  understand  the  ex 
tent  and  motive  of  his  arrangements.  Colonel  Burr  now  laid 
open  his  project  of  revolutionizing  the  territory  west  of  the 
Alleghany ;  establishing  an  independent  empire  there  ;  New 
Orleans  to  be  the  capital,  and  he  himself  to  be  the  chief;  or 
ganizing  a  military  force  on  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
carrying  conquest  to  Mexico.  After  much  conversation,  which 
I  do  not  particularly  recollect,  respecting  the  feasibility  of  the 
project,  as  was  natural,  I  stated  impediments  to  his  operations ; 
such  as  the  republican  habits  of  the  citizens  of  that  country, 
their  attachment  to  the  present  administration  of  the  govern 
ment,  the  want  of  funds,  the  opposition  he  would  experience 
from  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States  stationed  on  that 
frontier,  and  the  resistance  to  be  expected  from  Miranda,  in 
case  he  should  succeed  in  republicnnizing  the  Mexicans.  Col 
onel  Burr  appeared  to  have  no  difficulty  in  removing  these 
obstacles.  He  stated  to  me,  that  he  had  in  person  (I  think 
the  preceding  season),  made  a  tour  through  that  country ; 
that  he  had  secured  to  his  interests,  and  attached  to  his  per 
son  (I  do  not  recollect  the  exact  expression,  but  the  meaning, 
and,  I  believe,  the  words  were),  the  most  distinguished  citi 
zens  of  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  and  the  Territory  of  Orleans  ; 
that  he  had  inexhaustible  resources  and  funds ;  that  the  army 
of  the  United  States  would  act  with  him ;  that  it  would  be  re 
inforced  by  ten  or  twelve  thousand  men  from  the  above-men 
tioned  States  and  Territory ;  that  he  had  powerful  agents  in 
the  Spanish  territory,  and  '  as  for  Miranda,'  said  Mr.  Burr, 
facetiously.  '  we  must  hang  Miranda.'  In  the  course  of  sev 
eral  conversations  on  this  subject,  he  proposed  to  give  me  a 


488  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BUKK. 

distinguished  command  in  his  army  ;  I  understood  him  to  say, 
the  second  command.  I  asked  him  who  would  command  in 
chief.  He  said,  General  Wilkinson.  I  observed,  that  it  was 
singular  he  should  count  upon  General  Wilkinson ;  the  dis 
tinguished  command  and  high  trust  he  held  under  govern 
ment,  as  the  command  er-in-chief  of  our  army,  and  as  governor 
of  a  province,  he  would  not  be  apt  to  put  at  hazard  for  any 
prospect  of  precarious  aggrandizement.  Colonel  Burr  stated 
that  General  Wilkinson  balanced  in  the  confidence  of  his 
country ;  that  it  was  doubtful  whether  he  would  much  longer 
retain  the  distinction  and  confidence  he  now  enjoyed ;  and 
that  he  was  prepared  to  secure  to  himself  a  permanency.  I 
asked  Colonel  Burr  if  he  knew  General  Wilkinson.  He  said, 
yes ;  and  echoed  the  question.  I  told  him  that  twelve  years 
ago  I  was  at  the  same  time  a  captain  in  the  wing  of  the  legion 
of  the  United  States,  which  General  Wilkinson  commanded, 
his  acting  brigade-major,  and  aid-de-camp,  and  that  I  thought 
I  knew  him  well.  He  asked  me,  what  I  knew  of  General  Wil 
kinson.  I  said,  I  knew  General  Wilkinson  would  act  as  lieu 
tenant  to  no  man  in  existence.  '  You  are  in  an  error,'  said 
Mr.  Burr,  '  Wilkinson  will  act  as  lieutenant  to  me.'  From  the 
tenor  of  much  conversation  on  this  subject,  I  was  prevailed  on 
to  believe  that  the  plan  of  revolution  meditated  by  Colonel 
Burr,  and  communicated  to  me,  had  been  concerted  with 
General  Wilkinson,  and  would  have  his  cooperation  ;  for  Col 
onel  Burr  repeatedly,  and  very  confidently  expressed  his  be 
lief,  that  the  influence  of  General  Wilkinson  with  his  army, 
the  promise  of  double  pay  and  rations,  the  ambition  of  his 
officers,  and  the  prospect  of  plunder  and  military  achieve 
ments,  would  bring  the  army  generally  into  the  measure.  I 
pass  over  here  a  conversation  which  took  place  between 
Colonel  Burr  and  myself  respecting  a  central  revolution, 
as  it  is  decided  to  be  irrelevant  by  the  opinion  of  the 
bench." 

"  Mr.  HAY.  —  You  allude  to  a  revolution  for  overthrowing 
the  government  at  Washington,  and  of  revolutionizing  the 
eastern  States." 

"  I  was  passing  over  that  to  come  down  to  the  period  when 


THE     TRIAL.  489 

I  supposed  he  had  relinquished  that  design,  and  adhered  to 
the  project  of  revolutionizing  the  West." 

"  Mr.  WICKHAM.  —  What  project  do  you  mean  ?" 
"A  central  general  revolution.  I  was  thoroughly  con 
vinced  myself  that  such  a  project  was  already  so  far  organ 
ized  as  to  be  dangerous,  and  that  it  would  require  an  effort  to 
suppress  it.  For  in  addition  to  positive  assurances  that  Colo 
nel  Burr  had  of  assistance  and  cooperation,  he  said  that  the 
vast  extent  of  territory  of  the  United  States,  west  of  the  Al- 
leghany  mountains,  which  offered  to  adventurers,  with  a  view 
on  the  mines  of  Mexico,  would  bring  volunteers  to  his  standard 
from  all  quarters  of  the  Union.  The  situation  which  these 
communications,  and  the  impressions  they  made  upon  me, 
placed  me  in,  was  peculiarly  delicate.  I  had  no  overt  act  to 
produce  against  Colonel  Burr.  He  had  given  me  nothing 
upon  paper  ;  nor  did  I  know  of  any  person  in  the  vicinity  who 
had  received  similar  communications,  and  whose  testimony 
might  support  mine.  He  had  mentioned  to  me  no  person  as 
principally  and  decidedly  engaged  with  him  but  General  Wil 
kinson  ;  a  Mr.  Alston,  who,  I  afterward  learned,  was  his  son- 
in-law  ;  and  a  Mr.  Ephraim  Kibby,  who,  I  learned,  was  late  a 
captain  of  rangers  in  Wayne's  army.  Of  General  Wilkinson, 
Burr  said  much,  as  I  have  stated  ;  of  Mr.  Alston,  very  little, 
but  enough  to  satisfy  me  that  he  was  engaged  in  the  project ; 
and  of  Kibby,  he  said  that  he  was  brigade-major  in  the  vicin 
ity  of  Cincinnati  (whether  Cincinnati  in  Ohio  or  in  Kentucky, 
I  know  not),  who  had  much  influence  with  the  militia,  and  had 
already  engaged  the  majority  of  the  brigade  to  which  he  be 
longed,  who  were  ready  to  march  at  Mr.  Burr's  signal.  Mr. 
Burr  talked  of  this  revolution  as  a  matter  of  right,  inherent  in 
the  people,  and  constitutional ;  a  revolution  which  would 
rather  be  advantageous  than  detrimental  to  the  Atlantic 
States ;  a  revolution  which  must  eventually  take  place  ;  and 
for  the  operation  of  which  the  present  crisis  was  peculiarly 
favorable.  He  said  there  was  no  energy  to  be  dreaded  in  the 
general  government,  and  his  conversations  denoted  a  confi 
dence  that  his  arrangements  were  so  well  made  that  he  should 
meet  with  no  opposition  at  New  Orleans,  for  the  army  and 


490  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

chief  citizens  of  that  place  were  now  ready  to  receive  him. 
On  the  solitary  ground  upon  which  I  stood,  I  was  at  a  loss 
how  to  conduct  myself,  though  at  no  loss  as  respected  my 
duty.  I  durst  not  place  my  lonely  testimony  in  the  balance 
against  the  weight  of  Colonel  Burr's  character ;  for  by  turning 
the  tables  upon  me,  which  I  thought  any  man,  capable  of  such 
a  project,  was  very  capable  of  doing,  I  should  sink  under  the 
weight.  I  resolved  therefore  with  myself  to  obtain  the  re 
moval  of  Mr.  Burr  from  this  country  in  a  way  honorable  to 
him  ;  and  on  this  I  did  consult  him,  without  his  knowing  my 
motive.  Accordingly,  I  waited  on  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  after  a  desultory  conversation,  in  which  I 
aimed  to  draw  his  view  to  the  westward,  I  took  the  liberty  of 
suggesting  to  the  President  that  I  thought  Colonel  Burr 
ought  to  be  removed  from  the  country,  because  I  considered 
him  dangerous  in  it.  The  President  asked  where  we  should 
send  him  ?  Other  places  might  have  been  mentioned,  but  I 
believe  that  Paris,  London,  and  Madrid,  were  the  places  which 
were  particularly  named.  The  President,  without  positive  ex 
pression  (in  such  a  matter -of  delicacy),  signified  that  the  trust 
was  too  important,  and  expressed  something  like  a  doubt 
about  the  integrity  of  Mr.  Burr.  I  frankly  told  the  President 
that  perhaps  no  person  had  stronger  grounds  to  suspect  that 
integrity  than  I  had  ;  but  that  I  believed  his  pride  of  ambition 
had  so  predominated  over  his  other  passions,  that  when  placed 
on  an  eminence,  and  put  on  his  honor,  a  respect  to  himself 
would  secure  his  fidelity.  I  perceived  that  the  subject  -was 
disagreeable  to  the  President,  and  to  bring  him  to  my  point 
in  the  shortest  mode,  and  at  the  same  time  point  to  the  dan 
ger,  I  said  to  him  that  I  expected  that  we  should  in  eighteen 
months  have  an  insurrection,  if  not  a  revolution,  on  the  waters 
of  the  Mississippi.  The  President  said  he  had  too  much  con 
fidence  in  the  information,  the  integrity,  and  attachment  to 
the  Union  of  the  citizens  of  that  country,  to  admit  any  appre 
hensions  of  that  kind.  The  circumstance  of  no  interrogatories 
being  made  to  me,  I  thought  imposed  silence  upon  me  at  that 
time  and  place.  Here,  sir,  I  beg  indulgence  to  declare  my 
motives  for  recommending  that  gentleman  to  a  foreign  mission 


TIIEVTRIAL.  491 

at  that  time ;  and  in  the  solemnity  with  which  I  stand  here,  I 
declare  that  Colonel  Burr  was  neutral  in  my  feelings  ;  that  it 
was  through  no  attachment  to  him  that  I  made  that  sugges 
tion,  but  to  avert  a  great  national  calamity  which  I  saw  ap 
proaching  ;  to  arrest  a  tempest  which  seemed  lowering  in  the*-— 
West ;  and  to  divert  into  a  channel  of  usefulness  those  con 
summate  talents,  which  were  to  mount  '  the  whirlwind  and 
direct  the  storm.'  These,  and  these  only,  were  my  reasons 
for  making  that  recommendation. 

"  About  the  time  of  my  having  waited  on  the  President,  or 
a  little  before  (I  can  not  however  be  positive  whether  before 
or  after),  I  determined  at  all  events  to  have  some  evidence  of 
the  integrity  of  my  intentions,  and  to  fortify  myself  by  the  ad 
vice  of  two  gentlemen,  members  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  whose  friendship  and  confidence  I  had  the  honor  long 
to  retain,  and  in  whose  wisdom  and  integrity  I  had  the  utmost 
faith  and  reliance.  I  am  at  liberty  to  give  their  names  if 
required.  I  do  not  distinctly  recollect,  but  I  believe,  that  I 
had  a  conversation  with  a  Senator  on  the  subject.  I  devel 
oped  to  them  all  Mr.  Burr's  plans.  They  did  not  seem  much 
alarmed.  » 

"  Little  more  passed  between  Colonel  Burr  and  myself,  rel 
evant  to  this  inquiry,  while  I  remained  at  Washington  ;  yet, 
though  I  could  perceive  symptoms  of  distrust  in  him  toward 
me  he  was  solicitous  to  engage  me  in  his  western  plans. 

"I  returned  to  Massachusetts,  to  my  own  concerns,  and 
thought  no  more  of  Colonel  Burr,  or  his  projects,  or  revolu 
tions,  until,  in  October  last,  a  letter  was  put  into  my  hands  at 
Brumfield,  from  Mr.  Belknap,  of  Marietta,  to  T.  E.  Danielson, 
of  Brumfield,  stating  that  Mr.  Burr  had  contracted  for  boats 
which  were  building  on  the  Ohio." 

The  cross-examination  of  this  witness  elicited  nothing  of 
importance.  Colonel  Burr  took  care  to  bring  out  the  fact 
that  General  Eaton,  who  had  been  clamoring  in  vain  for  a  set 
tlement  of  his  accounts  for  many  months,  was  paid  the  sum 
of  ten  thousand  dollars  a  few  weeks  after  making  the  deposi 
tion  respecting  his  conversation  with  Burr.  That  deposition 
appeared  during  the  delirium  of  the  public  mind  in  January, 


492  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

while  Congress  was  debating  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas 
Corpus,  and  while  the  military  companies  of  New  York,  Phil 
adelphia,  Baltimore,  and  Boston  were  offering  their  services 
to  the  President  in  defense  of  a  country  supposed  to  be  threat 
ened,  at  once  by  foreign  and  domestic  foes.  Colonel  Burr, 
by  a  quiet  question  or  two,  also  called  attention  to  the  absurd 
ity  of  a  man's  setting  up  for  a  patriot  who  tried  to  induce  the 
President  to  promote  a  traitor  to  high  and  responsible  office, 
and  who,  cognizant  of  that  traitor's  fell  designs,  could  go 
home  and  think  no  more  about  them  !  Nothing  but  the  ex 
citement  which  prevailed  in  the  spring  of  1807  could  have 
blinded  people  to  the  palpable  and  gross  irreconcilabilities  of 
Eaton's  testimony. 

Commodore  Truxton  was  the  next  witness.  He  testified 
that  Colonel  Burr  had  explained  to  him  his  designs  upon 
Mexico,  and  his  intention  to  settle  the  lands  on  the  Washita, 
and  had  invited  him  to  join  ;  but  he  had  declined.  "I  asked 
him,']  said  the  commodore,  "  if  the  executive  were  privy  to  or 
concerned  in  the  project.  He  answered,  emphatically,  that 
he  was  NOT."  The  following  is  part  of  Commodore  Truxton's 
testimony : 

Truxton.  —  Colonel  Burr  said,  that  after  the  Mexican  expe 
dition,  he  intended  to  provide  a  formidable  navy,  at  the  head 
/  of  which  he  intended  to  place  me :  that  he  intended  to  estab 
lish  an  independent  government,  and  give  liberty  to  an  en 
slaved  world.  I  declined  his  propositions  to  me  at  first, 
because  the  President  was  not  privy  to  the  project.  He 
asked  me  the  best  mode  of  attacking  the  Havana,  Cartha- 
gena,  and  La  Vera  Cruz  ;  but  spoke  of  no  particular  force. 

Question  by  Colonel  Burr.  —  Do  you  not  recollect  my  tell 
ing  you  of  the  propriety  of  private  expeditions,"  undertaken 
by  individuals  in  case  of  war ;  and  that  there  had  been  such 
in  the  late  war,  and  that  there  is  no  legal  restraint  on  such 
expeditions  ? 

Mr.  Hay  objected  to  this  question  as  improper. 

Colonel  Burr  insisted  on  its  propriety,  and  that  the  gentle 
men  for  the  prosecution  had  set  an  example  far  beyond  it. 

Commodore  Truxton  answered  —  You  said  that  Wilkinson, 


THE     TRIAL.  493 

the  army,  and  many  of  the  officers  of  the  navy  would  join, 
and  you  spoke  highly  of  Lieutenant  Jones. 

Colonel  Burr.  —  Were  we  not  on  terms  of  intimacy  ?  Was 
there  any  reserve  on  my  part,  in  our  frequent  conversations? 
and  did  you  ever  hear  me  express  any  intention  or  sentiment 
respecting  a  division  of  the  Union  ? 

Answer.  —  We  were  very  intimate.  There  seemed  to  be  no 
reserve  on  your  part.  I  never  heard  you  speak  of  a  division 
of  the  Union. 

Colonel  Burr. — Did  I  not  state  to  you  that  the  Mexican 
expedition  would  be  very  beneficial  to  this  country  ? 

Answer.  —  You  did. 

Colonel  Burr.  —  Had  you  any  serious  doubt  as  to  my  inten 
tion  to  settle  those  lands  ? 

Answer.  —  So  far  from  that,  I  was  astonished  at  the  intelli 
gence  of  your  having  different  views,  contained  in  news 
papers  received  from  the  western  country,  after  you  went 
thither.* 

Peter  Taylor,  formerly  a  gardener  on  Blennerhassett  Island, 
was  next  examined.  The  only  part  of  his  evidence  which 
threw  light  on  the  case,  was  a  conversation  which  had  taken 
place  between  himself  and  Blennerhassett  in  October,  1806. 
About  that  time,  said  Taylor,  Blennerhassett  "  began  to  in 
quire  for  young  men  that  had  rifles ;  good,  orderly  men,  that 

*  It  is  right  to  add  that  Commodore  Truxton's  evidence  is  confirmed  hy 
General  Adair,  who  was  thoroughly  possessed  of  Burr's  real  designs.  Adair 
was  not  examined  on  the  trial,  but  he  wrote,  in  March,  1807,  the  following 
statement:  "So  far  as  I  know  or  believe  of  the  intentions  of  Colonel  Burr 
(and  my  enemies  will  agree  I  am  not  ignorant  on  this  subject),  they  were  to 
prepare  and  lead  an  expedition  into  Mexico,  predicated  on  a  war  between  the 
two  governments ;  without  a  war  he  knew  he  could  do  nothing.  On  this 
war  taking  place  he  calculated  with  certainty,  as  well  from  the  policy  of  the 
measure  at  this  time  as  from  the  positive  assurances  of  Wilkinson,  who 
seemed  to  have  the  power  to  force  it  in  his  own  hands.  This  continued  to 
be  the  object  of  Colonel  Burr  until  he  heard  of  the  venal  and  shameful  bar 
gain  made  by  Wilkinson  at  the  Sabine  river ;  this  information  he  received 
soon  after  the  attempt  to  arrest  him  in  Frankfort.  lie  then  turned  his  atten 
tion  altogether  toward  strengthening  himself  on  the  Washita,  and  waiting  a 
more  favorable  crisis." 


494  LIFE     OF     A  AEON     BURE. 

would  be  conformable  to  order  and  discipline.  He  allowed 
that  Colonel  Burr  and  he  and  a  few  of  his  friends,  had  bought 
eight  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land,  and  they  wanted  young 
men  to  settle  it.  He  said  he  would  give  any  young  man  who 
would  go  down  the  river  one  hundred  acres  of  land,  plenty 
of  grog  and  victuals  while  going  down  the  river,  and  three 
months'  provisions  after  they  had  got  to  the  end ;  every 
young  man  must  have  his  rifle  and  blanket.  I  agreed  to  go 
myself,  if  I  could  carry  my  wife  aiM  family,  but  he  said  he 
must  have  further  consultation  upon  that.  When  I  got  home 
I  began  to  think,  and  asked  him,  what  kind  of  seed  we  should 
carry  with  us  ?  He  said  we  did  not  wrant  any,  the  people  had 
seeds  where  we  were  going.  I  urged  that  subject  to  him  sev 
eral  times  ;  at  last  he  made  a  sudden  pause,  and  said,  '  I  will 
tell  you  what,  Peter,  we  are  going  to  take  Mexico  ;  one  of  the 
y  finest  and  richest  places  in  the  whole  world.'  He  said  that 
Colonel  Burr  would  be  the  king  of  Mexico,  and  Mrs.  Alston, 
daughter  of  Colonel  Burr,  was  to  be  the  queen  of  Mexico, 
whenever  Colonel  Burr  died.  He  said  that  Colonel  Burr  had 
made  fortunes  for  many  in  his  time,  but  none  for  himself;  but 
now  he  was  going  to  make  something  for  himself.  He  said 
that  he  had  a  great  many  friends  in  the  Spanish  territory  ;  no 
less  than  two  thousand  Roman  Catholic  priests  were  engaged, 
and  that  all  their  friends  too  would  join,  if  once  he  could  get 
to  them  ;  that  the  Spaniards,  like  the  French,  had  got  dissatis 
fied  with  their  government,  and  wanted  to  swap  it.  He  told 
me  that  the  British  also  were  friends  in  this  piece  of  business, 
and  that  he  should  go  to  England,  on  this  piece  of  business, 
for  Colonel  Burr.  He  asked  me  if  I  would  not  like  to  go  to 
England.  I  said  I  should  certainly  like  to  see  my  friends 
there,  but  would  wish  to  go  for  nothing  else.  I  then  asked 
him  what  was  to  become  of  the  men  who  were  going  to  settle 
the  lands  he  talked  about?  Were  they  to  stop  at  the  Red 
River,  or  to  go  on?  He  said,  'O,  by  God,  I  tell  you,  Peter, 
every  man  that  will  not  conform  to  order  and  discipline,  I  will 
stab ;  you'll  see  how  I'll  fix  them ;'  that  when  he  got  them 
tar  enough  down*  the  river,  if  they  did  not  conform  to  order 
and  discipline,  he  swore  by  God  he'd  stab  them.  I  was  aston- 

I 


THE     TRIAL.  493 

ished :  I  told  him  I  was  no  soldier,  and  could  not  tight.  He 
said  it  made  no  odds ;  he  did  not  want  me  to  fight ;  he  wanted 
me  to  go  and  live  with  Mrs  Blennerhassett  and  the  children, 
either  at  Natchez,  or  some  other  place,  while  he  went  on  the 
expedition.  I  talked  to  him  again,  and  told  him  the  people 
had  got  it. into  their  heads  that  he  wanted  to  divide  the  v 
Union.  He  said  Colonel  Burr  and  he  could  not  do  it  them 
selves.  All  they  could  do  was  to  tell  the  people  the  conse 
quence  of  it.  He  said  the  people  there  paid  the  government 
upward  of  four  hundred  thousand  dollars  a  year,  and  never 
received  any  benefit  from  it.  He  allowed  it  would  be  a  very 
fine  thing  it"  they  could  keep  that  money  among  themselves 
on  this  side  the  mountains,  and  make  locks,  and  build  bridges, 
and  cut  roads." 

The  witness  further  testified  that  he  had  never  chanced  to 
see  Colonel  Burr  on  the  island,  and  that  the  preparations  made 
there  for  the  expedition  were  merely  the  drying  of  corn  and 
the  packing  of  provisions.  There  was  no  "  warlike  array." 

The  Morgans,  father  and  two  sons,  were  then  examined. 
They  testified  as  stated  in  the  former  chapter. 

Jacob  Allbright  was  next  called,  and  led  off  thus :  "  The 
first  I  knew  of  this  business  was,  I  was  hired  on  the  island  to 
help  to  build  a  kiln  for  drying  corn ;  and  after  working  some 
time,  Mrs.  Blennerhassett  told  me  that  Mr.  Blennerhassett 
and  Colonel  Burr  were  going  to  lay  in  provisions  for  an  army 
for  a  year.  I  went  to  the  mill,  where  I  carried  the  corn  to 
be  ground  after  it  had  been  dried.  I  worked  four  weeks  in 
that  business  on  the  island.  Last  fall  (or  in  September), 
after  Blennerhassett  had  come  home  (he  had  been  promising 
me  cash  for  some  time),  I  stept  up  to  him.  He  had  no  money 
at  the  time ;  but  would  pay  me  next  day,  or  soon.  Says  he, 
1  Mr.  Allbright,  you  are  a  Dutchman.'  But  he  asked  me  first 
and  foremost,  whether  I  would  not  join  with  him  and  go 
down  the  river  ?  I  told  him  I  did  not  know  what  they  were 
upon  ;  and  he  said,  '  Mr.  Allbright,  we  are  going  to  settle  a 
new  country.'  And  I  gave  him  an  answer  that  I  would  not 
like  to  leave  my  family.  He  said  he  did  not  want  any  fami 
lies  to  go  along  with  him.  Then  he  said  to  me,  '  You  are  a 


496  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUEE. 

Dutchman,  and  a  common  man  ;  and  as  the  Dutch  are  apt  to 
be  scared  by  high  men,  if  you'll  go  to  New  Lancaster,  where 
the  Dutch  live,  and  get  me  twenty  or  thirty  to  go  with  us,  I 
will  give  you  as  many  dollars.'  ISTew  Lancaster  was  some  dis 
tance  off.  I  went  home  then,  and  gave  him  no  answer  upon 
that.  In  a  few  days  after  the  boats  came  and  landed  at  the 
island.  The  snow  was  about  two  or  three  inches  deep,  and  I 
went  out  a  hunting.  I  was  on  the  Ohio  side  ;  I  met  two  men  ; 
I  knew  they  belonged  to  the  boats,  but  I  wanted  to  find  out ; 
and  they  asked  me  whether  I  had  not  given  my  consent  to  go 
along  with  Blennerhassett  down  the  river  ?  As  we  got  into 
a  conversation  together,  they  named  themselves  Colonel  Burr's 
men,  belonging  to  the  boats,  landed  at  the  island.  When 
they  asked  me  whether  I  had  not  consented  to  go  down  with 
Blennerhassett,  I  put  a  question  to  them.  I  told  them  I 
did  not  know  what  they  were  about ;  and  one  of  the  gentle 
men  told  me  they  were  going  to  take  a  silver  mine  from  the 
Spanish.  I  asked  the  gentlemen  whether  they  would  not 
\l  allow  that  this  would  raise  war  with  America  ?  They  replied, 
no.  They  were  only  a  few  men ;  and  if  they  went  with  a 
good  army,  they  would  give  up  the  country,  and  nothing  more 
said  about  it.  These  men  showed  me  what  fine  rifles  they 
had  going  down  the  river  with  them." 

The  witness  testified  further  that  the  men  assembled  on 
the  island  were  armed  with  rifles  and  pistols,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  country.  There  were  no  bayonets;  no  un 
usual  store  of  powder  or  bullets ;  no  military  drill  or  organi 
zation. 

Blennerhassett's  groom  gave  similar  testimony.  The  build 
ing  of  the  boats  and  the  purchase  of  provisions  were  proved 
by  the  persons  concerned  in  those  transactions.  Dudley  Wood- 
bridge,  partner  and  agent  of  Blennerhassett,  testified,  that 
that  gentleman  was  worth,  exclusive  of  his  island  and  his  five 
negroes,  not  more  than  seventeen  thousand  dollars ;  that  he 
was  totally  unacquainted  with  military  affairs ;  that  he  was  so 
short-sighted  as  not  to  be  able  to  distinguish  a  man  from 
a  horse  at  the  distance  of  ten  paces ;  and  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  expense  incurred  in  buying  the  provisions  and 


THE     TRIAL.  497 

r 

building  the  boats,  was  paid,  not  by  Blennerhasset,  but  by 
Burr. 

The  evidence  of  the  alleged  overt  act  here  rested.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  say  that  no  overt  act  had  been  proved  ; 
nothing  like  an  act  of  treason  had  been  proved.  The  prose 
cution  being  now  about  to  introduce  evidence  collateral  and 
indirect,  the  counsel  for  the  defense  objected.  Here  they  had 
resolved  to  take  a  position,  and  try  all  the  resources  of  their, 
talents,  their  learning,  and  their  powers  of  endurance,  in  resist 
ing  the  introduction  of  one  word  more  of  testimony,  unless 
to  prove  the  overt  act.  It  was  the  20th  of  August  (and  the 
seventeenth  day  of  the  trial)  when  the  debate  on  this  ques 
tion  began,  and  it  lasted  nine  days.  It  was,  doubtless,  the 
finest  display  of  legal  knowledge  and  ability  of  which  the  his 
tory  of  the  American  bar  can  boast.  The  report  of  it  fills 
a  large  volume.  It  all  turns  upon  the  simple  question  so 
often  stated,  whether,  until  the  fact  of  a  crime  is  proved,  any 
thing  may  be  heard  respecting  the  guilty  intention  of  the 
person  accused.  The  counsel  for  the  defense  contended,  first, 
that  no  overt  act  had  been  committed  ;  and,  secondly,  that  if 
an  overt  act  had  been  committed,  the  evidence  pointed  to 
Blennerhassett  as  the  principal,  and  to  Burr  only  as  a  possible 
accessory. 

Wickham,  Martin,  Hay,  Randolph,  Botts,  MacRae,  all  won 
honor  in  this  keen  encounter  ;  but  as  they  confined  themselves 
chiefly  to  the  law  of  the  question,  and  aimed  solely  to  con 
vince  the  clear-headed  judge  who  was  to  decide  it,  their 
speeches  are  not  interesting,  nor  always  intelligible  to  the  un 
professional  reader.  In  the  popular  view,  William  Wirt  was 
the  hero  of  the  occasion.  One  famous  passage  in  one  of  his 
speeches  in  this  debate,  has  obtained  the  last  honors  of  Amer 
ican  literature  —  it  has  got  into  the  school-books,  and  is  de 
claimed  on  exhibition  days.  Perhaps  nothing  ever  written 
about  Aaron  Burr  has  done  more  to  make  and  keep  him  odi 
ous  than  this  piece  of  fluent,  sounding  rhetoric.  Familiar  as 
it  is  to  many  readers,  whom  it  has  aided  to  carry  off  the  hon 
ors  of  the  platform,  it  must  be  printed  here  once  more  ;  and 
printed  entire. 


498  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

"  Having  shown,  I  think,"  said  Mr.  Wirt,  "  on  the  ground 
of  law,  that  the  prisoner  can  not  be  considered  as  an  accessory, 
let  me  press  the  inquiry,  whether  on  the  ground  of  reason 
he  be  a  principal  or  an  accessory;  and  remember  that  his 
project  was  to  seize  New  Orleans,  separate  the  Union,  and 
erect  an  independent  empire  in  the  West,  of  which  he  was  to 
be  the  chief.  This  was  the  destination  of  the  plot,  and  the  con 
clusion  of  the  drama.  Will  any  man  say  that  Blennerhassett 
was  the  principal,  and  Burr  but  an  accessory  ?  Who  will  be 
lieve  that  Burr,  the  author  and  projector  of  the  plot,  who 
raised  the  forces,  who  enlisted  the  men,  and  who  procured  the 
funds  for  carrying  it  into  execution,  was  made  a  cat's  paw  of? 
Will  any  man  believe  that  Burr,  who  is  a  soldier,  bold,  ardent, 
restless,  and  aspiring,  the  great  actor,  whose  brain  conceived, 
and  whose  hand  brought  the  plot  into  operation,  that  he 
should  sink  down  into  an  accessory,  and  that  Blennerhassett 
should  be  elevated  into  a  principal?  He  would  startle  at 
once  at  the  thought.  Aaron  Burr,  the  contriver  of  the  whole 
conspiracy,  to  everybody  concerned  in  it  wras  as  the  sun  to  the 
planets  which  surround  him.  Did  he  not  bind  them  in  their 
respective  orbits  and  give  them  their  light,  their  heat,  and 
their  motion  ?  Yet  he  is  to  be  considered  an  accessory,  and 
Blennerhassett  is  to  be  the  principal !  ^ 

"  Let  us  put  the  case  between  Burr  and  Blennerhassett.  Let 
us  compare  the  two  men  and  settle  this  question  of  prece 
dence  between  them.  It  may  save  a  good  deal  of  troublesome 
ceremony  hereafter. 

"  Who  Aaron  Burr  is,  we  have  seen  in  part  already.  I  will 
add,  that  beginning  his  operations  in  New  York,  he  associates 
with  him  men  whose  wealth  is  to  supply  the  necessary  funds. 
Possessed  of  the  main  spring,  his  personal  labor  contrives  all 
the  machinery.  Pervading  the  continent  from  New  York  to 
New  Orleans,  he  draws  into  his  plan,  by  every  allurement 
which  he  can  contrive,  men  of  all  ranks  and  descriptions.  To 
youthful  ardor  he  presents  danger  and  glory ;  to  ambition, 
rank,  and  titles,  and  'honors;  to  avarice,  the  mines  of  Mexico. 
To  each  person  whom  he  addresses  he  presents  the  object 
adapted  to  his  taste.  His  recruiting  officers  are  appointed. 


THE     TRI*AL.  499 

Men  are  engaged  throughout  the  continent.  Civil  life  is  in 
deed  quiet  upon  its  surface,  but  in  its  bosom  this  man  has  con 
trived  to  deposit  the  materials  which,  with  the  slightest  touch 
of  his  match,  produce  an  explosion  to  shake  the  continent.  All 
this  his  restless  ambition  has  contrived ;  and  in  the  autumn  of 
18Qj6Jtie  goes  forth  for  the  last  time  to  apply  this  match.  On 
this  occasion  he  meets  with  Blennerhassett. 

"Who  is  Blennerhassett?  A  native  of  Ireland,  a  man  of  let 
ters,  who  fled  from  the  storms  of  his  own  country  to  find  quiet 
in  ours.  His  history  shows  that  war  is  not  the  natural  element 
of  his  mind.  If  it  had  been,  he  never  would  have  exchanged 
Ireland  for  America.  So  far  is  an  army  from  furnishing  the 
society  natural  and  proper  to  Mr.  Blennerhassett's  character, 
that  on  his  arrival  in  America,  he  retired  even  from  the  popu 
lation  of  the  Atlantic  States,  and  sought  quiet  and  solitude  in 
the  bosom  of  our  western  forests.  But  he  carried  with  him 
taste,  and  science,  and  wealth;  and  lo,  the  desert  smiled !  Pos 
sessing  himself  of  a  beautiful  island  in  the  Ohio^  he  rears  upon 
it  a  palace  and  decorates  it  with  every  romantic  embellishment 
of  fancy.  A  shrubbery,  that  Shenstone  might  have  envied, 
blooms  around  him.  Music,  that  might  have  charmed  Calypso 
and  her  nymphs,  is  his.  An  extensive  library  spreads  its  treas 
ures  before  him.  A  philosophical  apparatus  offers  to  him  all 
the  secrets  and  mysteries  of  nature.  Peace,  tranquillity,  and 
innocence  shed  their  mingled  delights  around  him.  And  to 
crown  the  enchantment  of  the  scene,  a  wife,  who  is  said  to  be 
lovely  even  beyond  her  sex,  and  graced  with  every  accomplish 
ment  that  can  render  it  irresistible,  had  blessed  him  with  her 
love  and  made  him  the  father  of  several  children.  The  evi 
dence  would  convince  you  that  this  is  but  a  faint  picture  of 
the  real  life.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  peace,  this  innocent  sim 
plicity  and  this  tranquillity,  this  feast  of  the  mind,  this  pure 
banquet  of  the  heart,  the  destroyer  comes ;  he  comes  to  change 
this  paradise  into  a  hell.  Yet  the  flowers  do  not  wither  at  his 
approach.  No  monitory  shuddering  through  the  bosom  of 
their  unfortunate  possessor  warns  him  of  the  ruin  that  is  com 
ing  upon  him.  A  stranger  presents  himself.  Introduced  to 
their  civilities  by  the  high  rank  which  he  had  lately  held  in  his 


500  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BURK. 

country,  he  soon  finds  his  way  to  their  hearts,  by  the  dignity 
and  elegance  of  his  demeanor,  the  light  and  beauty  of  his  con 
versation,  and  the  seductive  and  fascinating  power  of  his  ad 
dress.  The  conquest  was  not  difficult.  Innocence  is  ever  sim 
ple  and  credulous.  Conscious  of  no  design  itself,  it  suspects 
none  in  others.  It  wears  no  guard  before  its  breast.  Every 
door  and  portal  and  avenue  of  the  heart  is  thrown  open,  and 
all  who  choose  it  enter.  Such  was  the  state  of  Eden  when  the 
serpent  entered  its  bowers.  The  prisoner,  in  a  more  engaging 
form,  winding  himself  into  the  open  and  unpracticed  heart  of 
the  unfortunate  Blennerhassett,  found  but  little  difficulty  in 
changing  the  native  character  of  that  heart  and  the  objects  of 
its  affection.  By  degrees  he  infuses  into  it  the  poison  of  his 
own  ambition.  He  breathes  into  it  the  fire  of  his  own  courage ; 
a  daring  and  desperate  thirst  for  glory ;  an  ardor  panting  for 
great  enterprises,  for  all  the  storm,  and  bustle,  and  hurricane 
of  life.  In  a  short  time  the  whole  man  is  changed,  and  every 
object  of  his  former  delight  is  relinquished.  No  more  he  en 
joys  the  tranquil  scene:  it  has  become  flat  and  insipid  to  his 
taste.  His  books  are  abandoned.  His  retort  and  crucible  are 
thrown  aside.  His  shrubbery  blooms  and  breathes  its  fra 
grance  upon  the  air  in  vain  :  he  likes  it  not.  His  ear  no  longer 
drinks  the  rich  melody  of  music ;  it  longs  for  the  trumpet's 
clangor  and  the  cannon's  roar.  Even  the  prattle  of  his  babes, 
once  so  sweet,  no  longer  affects  him ;  and  the  angel  smile  of 
his  wife,  which  hitherto  touched  his  bosom  with  ecstacy  so  un 
speakable,  is  now  unseen  and  unfelt.  Greater  objects  have 
taken  possession  of  his  soul.  His  imagination  has  been  dazzled 
by  visions  of  diadems,  of  stars  and  garters,  and  titles  of  nobil 
ity.  He  has  been  taught  to  burn  with  restless  emulation  at 
the  names  of  great  heroes  and  conquerors.  His  enchanted 
island  is  destined  soon  to  relapse  into  a  wilderness;  and  in  a 
few  months  we  find  the  beautiful  and  tender  partner  of  his 
bosom  whom  he  lately  '  permitted  not  the  winds  of'  summer 
'  to  visit  too  roughly,'  we  find  her  shivering  at  midnight,  on 
the  winter  banks  of  the  Ohio,  and  mingling  her  tears  with  the 
torrents,  that  froze  as  they  fell.  Yet  this  unfortunate  man, 
thus  deluded  from  his  interest  and  his  happiness,  thus  seduced 


TlIE     TlilAL.  501 

from  the  paths  of  innocence  and  peace,  thus  confounded  in  the 
toils  that  were  deliberately  spread  for  him  and  overwhelmed 
by  the  mastering  spirit  and  genius  of  another  —  this  man,  thus 
ruined  and  undone,  and  made  to  play  a  subordinate  part  in  this 
grand  drama  of  guilt  and  treason  —  this  man  is  to  be  called  the 
principal  offender,  while  Ae,  by  whom  he  was  thus  plunged  in 
misery,  is  comparatively  innocent,  a  mer,e  accessory  !  Is  this 
reason  ?  Is  it  law  ?  Is  it  humanity  ?  Sir,  neither  the  human 
heart  nor  the  human  understanding  will  bear  a  perversion  so 
monstrous  and  absurd !  so  shocking  to  the  soul !  so  revolting 
to  reason!  Let  Aaron  Burr  then  not  shrink  from  the  high 
destination  which  he  has  courted,  and  having  already  ruined 
Blennerhassett  in  fortune,  character,  and  happiness  for  ever, 
let  him  not  attempt  to  finish  the  tragedy  by  thrusting  that  ill- 
fated  man  between  himself  and  punishment. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  sir,  reason  declares  Aaron  Burr  the  prin 
cipal  in  this  crime,  and  confirms  herein  the  sentence  of  the  law  ; 
and  the  gentleman,  in  saying  that  his  offense  is  of  a  derivative 
and  accessorial  nature,  begs  tlie  question  and  draws  his  con 
clusions  from  what,  instead  of  being  conceded,  is  denied.  It 
is  clear  from  what  has  been  said,  that  Burr  did  not  derive  his 
guilt  from  the  men  on  the  island,  but  imparted  his  own  guilt 
to  them;  that  he  is  not  an  accessory,  but  a  principal;  and 
therefore,  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  objection  which  demands 
a  record  of  their  conviction  before  we  shall  go  on  with  our 
proof  against  him." 

In  curious  contrast  with  this  oration  is  a  passage  in  a  letter 
from  Mrs.  Blennerhassett  to  her  husband,  written  on  the  3d 
of  August,  which  he  received  during  the  debate  of  which  Mr. 
Wirt's  brilliant  fiction  was  a  part.  He  might,  indeed,  have 
been  reading  it  at  the  very  moment  that  Wirt  was  in  the  full 
flow  of  his  oratorical  romance.  "  Apprise  Colonel  Burr," 
she  wrote,  "of  my  warmest  acknowledgments,  for  his  o\vn 
and  Mrs.  Alston's  kind  remembrance ;  and  tell  him  to  assure 
her  she  has  inspired  me  with  a  warmth  of  attachment  which 
never  can  diminish.  I  wish  him  to  urge  her  to  write  to  me." 

In  contrast  only  less  striking  is  the  diary  of  Mr.  Blenner 
hassett,  which  he  kept  during  the  trial,  while  he  was  in  con- 


502  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUEE. 

finement.  When  Blennerhassett  wrote  the  passages  about  to 
be  quoted,  he  was  already  in  dispute  with  Burr  and  with  Als 
ton  respecting  the  proper  apportionment  of  their  common  pe 
cuniary  loss.  Yet  he  could  write  of  him  in  terms  like  these  : 

"  The  vivacity  of  Burr's  wit,  and  the  exercise  of  his  proper 
talents,  now  constantly  solicited  here,  (at  Richmond)  in  pri 
vate  and  public  exhibition,  while  they  display  his  powers  and 
address  at  the  levee  and  the  bar,  must  engross  more  of  his 
time  than  he  can  spare  from  the  demands  of  other  gratifica 
tions  ;  while  they  display  him  to  the  eager  eyes  of  the  multi 
tude,  like  a  favorite  gladiator,  measuring  over  the  arena  of  his 
flame  with  firm  step  and  manly  grace,  the  pledges  of  easy 
victory." 

#  «  *  #  *  *  *  * 

"  I  visited  Burr  this  morning.  He  is  as  gay  as  usual,  and 
as  busy  in  speculations  on  reorganizing  his  projects  for  action 
as  if  he  had  never  suffered  the  least  interruption.  He  ob 
served  to  Major  Smith  and  me,  that  in  six  months  our  schemes 
could  be  all  remounted ;  that  we  could  now  new  model  them 
in  a  better  mold  than  formerly,  having  a  better  view  of  the 
ground,  and  a  more  perfect  knowledge  of  our  men.  We  were 
silent.  It  should  .yet  be  granted,  that  if  Burr  possessed  sen 
sibility  of  the  right  sort,  with  one  hundredth  part  of  the  en 
ergies  for  which,  with  many,  he  has  obtained  such  ill-grounded 
credit,  his  first  and  last  determination,  with  the  morning  and 
the  night,  should  be  the  destruction  of  those  enemies  who 
have  so  long  and  cruelly  wreaked  their  malicious  vengeance 

on  him." 

•x-  #  -x-  -x-  *  * 

"  I  was  glad  to  find  Burr  had  at  last  thought  of  asking  us 
to  dine  with  him,  as  I  was  rather  curious  again  to  see  him 
shine  in  a  partie  quarrie,  consisting  of  new  characters.  We 
therefore  walked  with  him  from  court ;  Luther  Martin,  who 
lives  with  him,  accompanying  us.  The  dinner  was  neat,  and 
followed  by  three  or  four  sorts  of  wine.  Splendid  poverty  ! 
During  the  chit-chat,  after  the  cloth  was  removed,  a  letter 
was  handed  to  Burr,  next  to  whom  I  sat.  I  immediately 
smelt  musk.  Burr  broke  the  seal,  put  the  cover  to  his  nose, 


THE     TKIAL.  503 

and  then  handed  it  to  me,  saying  — 4  This  amounts  to  a  dis 
closure.'  I  smelled  the  paper,  and  said,  'I  think  so.'  The 
whole  physiognomy  of  the  man  now  assumed  an  alteration 
and  vivacity  that,  to  a  stranger  Avho  had  never  seen  him  be 
fore,  would  have  sunk  full  fifteen  years  of  his  age.  4  This,' 
said  he,  'reminds  me  of  a  detection  very  neatly  practiced 
upon  me  in  New  York.'  (He  then  related  the  story  of  the 
musk-scented  note,  given  in  a  former  chapter.) 

****** 

"  After  some  time  Martin  and  Prevost  withdrew,  and  we 
passed  to  the  topics  of  our  late  adventures  on  the  Mississippi, 
in  which  Burr  said  little,  but  declared  he  did  not  know  of  any 
reason  to  blame  General  Jackson,  of  Tennessee,  for  any  thing 
he  had  done  or  omitted.  But  he  declares  he  will  not  lose  a 
day  after  the  favorable  issue  at  the  capitol  (his  acquittal),  of 
which  he  has  no  doubt,  to  direct  his  entire  attention  to  set 
ting  up  his  projects  (which  have  only  been  suspended)  on  a 
better  model,  '  in  which  work,'  he  says,  '  he  has  even  here 

made  some  progress.'  " 

*  *  •*  *  *  # 

"  I  have  seen  a  complete  file  of  all  the  depositions,  made 
before  the  grand  jury,  in  Burr's  possession.  It  must  be  con 
fessed  that  few  other  men,  in  his  circumstances,  could  have 
procured  these  documents  out  of  the  custody  of  offices  filled 
by  his  inveterate  enemies.  Burr  asserted,  to-day,  in  court, 
that  he  expected  documents  that  would  disqualify  Eaton  as  a 
witness." 

*  *  *  *  #-  « 

"  As  we  were  chatting,  after  dinner,  in  staggered  the  whole 
rear-guard  of  Burr's  forensic  army  —  I  mean,  the  celebrated 
Luther  Martin,  who  yesterday  concluded  his  fourteen  hours' 
speech.  His  visit  was  to  Major  Smith,  but  he  took  me  by  the 
hand,  saying  there  was  no  need  of  an  introduction.  I  was 
too  much  interested  by  the  little  I  had  seen,  and  the  great 
things  I  had  heard,  of  this  man's  powers  and  passions,  not  to 
improve  the  present  opportunity  to  survey  him  in  every  light 
the  length  of  his  visit  would  permit.  I  accordingly  recom 
mended  our  brandy  as  superior,  placing  a  pint-tumbler  before 


504  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

him.  No  ceremonies  retarded  the  libation  ;  no  inquiries  so 
licited  him  upon  any  subject,  till  apprehensions  of  his  with 
drawing  suggested  some  topic  to  quiet  him  on  his  seat. 
Were  I  now  to  mention  only  the  subjects  of  law,  politics, 
news,  et  cetera,  on  which  he  descanted,  I  should  not  be  be 
lieved,  when  I  said  his  visit  did  not  exceed  thirty-five  minutes. 
Imagine  a  man  capable,  in  that  space  of  time,  to  deliver  some 
account  of  an  entire  week's  proceedings  in  the  trial,  with  ex 
tracts  from  memory  of  several  speeches  on  both  sides,  includ 
ing  long  ones  from  his  own  ;  to  recite  half  columns  verbatim 
of  a  series  of  papers,  of  which  he  said  he  is  the  author ;  to 
caricature  Jefferson ;  to  give  a  history  "of  his  acquaintance 
with  Burr ;  expatiate  on  his  virtues  and  sufferings,  maintain 
his  credit,  embellish  his  fame,  and  intersperse  the  whole  with 
sententious  reprobations  and  praises  of  several  other  charac 
ters  ;  some  estimate,  with  these  preparations,  may  be  formed 
of  this  man's  powers,  which  are  yet  shackled  by  a  preternat 
ural  secretion  or  excretion  of  saliva  which  embarrasses  his  de 
livery.  In  this,  his  manner  is  rude,  and  his  language  un gram 
matical  ;  which  is  cruelly  aggravated  upon  his  hearers,  by  the 
verbosity  and  repetition  of  his  style.  With  the  warmest  pas 
sions,  that  hurry  him,  like  a  torrent,  over  those  characters  or 
topics  that  lie  most  in  the  way  of  their  course,  he  has,  by 
practice,  acquired  the  faculty  of  curbing  his  feelings,  which  he 
never  suffers  to  charge  the  enemy  till  broken  by  the  superior 
numbers  of  his  arguments  and  authorities,  by  which  he  always 
out-flanks  him,  when  he  lets  loose  the  reserve  upon  the  center, 
with  redoubled  impetuosity.  Yet  fancy  has  been  denied  to 
his  mind,  or  grace  to  his  person  or  habits.  These  are  gross, 
and  incapable  of  restraint,  even  upon  the  most  solemn  public 
occasions.  This  is,  at  all  times,  awkward  and  disgusting. 
Hence,  his  invectives  are  rather  coarse  than  pointed ;  his  eu- 
logiums  more  fulsome  than  pathetic.  In  short,  every  trait  of 
his  portrait  may  be  given  in  one  word  —  he  is  '  the  Thersites 

of  the  law:  " 

&  #  «  •:;:-  #  * 

"  Wirt  spoke  very  much  to  engage  the  fancy  of  his  hearers, 
to-day,  without  affecting  their  understanding.     For  he  can 


THE     TRIAL.  505 

not  reason  upon  the  facts  before  him,  and  can  no  more  con 
duct  a  law  argument  than  I  could  raise  a  temple  ;  as  Junius 
says  of  the  king:  'The  feather  that  adorns  him  supports  his 
flight ;  strip  him  of  his  plumage,  and  you  lix  him  to  earth  !'  " 
*  *  *  #  # 

"  I  called  on  Burr  this  morning,  when  he  at  last  men 
tioned  to  me,  during  a  short  tete-a-tete,  that  he  was  prepar 
ing  to  go  to  England ;  that  the  time  was  now  auspicious  for 
him,  and  he  wished  to  know  whether  I  could  give  him  letters: 
I  answered  that  I  supposed,  when  he  mentioned  England,  he 
meant  London,  as  his  business  would  probably  be  with  people 
in  oflice ;  that  I  knew  none  of  the  present  ministry,  nor  did  I 
believe  I  had  a  single  acquaintance  in  London.  He  replied 
that  he  meant  to  visit  every  part  of  the  country,  and  would 
be  glad  to  get  letters  to  any  one.  I  said  I  would  think  of  it, 
that  I  might  discover  whether  I  had  any  friends  there  whom 
it  would  be  an  object  worth  his  attention  to  know,  and  took 
leave.  We  can  only  conjecture  his  designs.  For  my  part,  I 
am  disposed  to  suspect  that  he  has  no  serious  intent  of  reviv 
ing  any  of  his  speculations  in  America,  or  even  of  returning 
from  Europe  if  he  can  get  there." 

Thus  Blennerhassett. 

It  may  as  well  be  further  stated,  that  Blennerhassett  was  not 
ruined  through  his  connection  with  Burr,  but  by  his  own  indo 
lence  and  folly,  aided  by  Jefferson's  embargo,  and  the  war  of 
1812.  After  the  trial  was  over  he  went  home  to  find  his  shrub 
bery  that  Shenstone  might  have  envied,  etc-.,  laid  waste  by  the 
Vandals  of  the  Ohio  river,  who  had  taken  advantage  of  the  mas 
ter's  absence  to  gratify  their  abhorrence  of  elegance  and  t'iste. 
He  removed  afterward  to  Mississippi,  where  he  bought  a  cot 
ton  plantation  of  a  thousand  acres,  which  his  wife  managed,  and 
for  a  while  made  profitable.  But  the  continuance  of  the  em 
bargo,  and  the  war  which  followed  it,  depressed  the  cotton 
interest,  and  completed  the  ruin  of  the  Blennerhassetts. 

If  Blennerhassett  had  never  seen  Aaron  Burr,  he  must  have 
run  through  his  fortune  in  a  few  years  —  for  he  was  living  far 
beyond  his  income,  and  was  singularly  destitute  of  the  ability 
to  add  to  his  capital.  Moreover,  he  probably  lost  less  in  pro- 

22 


50(3  L  I  F  IS     OF     A  A  K  O  St     B  U  K  K  . 

portion  to  his  means  than  any  other  of  Burr's  leading  confed 
erates. 

The  passage  from  Mr.  Wirt's  speech,  which  is  quoted  above, 
always  appealed  strongly  to  Burr's  sense  of  the  ridiculous.  It 
was  a  standing  joke  with  him  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  He 
laughed  over  the  recollection  of  it  a  thousand  times.  In  the 
company  of  familiar  friends,  he  would  repeat  the  most  exag 
gerated  parts  of  the  speech,  and  then  narrate,  with  a  kind  of 
humorous  exactness,  the  actual  facts  of  his  connection  with 
Blennerhassett,  which  were  as  different  from  Wirt's  version  of 
them  as  fact  ever  is  from  romantic  fiction. 

But  to  return  to  the  court-room. 

On  Saturday  evening,  August  29th,  the  great  debate  was 
concluded  in  an  impressive  speech  by  Mr.  Randolph.  The 
court  adjourned.  On  Monday  morning,  the  Chief  Justice 
was  ready  with  his  decision,  which  every  one  felt  would  de 
cide  the  case,  as  well  as  the  motion  to  exclude  further  testi 
mony.  An  overt  act  had  certainly  not  been  shown  ;  and  if 
the  prosecution  were  debarred  from  adding  testimony  show 
ing  criminal  intention,  the  case  must  go  at  once  to  the  jury, 
who  could  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  acquit  the  prisoner.  The 
breathless  interest  with  which  the  bar,  the  prisoner,  and  the 
auditors,  listened  to  the  great  judge's  clear  and  cogent  reas 
oning,  may  be  imagined. 

"  The  question  now  to  be  decided,"  he  began,  "  has  been 
argued  in  a  manner  worthy  of  its  importance,  and  with  an 
earnestness  evincing  the  strong  conviction  felt  by  the  counsel 
on  each  side  that  the  law  is  with  them.  A  degree  of  elo 
quence  seldom  displayed  on  any  occasion,  has  embellished  a 
solidity  of  argument  and  a  depth  of  research,  by  which  the 
court  lias  been  greatly  aided  in  forming  the  opinion  it  is  about 
to  deliver."  With  this  brief  introduction,  he  proceeded  at 
once  to  grapple  with  the  subject,  and  discussed  it  in  so  mas 
terly  a  manner,  that  one  ignorant  of  law  may  read  the  de 
cision  still  with  interest  and  pleasure,  merely  as  an  essay  on 
the  nature  and  evidence  of  treason.  The  reading  lasted 
nearly  three  hours.  As  he  was  about  to  close,  the  Chief  Just 
ice  alluded  to  the  remarks  which  had  fallen  from  all  the  coun 


THE     TRIAL.  507 

sel  at  different  times,  respecting  the  political  considerations 
which  might  sway  the  mind  of  a  judge  in  deciding  a  case  like 
that  then  before  the  court.  lie  made  this  allusion  writh  excel 
lent  taste  and  judgment.  The  reader  wrill  peruse  with  admi 
ration  the  closing  paragraphs  of  this  celebrated  decision. 

"  Much  has  been  said  in  the  course  of  the  argument  on 
points  on  which  the  court  feels  no  inclination  to  comment  par 
ticularly;  but  which  may,  perhaps,  not  improperly  receive 
some  notice. 

"  That  this  court  dares  not  usurp  power  is  most  true.  That 
this  court  dares  not  shrink  from  its  duty  is  not  less  true.  No 
man  is  desirous  of  placing  himself  in  a  disagreeable  situation. 
No  man  is  desirous  of  becoming  the  peculiar  subject  of  cal 
umny.  No  man,  might  he  let  the  bitter  cup  pass  from  him 
without  self-reproach,  would  drain  it  to  the  bottom.  But  if 
he  have  no  choice  in  the  case,  if  there  be  no  alternative  pre 
sented  to  him  but  a  dereliction  of  duty  or  the  opprobrium  of 
those  who  are  denominated  the  world,  he  merits  the  contempt 
as  well  as  the  indignation  of  his  country  who  can  hesitate 
which  to  embrace 

"That  gentlemen,  in  a  case  the  most  interesting,  in  the  zeal 
with  which  they  advocate  particular  opinions,  and  under  the 
conviction  in  some  measure  produced  by  that  zeal,  should  on 
each  side  press  their  arguments  too  far,  should  be  impatient  at 
any  deliberation  in  the  court,  and  should  suspect  or  fear  the 
operation  of  motives  to  which  alone  they  can  ascribe  that  de 
liberation,  is  perhaps  a  frailty  incident  to  human  nature ;  but 
if  any  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  court  could  warrant  a  senti 
ment  that  it  would  deviate  to  the  one  side  or  the  other  from 
the  line  prescribed  by  duty  and  by  law,  that  conduct  would 
be  viewed  by  the  judges  themselves  with  an  eye  of  extreme 
severity,  and  would  long  be  recollected  with  deep  and  serious 
regret. 

"  The  arguments  on  both  sides  have  been  intently  and  de 
liberately  considered.  Those  which  could  not  be  noticed, 
since  to  notice  every  argument  and  authority  would  swell  this 
opinion  to  a  volume,  have  not  been  disregarded.  The  result 
of  the  whole  is  a  conviction,  as  complete  as  the  mind  of  the 


508  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUKR. 

court  is  capable  of  receiving  on  a  complex  subject,  that  the 
motion  must  prevail. 

"  No  testimony  relative  to  the  conduct  or  declarations  of 
the  prisoner  elsewhere  and  subsequent  to  the  transaction  on 
Blennerhassett's  Island  can  be  admitted ;  because  such  testi 
mony,  being  in  its  nature  merely  corroborative,  and  incompe 
tent  to  prove  the  overt  act  in  itself,  is  irrelevant  until  there  be 
,  j>roof  of  the  overt  act  by  two  witnesses. 

"  This  opinion  does  not  comprehend  the  proof  by  two  wit 
nesses  that  the  meeting  on  Blennerhassett's  Island  was  pro 
cured  by  the  prisoner.  On  that  point  the  court  for  the  pres 
ent  withholds  its  opinion  for  reasons  which  have  been  already 
assigned ;  and  as  it  is  understood  from  the  statements  made 
on  the  part  of  the  prosecution  that  no  such  testimony  exists. 
If  there  be  such,  let  it  be  offered ;  and  the  court  will  decide 
upon  it. 

"The  jury  have  now  heard  the  opinion  of  the  court  on  the 
law  of  the  case.  They  will  apply  that  law  to  the  facts,  and 
will  find  a  verdict  of  guilty  or  not  guilty  as  their  own  con 
sciences  may  direct." 

When  the  judge  ceased,  and  the  irrepressible  buzz  of  ex 
citement  which  arose  in  the  court-room  had  subsided,  Mr. 
Hay  requested  time  for  himself  and  his  associates  to  reflect 
upon  the  decision.  No  one  objecting,  the  court  adjourned 
until  the  next  morning,  when  Mr.  Hay  intimated  his  willing 
ness  to  let  the  case  go  to  the  jury  without  further  remark. 
The  jury  retired.  In  a  few  minutes,  they  returned  with  the 
following  irregular  verdict,  which  was  read  by  the  foreman : 

"We,  of  the  jury,  say  that  Aaron  Burr  is  not  proved  to  be 
guilty  under  the  indictment  by  any  evidence  submitted  to  us. 
We,  therefore,  find  him  not  guilty." 

Colonel  Burr  rose  and,  in  a  manner  more  like  vehemence 
than  he  had  before  exhibited,  protested  against  the  form  of 
the  verdict,  and  demanded  that  it  be  rendered  in  the  usual 
terms.  An  animated  conversation  arose,  in  which  prisoner, 
judge,  counsel,  and  jury,  all  took  part ;  and,  at  length,  as  some 
of  the  jury  would  not  consent  to  an  alteration,  the  matter  was 


THE     TRIAL.  509 

compromised  by  accepting  the  verdict  as  rendered,  but  enter 
ing  it  on  the  record,  simply,  '*not  guilty." 

A  messenger  bore  the  news  of  the  acquittal  to  Theodosia. 
While  her  father  was  insisting  upon  his  right  to  a  more  ample 
vindication  at  the  hands  of  the  jury,  she  was  writing  the 
intelligence  to  a  dear  friend,  the  wife  of  one  of  her  mother's 
sons,  in  whose  family  archives  it  is  still  preserved.  I  am  per 
mitted  to  copy  the  part  of  it  which  relates  to  Colonel  Burr : 

"  I  have  this  moment  received  a  message  from  court  an 
nouncing  to  me  that  the  jury  has  brought  in  a  verdict  of  ac 
quittal,  and  I  hasten  to  inform  you  of  it,  my  dear,  to  allay  the 
anxiety  which,  with  even  more  than  your  usual  sweetness, 
you  have  expressed  in  your  letter  of  the  22d  of  July.  It 
afflicts  me,  indeed,  to  think  that  you  should  have  suffered  so 
much  from  sympathy  with  the  imagined  state  of  my  feelings 
—  for  the  knowledge  of  my  father's  innocence,  my  ineffable 
contempt  for  his  enemies,  and  the  elevation  of  his  mind,  have 
kept  me  above  any  sensations  bordering  on  depression.  In 
deed,  my  father,  so  far  from  accepting  of  sympathy,  has  con 
tinually  animated  all  around  him  ;  it  was  common  to  see  his 
desponding  friends  filled  with  alarm  at  some  new  occurrence, 
terrified  with  some  new  appearance  of  danger,  fly  to  him  in 
search  of  encouragement  and  support,  and  laughed  out  of 
their  fears  by  the  subject  of  them.  This  I  have  witnessed 
every  day,  and  it  almost  persuaded  me  that  he  possessed  the 
secret  of  repelling  danger  as  well  as  apprehension.  Since  my 
residence  here,  of  which  some  days  and  a  night  were  passed 
in  the  penitentiary,  our  little  family  circle  has  been  a  scene  of 
uninterrupted  gayety.  Thus  you  see,  my  lovely  sister,  this 
visit  has  been  a  real  party  of  pleasure.  From  many  of  the 
first  inhabitants  I  have  received  the  most  unremitting  and 
delicate  attentions,  sympathy,  indeed,  of  any  I  ever  experi 
enced." 

The  news  was  received  by  Mr.  Jefferson  with  very  different 
feelings.  He  wrote  immediately  to  Mr.  Hay,  telling  him  to 
let  no  witness  depart  without  taking  a  copy  of  his  evidence, 
which,  said  he,  is  "  now  more  important  than  ever  /"  thus  in 
timating,  that  the  real  object  of  the  prosecution  was  not  so 


510  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

much  to  convict  Aaron  Burr  of  treason,  as  to  acquit  Thomas 
Jefferson  of  precipitate  and  ridiculous  credulity.  "  The  crim 
inal,"  continued  the  President,  "  is  preserved  to  become  the 
rallying-point  of  all  the  disaffected  and  worthless  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  be  the  pivot  on  which,  all  the  intrigues  and  con 
spiracies  which  foreign  governments  may  wish  to  disturb  us 
with,  are  to  turn.  If  he  is  convicted  of  the  misdemeanor,  the 
judge  must  in  decency  give  us  respite  by  some  short  confine 
ment  of  him ;  but  we  must  expect  it  to  be  very  short.  Be 
assured  yourself,  and  communicate  the  same  assurance  to  your 
colleagues,  that  your  and  their  zeal  and  abilities  have  been 
displayed  in  this  affair  to  my  entire  satisfaction  and  your  own 
honor." 

But  the  prisoner  was  not  convicted  of  "  the  misdemeanor." 
The  day  after  being  acquitted  of  treason  he  was  released  from 
prison  on  bail,  and  the  proceedings  on  the  charge  of  misde 
meanor  began.  Colonel  Burr  and  his  counsel  contended,  in  a 
debate  of  many  hours,  that  a  man  can  not  lawfully  be  tried 
twice  for  the  same  offense  ;  and  that  the  verdict  of  the  jury 
entitled  him  to  a  complete  discharge.  It  was  decided  other 
wise,  however,  and  the  new  trial  lingered  day  after  day,  week 
after  week,  with  reams  of  argument  upon  every  point,  until 
the  last  week  in  October.  Wilkinson  was  examined,  and  told 
his  story.  Much  has  been  made  by  the  friends  of  Burr  of 
Wilkinson's  admission  that  he  made  certain  slight  alterations 
in  the  cipher-letter,  and  then  swore  that  his  version  of  it  was 
a  true  deciphering  of  the  original.  The  admission  may  con 
demn  Wilkinson,  but  does  not  exonerate  Burr,  because  the 
alterations  do  not  affect  the  general  drift  of  the  letter  —  do 
not  affect  the  fact  that  Aaron  Burr,  who  plumed  himself  upon 
his  soldierly  honor,  tried  to  induce  a  soldier  to  adopt  a  course 
of  proceeding  which  was  contrary  to  the  known  policy  of  the 
government,  whose  commission  he  held,  and  whose  uniform  he 
wore.  Not  hastily  would  I  condemn  a  man  whose  errors  were 
expiated  as  no  man's  ever  were  expiated  before,  and  upon 
whom  the  craven  rhetoricians  have  delighted  to  heap  oppro 
brious  epithets.  But  so  much  must  be  admitted :  As  long  as 
the  cipher-letter,  as  deciphered  by  the  grand  jury,  exists  urrex- 


THE     TRIAL.  511 

plained,  so  long  must  Aaron  Burr  be  denied  a  place  in  the 
catalogue  of  those  who  have  attempted  great  enterprises  by 
honorable  means  alone. 

He  was  acquitted  of  the  charge  of  misdemeanor,  on  the 
ground  that  the  offense  was  not  committed  in  Virginia,  but  in 
Ohio.  Burr  communicated  the  result  to  his  daughter,  who 
had  returned  to  South  Carolina,  in  these  words :  "  After  all, 
this  is  a  sort  of  drawn  battle.  The  Chief  Justice  gave  his 
opinion  on  Tuesday.  After  declaring  that  there  were  no 
grounds  of  suspicion  as  to  the  treason,  he  directed  that  Burr 
and  Blennerhassett  should  give  bail  in  three  thousand  dollars 
for  further  trial  in  Ohio.  This  opinion  was  a  matter  of  regret 
and  surprise  to  the  friends  of  the  Chief  Justice,  and  of  ridicule 
to  his  enemies  —  all  believing  that  it  was  a  sacrifice  of  princi 
ple  to  conciliate  Jack  Cade.  Mr.  Hay  immediately  said  that 
he  should  advise  the  government  to  desist  from  further 
prosecution.  That  he  has  actually  so  advised,  there  is  no 
doubt." 

Thus,  eight  months  after  his  arrest  in  Alabama,  and  six 
months  after  the  commencement  of  his  trial  at  Richmond,  he 
was  free  once  more.  The  trial  had  not  restored  his  good 
name.  The  ardent  Jeffersonians,  and  all  who  had  any  thing 
to  hope  from  the  favor  of  the  administration,  denounced  him 
without  mercy  or  moderation  —  the  papers  in  the  interest  of 
the  government,  of  course,  leading  the  cry.  If  the  Federal 
ists  seemed  to  give  him  a  faint  support,  it  was  only  because  to 
defend  Burr  was  to  disgust  Jefferson.  He  was  a  ruined  man. 
There  was  no  resource  left  for  him  in  his  own  country,  even 
if  there  was  a  place  in  it  where  his  person  would  be  sate. 

Late  in  the  autumn,  he  went  to  Baltimore,  where  he  was 
entertained  in  princely  style  by  Luther  Martin.  Mr.  Barney 
tells  an  anecdote  or  two  respecting  his  stay  in  Baltimore.  One 
day,  while  he  was  dining  with  a  large  company  at  Luther 
Martin's  house,  a  military  company,  with  a  band  playing  a 
lively  air,  passed  the  house.  It  was  supposed  that  the  com 
pany  intended  to  compliment  Colonel  Burr,  who,  accordingly 
rose  from  the  table,  threw  open  the  window,  and  gracefully 
bowed  to  them. 


512  LIFE     OF     AARON      BURR. 

"  Why,  colonel,"  exclaimed  a  humorous  fellow  in  the  room, 
"  they  are  playing  the  Rogue's  March,  with  charged  bay 
onets  !" 

The  windows  were  quickly  closed,  the  company  returned  to 
their  wine,  and  voted  the  captain  of  the  company  to  be  a  very 
officious  individual.  "The  next  day,"  continues  Barney, 
"  strolling  down  Market-street,  arm  in  arm  with  my  persecu 
ted  friend,  Mr.  Hughes  overtook  us.  '  Colonel,'  said  he,  '  pass 
Light-street  without  looking  down  —  Fountain  Inn  is  sur 
rounded  by  groups  of  your  admiring  friends.  Captain  Fraily 
is  out  of  uniform  to-day,  but  there  is  a  general  desire  mani 
fested  to  give  you  a  warm  reception  in  citizens'  clothes.  You 
must  take  your  departure  without  further  civil  or  military 
honors  being  conferred  upon  you.'  With  his  accustomed  ce 
lerity  of  action  and  excellent  judgment,  the  colonel  called  a 
hack  and  jumped  into  it. 

"  '  Colonel,  my  friend  Barney  will  accompany  you.  You  will 
have  a  pleasant  drive  out  to  Herron's  Run.  I  will  secure  a 
seat  in  the  stage  coach,  take  charge  of  your  baggage,  swop 
you  for  my  friend  Barney,  bring  him  home,  and  send  you  on 
your  way  to  rejoice  escaping  being  hustled  by  a  Baltimore 
mob.' 

"  Colonel  Burr  intimated  that  he  was  too  old  a  soldier  to  run 
away,  in  that  manner,  from  a  lawless  mob.  'That  is  all  fine 
bravado,'  said  Hughes ;  '  Barney  and  I  have  no  desire  to  shoot 
down,  or  be  shot  by  our  fellow-citizens.  You  may  throw  your 
life  away,  colonel,  but  this  bright  world  has  too  many  attrac 
tions  for  us  to  throw  away  ours  in  defending  you,  when  a 
pleasant  ride  of  half  an  hour  will  save  you  from  danger,  and 
restore  us  to  our  affectionate  parents.'  " 

He  yielded,  and  was  seen  no  more  in  Baltimore.) 

V 


•CHAPTER    XXVII. 

THE   EXILE. 

HIS    RESIDENCE    IN    ENGLAND. 

SAILS  FOR  ENGLAND  —  PARTING  WITH  THBODOSIA  —  INTERVIEWS  WITH  CANNING,  CASTLE- 
REAHH,  AND  MULGRAVE  —  THREATENED  WITH  EXPULSION  FROM  ENGLAND — CLAIMS 
TO  BE  A  BRITISH  SUBJECT  —  His  SUCCESS  IN  SOCIETY  —  CHARLES  LAMB — BENTHAM 
—  ANECDOTES  OF  BURR  AND  BENTHAM  —  lire  OCCUPATIONS  IN  LONDON  —  PLANS  FOB 
KETRIEVING  HIS  FORTUNES  —  SAMUEL  SWARTWOUT'S  SCHEME  —  BURR'S  TOUR  IN  THB 
NORTH  —  A  MONTH  IN  EDINBURG —  THREATENED  WITH  ARREST. 

AT  that  time,  as  now,  British  mail-packets  sailed  from  New 
York  and  called  at  Halifax  on  their  way  to  England.  The 
Ckirissa  was  the  packet  for  June,  1808.  Among  the  twenty- 
six  passengers  who  overcrowded  the  cabin  of  the  Clarissa  on 
that  voyage,  was  a  silent,  reading,  gentlemanlike  person,  who 
appeared  in  the  passenger  list  as  G.  H.  Edwards.  He  occu 
pied  a  third  part  of  a  small  state-room,  and  paid  sixty  guineas 
for  his  passage.  There  was  no  Mr.  Edwards  on  board  when 
the  ship  left  her  wharf  at  New  York,  but  as  she  lay  at  anchor 
one  evening  in  the  lower  bay  waiting  for  a  fair  wind,  a  pilot- 
boat  swept  round  her  bows,  and  lay  to  while  a  skiff  conveyed 
another  passenger  to  her  side.  It  was  known  to  no  one  but 
the  captain  that  this  passenger,  announced  as  the  expected 
Mr.  Edwards,  was  Aaron  Burr. 

For  a  month  previous  he  had  been  concealed  in  New  York, 
or  its  vicinity,  at  the  houses  of  his  friends.  His  movements 
during  that  period  were  shrouded  in  mystery.  His  conduct 
was  that  of  a  man  fearing  arrest  for  a  capital  offense,  rather 
than  that  of  one  who  had  just  been  acquitted.  Theodosia  \vas 
in  the  city.  Letters  passed  between  the  father  and  daughter 
daily,  in  which  plans  for  meeting  were  discussed  with  the  cau 
tion  of  conspirators.  He  wrote  every  note  apparently  in  fear 
that  it  would  be  intercepted.  "  If  we  should  not  meet  to-day," 

22* 


514  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

he  tells  her  on  one  occasion,  "  I  shall  write  something  in  which 
I  shall  speak  of  you  in  the  third  person,  under  the  name  of 
Anne." 

During  this  hurried  and  anxious  month  he  is  still  his  daugh 
ter's  tutor  and  thoughtful  adviser.  He  gently  reproves  her 
for  not  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  each  article  of  his  last 
enclosure,  and  says  he  thought  she  was  long  ago  cured  of  that 
negligent  way  of  answering  a  letter.  He  praises  the  fortitude 
with  which  she  supports  the  agony  of  the  coming  separation. 
He  commends  her  epistolary  style.  "  There  is,"  he  says,  "  a 
selection,  an  energy,  and  aptitude  in  your  expressions,  which, 
to  use  the  vulgar  male  slang,  is  not  feminine?1*  He  tells  her, 
that  while  he  is  in  Europe  he  may  put  her  in  correspondence 
with  literary  characters,  and  cautions  her  against  taking  the 
tone  of  one  who  feels  herself  flattered  by  such  a  correspond 
ence.  Of  all  animals,  he  says,  authors  are  the  vainest ;  no 
eulogies  of  their  works  can  be  too  gross,  or  too  often  repeated. 
Yet  he  advises  her  to  be  discriminate  in  her  praise,  selecting 
the  real  merits  of  a  work  for  remark,  which  will  both  prove 
her  discernment  and  save  her  sincerity.  All  such  letters,  he 
adds,  will  be  sure  at  some  time  or  other  to  get  into  print. 
He  tenderly  prepared  her  for  the  last  interview,  which  he 
feared  would  be  more  than  she  could  bear.  One  whole  night, 
he  assures  her,  they  shall  be  together  before  the  final  separa 
tion.  "  Make  haste,"  he  said,  "  to  gather  strength  for  the  oc 
casion  ;  your  efforts  on  the  late  interview  were  wonderful,  and 
God  grant  they  may  not  have  exhausted  you  !"  The  dreaded 
evening  arrived.  The  last  words  of  love,  and  grief,  and  hope 
were  spoken ;  the  father  tore  himself  from  his  daughter's  arms, 
and  stole  away  to  the  boat  that  was  in  waiting  to  convey  him 
down  the  harbor  to  the  Long  Island  shore. 

Burr  used  every  precaution  to  conceal  his  departure.  He 
left  with  Mrs.  Alston  the  outline  of  a  paragraph  to  be  set 
afloat  in  the  papers  after  the  ship  had  sailed,  to  the  effect  that 
on  a  certain  day  Colonel  Burr,  with  one  Frenchman  and  two 
Americans,  had  passed  through  a  designated  place  on  his  way 
to  Canada.  He  left  the  city  on  the  1st  of  June,  but  the  ship 
did  not  sail  till  the  9th.  Those  days  of  waiting  he  passed  on 


THE     EX  ILK.  515 

the  shores  of  the  harbor,  crossing  occasionally  from  Long  Isl 
and  to  Staten  Island,  and  visiting  such  friends  in  the  neigh 
borhood  as  were  in  his  secret.  Like  a  criminal,  lie  fled  from 
the  country  which  had  once  delighted  to  honor  him  —  from 
the  city  in  whose  counsels  his  voice  had  been  potential,  and 
of  whose  society  he  had  been  esteemed  an  ornament. 

At  Halifax  he  received  letters  of  introduction  from  Sir 
George  Prevost  to  his  family  and  friends  in  England ;  also,  a 
passport  certifying  that  "G.  H.  Edwards  was  bearer  of  dis 
patches  to  the  Right  Honorable  Lord  Castlereagh,  at  whose 
office  he  was  immediately  to  present  himself  on  his  arrival  in 
London."  Thirty-five  days  after  leaving  New  York,  the 
packet  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  Falmouth,  and  on  the  16th 
of  July,  1808,  Colonel  Burr  was  in  London.  On  his  arrival, 
he  was  at  once  domesticated  in  the  family  of  the  Prevosts,  the 
relatives  of  his  late  wife,  and  of  Theodosia. 

On  the  very  day  which  brought  Colonel  Burr  within  sight 
of  the  cliffs  of  Albion,  Joseph  Bonaparte  entered  Madrid  as 
King  of  Spain.  This  was  the  first  public  news  of  importance 
that  reached  London  after  Burr's  arrival.  He  must  have 
heard  the  intelligence  with  dismay,  for  a  man  so  acute  as  he 
must  have  discerned  that  such  an  event  was  death,  or  long 
postponement,  to  his  dearest  hopes. 

He  carne  to  Europe  with  the  design  of  laying  before  the 
cabinet  of  England,  or  the  Emperor  of  France,  his  plans  for 
the  independence  of  Mexico,  and  of  procuring,  at  least,  the 
authorization  of  one  of  them  for  carrying  out  his  schemes  of 
personal  aggrandizement  and  elevation  in  that  country.  But 
Joseph  Bonaparte's  assumption  of  the  Spanish  throne  was 
precisely  the  event,  of  all  others  conceivable,  to  absolutely 
close  the  ears  of  both  governments  to  such  an  application. 
England,  before  on  ill  terms  \vith  Spain,  promptly  took  tlie 
part  of  the  dethroned  king,  and  sent  the  flower  of  her  armies 
to  the  Peninsular  war.  England  was  publicly  and  irrevoca 
bly  committed  to  the  cause  of  the  exiled  monarch,  and,  of 
course,  to  the  integrity  of  his  dominions.  To  ask  Napoleon's 
consent  to  the  independence  of  Mexico  would  have  seemed 
something  like  soliciting  his  consent  to  the  partition  of  the 


516  LIFE     OF      AARON     P,  TJ  R  R. 

French  empire.  Mexico  was  part  of  the  kingdom  which  he 
ruled  through  his  brother  Joseph.  Mexico  was  his.  If  lie 
had  been  disposed  to  give  it  away,  an  adventurer  from  far  off 
America  would  not  have  been  the  selected  recipient.  A  mul 
titude  of  political  combinations  can  be  imagined  which  would 
have  rendered  one  or  the  other  of  the  hostile  governments  an 
eager  listener  to  the  bland  and  able  representations  of  Aaron 
Burr.  Unfortunately  for  him,  perhaps  unfortunately  for  Mex 
ico,  affairs  took  the  turn  which  excluded  his  proposals  even 
from  consideration. 

But  Burr  was  not  a  man  to  yield  without  an  effort.  He 
proceeded  immediately  to  business.  He  had  interviews  with 
Mr.  Canning,  Lord  Castlereagh,  Lord  Mul  grave,  and  many 
other  official  persons,  to  whom  his  plans  were  made  known. 
He  received  not  the  slightest  encouragement.  One  of  his  first 
letters  to  his  daughter  announced,  that  "Mexico  had  been 
abandoned."  "  This  certainly  was  inevitable,"  replied  the 
fond  Theodosia;  "but  I  can  not  part  with  what  has  so  long- 
lain  near  my  heart,  and  not  feel  some  regret,  some  sorrow. 
No  doubt  there  are  many  other  roads  to  happiness,  but  this 
appeared  so  perfectly  suitable  to  you,  so  complete  a  remune 
ration  for  all  the  past,  it  so  entirely  coincided  with  my  wishes 
relative  to  you,  that  I  cherished  it  as  my  comfort,  even  when 
illness  scarcely  allowed  me  any  hope  of  witnessing  its  com 
pletion.  My  knowledge  of  your  character,  however,  consoles 
me  greatly.  You  will  not  remain  idle.  The  situation  in 
which  you  are  placed  would  excite  apathy  itself,  and  your 
mind  needs  no  external  impulse." 

It  was  not  even  certain  that  the  adventurer  would  be  per 
mitted  to  reside  in  England.  After  a  few  weeks  of  active  ex 
ertion  in  London,  he  received  one  day,  as  he  was  leaving  for 
the  country,  a  very  pointed  request  from  Lord  Hawkesbury, 
one  of  the  Secretaries  of  State,  that  he  should  present  himself 
forthwith  at  the  Home  Office.  He  went.  What  transpired 
is  not  precisely  known.  But  his  right  to  live  in  England  was 
so  seriously  called  in  question,  that  he  was  driven  to  demand 
it  on  the  ground  that  he  was  born,  and  still  remained,  a  British 
subject.  Lord  Hawkesbury  pronounced  the  claim  monstrous. 


TOE     EXILE.  517 

But  Burr  was  the  better  lawyer  of  the  two,  and  knew  well 
the  peculiarities  of  British  laws  respecting  citizenship.  The 
question  puzzled  the  whole  cabinet,  was  referred  to  the  law 
officers  of  the  crown,  and  was  some  months  in  arriving  at  set 
tlement.  Meanwhile,  the  claimant  lived  and  wandered  in  En 
gland  at  his  pleasure.  Such  a  claim,  from  a  man  who  had 
been  for  four  years  in  arms  against  the  King  of  England,  and 
who  had  filled  the  second  office  in  that  victorious  republic, 
whose  creation  dismembered  the  British  empire,  was  an  amus 
ing  instance  of  Burr's  lawyerly  audacity.* 

Colonel  Burr,  then,  was  not  a  historical  person  in  Europe, 
the  great  events  of  the  time  submerging  his  public  schemes. 
Yet  I  think  it  worth  while  to  narrate  with  some  minuteness 
his  personal  adventures  in  the  old  world,  because  many  of 
them  were  highly  curious  and  characteristic,  and  the  narrative 
affords  an  occasional  glimpse  of  the  most  stirring  time  this 
century  has  known, 

Europe  was  in  arms.  Every  human  interest  was  subordi 
nate  to  the  gigantic  Napoleonic  wars.  Napoleon  was  near 
the  pinnacle  of  his  greatness.  During  this  very  autumn, 
Burr's  first  season  in  Europe,  the  French  emperor  was  the 
central  figure  of  that  dazzling  congress  of  Erfurth,  where  he 
and  the  Czar  Alexander  met  on  the  raft  in  the  middle  of  the 
river,  and  vowed  eternal  friendship,  two  armies  looking  on. 
Baffled  England  was  still  resolute  to  hurl  the  parvenu  down. 
Before  the  year  closed,  Napoleon  was  in  Spain,  driving  before 
him  Sir  John  Moore  and  the  English  army,  in  that  terrible  re 
treat  which  Wolfe's  song  has  made  familiar  to  posterity ;  and 
England  had  diplomatized  a  new  coalition  against  the  con 
queror  which  summoned  him  from  victory  in  the  Peninsula  to 

*  The  most  absurd  reports  of  his  designs  in  England  reached  America. 
Jefferson  wrote,  October  17th,  1808 :  "Burr  is  in  London,  and  is  giving  out 
to  his  friends  that  that  government  offers  him  two  millions  of  dollars  the  mo 
ment  he  can  raise  an  ensign  of  rebellion  as  big  as  a  handkerchief.  Some  of 
his  partisans  will  believe  this,  because  they  wish  it.  But  those  who  know 
him  best  will  not  believe  it  the  more  because  he  says  it.  For  myself,  even  in 
his  most  flattering  periods  of  the  conspiracy,  I  never  entertained  one  moment's 
fear." 


518  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

victory  more  splendid  on  the  Danube  ;  to  victory  which  placed 
the  Austrian  empire  at  his  mercy,  and  gave  hirn  the  fatal  hand 
of  Marie  Louise.  The  breach  between  England  and  the  Uni 
ted  States  was  widening,  and  the  war  of  3812  was  casting  its 
baleful  shadow  before.  The  British  attack  on  the  American 
frigate  Chesapeake,  and  the  consequent  embargo,  were  recent 
events.  The  passage  by  Congress  of  the  non-intercourse  act 
was  only  one  year  distant.  Communication  with  every  part 
of  the  world  was  difficult,  and  traveling  on  the  continent  of 
Europe  was  obstructed,  where  it  was  not  impossible.  During 
the  years  of  Colonel  Burr's  residence  in  Europe,  no  essential 
change  occurred  in  the  politics  or  the  position  of  the  great 
powers.  The  world  was  filled  with  the  noise  of  war. 

Burr's  success  in  the  society  of  the  British  metropolis  may 
be  called  brilliant.  The  men  best  worth  knowing  were  among 
his  intimate  friends ;  and  in  the  most  exclusive  circles  he  was 
a  frequent  and  welcome  guest.  His  fame  had  gone  before 
him.  He  was  sometimes  introduced  as  u  the  celebrated  Col 
onel  Burr."  His  "  affair  with  Hamilton"  was  well  known  in 
London,  as  were  also  his  recent  high  rank  in  the  United  States, 
his  downfall,  and  his  trial  for  treason.  With  many  of  the 
higher  officers  of  the  government  we  find  him  intimate  during 
the  whole  period  of  his  stay  in  Europe.  He  had  the  entree, 
of  Holland  House,  then  the  center  of  a  brilliant  opposition, 
and  the  resort  of  wit  and  genius.  He  was  intimate  with  the 
Earl  of  Bridgewater,  son  of  the  earl  famous  for  his  devotion 
to  the  canal  system.  Godwin  was  his  frequent  associate,  to 
whom  he  owed  an  acquaintance  with  Charles  Lamb.  There 
is  this  too  brief  narration  of  Lamb  in  Burr's  Diary :  "  Agreed 
with  Madame  Godwin  for  rendezvous  at  Mr.  Lamb's  rooms. 
He  is  a  writer,  and  lives  with  a  maiden  sister,  also  literaire,  in 
a  fourth  story."  Lamb  was  then  but  in  his  thirty-third  year, 
and  known  only  to  a  literary  coterie.  Faseli,  the  painter,  was 
another  of  Burr's  acquaintances  in  London.  With  the  higher 
powers  he  had  influence  enough,  during  his  first  three  months 
in  England,  to  procure  a  midshipman's  warrant  for  the  son  of 
a  lady  whom  he  wished  to  oblige.  The  reader  will,  indeed, 
observe  that  into  whatever  city  or  country  Colonel  Burr  went, 


THE     EXILE.  519 

he  took  his  place  at  once  in  its  highest  circle,  and  associated 
chiefly  with  the  people  most  truly  eminent.  This  was  the 
case,  too,  when  his  lodgings  were  not  nameable  to  West-End 
ears,  when  he  lived  upon  potatoes,  and  was  hungry  because 
his  stock  was  gone,  and  his  exchequer,  reduced  to  two  half 
pence,  could  not  afford  a  replenishment. 

Jeremy  Bentham  was  Burr's  dearest  friend  in  England, 
though  it  was  only  by  accident  that  he  became  acquainted  with 
him.  BenJ-ham  was  a  man  of  fortune  who  devoted  the  leisure 
that  wealth  confers  to  pursuits  which  dignify,  if  they  do  not 
justify,  the  possession  of  independent  wealth.  The  greatest 
happiness  of  the  greatest  number  was  a  phrase  which  his  youth 
ful  eye  had  caught  from  "  the  tail  of  one  of  Priestley's  pam 
phlets,"  and  his  life  was  spent  in  writing  treatises  which  applied 
that  principle  to  the  laws  and  institutions  of  States.*  The 
philosopher  was  now  more  than  sixty  years  old,  but  (so  slow 
is  the  growth  of  a  lasting  fame),  his  works  were  known  only 
to  the  thoughtful  few.  Burr  used  to  say  that  no  one  in  the 
United  States  appreciated  Jeremy  Bentham's  ideas  except 
himself  and  Albert  Gallatin.  To  Theodosia,  in  happier  days, 
he  had  been  accustomed  to  speak  of  Bentham  as  "  second  to 
no  man,  ancient  or  modern,  in  profound  thinking,  in  logical 
and  analytic  reasoning."  The  fortunate  accident  which 
brought  him  into  personal  relations  with  his  favorite  author 
is  related  by  M.  Dumont,  who  translated  Bentham's  works 
into  French. 

"  I  have  met,"  wrote  Dumont  to  Bentham,  "  with  a  person 
in  London  enjoying  a  celebrity  which  is  somewhat  embarass- 

*  "  Bentham  himself,  and  even  the  creed  of  Bentham,  seems  to  me  compar 
atively  worthy  of  praise.  It  is  a  determinate  being  what  all  the  world,  in  a 
cowardly,  half-and-half  manner,  was  tending  to  be.  Let  us  have  the  crisis  ; 
we  shall  have  either  death  or  the  cure.  I  call  this  gross  steam-engine  utili 
tarianism  an  approach  toward  new  faith.  It  is  a  laying  down,  of  cant ;  a 
saying  to  one's  self,  '  Well,  then,  this  world  is  a  dead  iron  machine,  the  god 
of  it  Gravitation  and  selfish  Hunger ;  let  us  see  what,  by  checking  and  bal 
ancing,  and  good  adjustment  of  tooth  and  pinion,  can  be  made  of  it.'  Ben 
thamism  has  something  complete,  manful,  in  such  fearless  committal  of  itself 
to  what  it  finds  true ;  you  may  call  it  Heroic,  though  a  Heroism  with  its  eyes 
put  out." — CARLYLE  :  Heroes  and  Hero  Worship. 


520  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURR. 

ing  to  him,  and  from  which  he  has  retreated  into  a  capital  two 
thousand  leagues  from  his  home.  This  is  Mr.  Edwards  in  Lon 
don  ;  in  America,  it  was  Mr.  Burr.  We  met  at  dinner  —  ac 
quaintance  was  soon  established  between  us ;  and  as  soon  as 
he  heard  me  named,  he  inquired  with  an  air  of  surprise  and 
of  satisfaction,  if  I  were  the  person  to  whom  he  was  indebted 
for  his  acquaintance  with  the  writings  of  Bentham.  He  had 
read  'Principles,'  and  'Usury,'  and  as  soon  as  he  saw  the  an 
nouncement  at  Paris,  had  sent  for  sundry  copies.  He  spoke 
of  them  with  the  strongest  admiration  —  said  they  were  the 
only  works  on  legislation  where  there  was  philosophical 
method;  that,  compared  to  these,  Montesquieu's  writings 
were  trifling,  etc.  He  added  that,  in  spite  of  his  recommen 
dations,  they  were  little  read  in  America,  where  any  thing 
requiring  studious  application  is  neglected.  Nobody  but  Gal- 
latin  had  felt  all  their  merit,  and  Gallatin  was  the  best  head 
in  the  United  States.  Mr.  Burr  was  anxiously  desirous  of 
knowing  the  author  —  of  passing  a  day  with  him;  this,  said 
he,  would  be  a  satisfaction  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  He  passes 
all  the  autumn  in  England,  but  does  not  know  how  long  be 
yond.  If  you  are  disposed  to  receive  him,  whether  in  town 
or  country,  let  me  give  him  the  happy  news,  and  I  think  you 
will  not  be  sorry  you  have  seen  him.  You  may  tell  me,  his 
duel  with  Hamilton  was  a  savage  affair ;  but  he  has  no  desire 
whatever  to  break  your  head." 

Bentham,  who  was  extremely  susceptible  to  appreciation, 
made  the  desired  response.  Colonel  Burr  was  invited  to 
Barrow  Green,  near  London,  where  the  sage  was  then  stay 
ing,  and  "  great,"  says  Bentham's  biographer,  "  was  his  joy 
on  receiving  the  invitation."  Bentham  ordered  a  horse  to  be 
sent  to  London  to  convey  him  to  the  country,  but  Burr  had 
provided  a  horse  of  his  own. 

In  Bentham's  own  reminiscences,  we  find  only  brief  allusion 
to  his  intimacy  with  Burr.  "  I  was  brought  acquainted,"  he 
says,  "  with  Colonel  Aaron  Burr  thus :  he  had  given  a  gen 
eral  order  to  a  bookseller  to  forward  whatever  books  I  should 
publish.  I  was  then  very  little  known.  This  was  very  good 
evidence  of  analogy  between  his  ideas  and  mine.  He  came 


THE     EXILE.  521 

here  expecting  this  government  to  assist  his  endeavors  in 
Mexico ;  but  the  government  had  just  then  made  up  their 
quarrel  with  Spain.  We  met ;  he  was  pregnant  with  interest 
ing  facts.  He  gave  me  hundreds  of  particulars  respecting 
Washington.  In  those  days,  I  used  to  go  to  Oxstead,  where 
there  is  a  handsome  gentleman's  house,  called  Barrow  Green, 
which  was  occupied  by  Koe's  eldest  brother.  Burr  went 
there  with  me  ;  and  once,  when  I  went  to  Barrow  Green,  I 
lent  him  my  house  in  Queen  Square  Place.  He  really  meant 
to  make  himself  emperor  of  Mexico.  He  told  me  I  should  be 
the  legislator,  and  he  would  send  a  ship  of  war  for  me.  He 
gave  me  an  account  of  his  duel  with  Hamilton.  He  was  sure 
of  being  able  to  kill  him  ;  so  I  thought  it  little  better  than  a 
murder.  He  seemed  to  be  a  man  of  prodigious  intrepidity  ; 
and  if  his  project  had  failed  in  Mexico,  he  meant  to  set  up 
for  a  monarch  in  the  United  States.*  He  said  the  Mexicans 
would  all  follow  like  a  flock  of  geese." 

These  tempernte  words  (written  years  after)  give  no  idea 
of  the  warmth  of  their  friendship.  In  a  few  days,  we  find 
Colonel  Burr  living  at  Bentham's  house,  on  the  most  affec 
tionate  terms  with  its  master.  His  letters  of  this  period  are 
filled  with  allusions  to  his  "  great  and  good  friend,  Jeremy 
Bentham,"  of  whom  he  seldom  spoke  but  with  enthusiasm. 
To  Theodosia  he  said :  "  I  am  now  writing  in  Mr.  Bentham's 
room,  and  by  his  side.  He  wills  it  so,  insisting  that  there  is 
a  sort  of  social  intercourse  in  sitting  near,  and  looking  now 
and  then  at  one  another,  though  we  are  separately  and  ever 
so  intensely  employed.  It  is  certainly  so."  In  another  letter, 
he  told  Theodosia  that  "  Mr.  Bentham's  countenance  had  all 
that  character  of  intense  thought  which  she  would  expect  to 
find  ;  but  it  was  impossible  to  conceive  a  physiognomy  more 
strongly  marked  with  ingenuousness  and  philanthropy.  He 
is  about  sixty,  but  cheerful  even  to  playfulness."  To  Gov 
ernor  Alston,  he  wrote :  "  He  is,  indeed,  the  most  perfect 
model  that  I  have  seen  or  imagined  of  moral  and  intellectual 
excellence.  He  is  the  most  intimate  friend  I  have  in  this  conn- 

*  The  old  gentleman'3  memory  was  at  fault  here. 


522  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

try,  and  my  constant  associate."  To  Mrs.  Prevost :  "  He  must 
be  dead  a  hundred  years  before  he  will  be  known ;  and  then 
he  will  be  adored." 

Burr  made  every  body  whom  he  loved  love  his  daughter  ; 
and  so  we  soon  see  Beritham  sending  a  set  of  his  "  combusti 
bles"  (works)  to  "  ray  dear  little  Theodosia."  She  read  them 
with  delight.  She  caught  her  father's  enthusiasm.  One  of 
the  books,  as  yet,  existed  only  in  the  French  language,  and 
Theodosia,  in  that  graceful  manner  which  invested  all  she  did 
with  a  peculiar  charm,  solicited  the  privilege  of  translating 
it  into  English.  The  sage  was  enchanted,  and  the  translation 
was  begun. 

It  is  evident  that  Colonel  Burr  stood  very  high  in  Ben- 
tham's  regard.  John  Bowring,  Bentham's  biographer,  says 
that  the  philosopher,  in  consequence  of  his  communication 
with  Colonel  Burr,  seemed  seriously  resolved  on  taking  up  his 
abode  for  some  years  on  the  table-lands  of  Mexico,  and  was 
only  dissuaded  by  the  extreme  difficulty  of  getting  there,  and 
the  representations  of  his  friends.  Bentham  quaintly  makes 
this  project  known  to  Lord  Holland  in  a  letter,  dated  October 
31,  1808  :  "  I  feel  myself,"  he  wrote,  "  so  pinched  by  the  cold 
of  our  English  winters,  that  a  great  part  of  the  time  that 
would  otherwise  be  employed  in  driving  the  quill,  is  consumed 
in  thinking  of  the  cold,  and  endeavoring,  but  in  vain,  to  keep 
off  that  unpleasant  sensation  without  bringing  on  worse.  But 
is  there  no  heat  in  fire  ?  Yes ;  but  as  it  comes  from  our  En 
glish  fire-places,  such  is  the  heat,  as  neither  my  eyes,  nor  other 
parts  about  me,  are  able  to  endure.  Between  eyes  and  feet, 
perpetual  quarrel  about  heat ;  feet  never  can  have  enough, 
eyes  never  little  enough  —  a  new  edition  of  the  old  parable 
of  the  members.  Mexico,  from  a  variety  of  authorities,  pri 
vate,  as  well  as  public,  I  have  learned  to  consider  as  affording 
a  climate  by  which  all  such  differences  would  be  kept  at  rest. 
Temperature  just  what  any  body  pleases.  If  you  want  it 
warmer,  you  go  down  a  few  hundred  yards  ;  if  cooler,  you  go 
up?"1 

That  so  cordial  a  feeling  should  have  existed  between  two 
men  who,  in  some  particulars,  were  as  complete  contrasts  as  the 


THE     EXILE.  523 

world  could  furnish,  may  well  excite  our  surprise.  In  the 
very  letter  to  Lord  Holland  just  quoted,  Bentharn  truly  de 
scribes  himself  as  "  completely  disqualified  for  every  thing  that 
in  French  is  called  Intrigue,  or  in  English  Politics."  He  was 
also  so  absent-minded  as  scarcely  to  be  trusted  in  the  streets 
alone.  An  instance  of  this* infirmity  used  to  be  related  by 
Colonel  Burr,  with  a  keen  relish  of  its  absurdity.  The  phi 
losopher  and  himself  were  walking  one  day  in  Hyde  Park,  en 
gaged  in  grave  discourse  upon  subjects  of  high  import,  when, 
suddenly,  the  voice  of  Bentham  ceased.  Burr  looked  up. 
The  sage  stopped,  mused  a  moment,  turned  upon  his  heel,  and 
without  one  word  of  explanation,  broke  into  a  kind  of  gentle 
trot,  and  trotted  homeward,  never  once  looking  back  to  his 
deserted  companion.  Burr  gazed  after  him  with  wonder,  but 
soon  guessing  the  cause  of  this  curious  proceeding  to  be  an 
"  idea,"  merely,  he  continued  his  walk  alone,  and,  in  the  course 
of  an  hour  or  two,  went  home  to  Bentham's  house.  He  met 
the  philosopher  quite  as  usual,  and  neither  Bentham  nor  him 
self  ever  alluded  to  the  occurrence.  Burr  said  that  any  one 
who  should  meet  Bentham  without  knowing  who  he  was, 
would  have  supposed  him  to  be  "  a  little  touched  in  his  upper 
story." 

Bentharn  himself  seems  to  have  been  struck  by  the  oddity 
of  such  a  friendship,  and  scarcely  knew  what  to  make  of  it. 
"  I  do  believe,"  he  wrote  to  Burr,  at  the  end  of  one  of  the 
three-sheeted  letters  he  used  to  send  to  him  occasionally,  "I 
do  believe,  that  of  the  regard  you  have  all  along  professed  for 
me,  no  inconsiderable  part  is  true.  But  a  man  must  have  his 
eyes  well  about  him,  when  he  has  to  deal  with  leaders  of  fac 
tions  and  professed  men-catchers."  And  again:  "  To  know 
that  you  were  in  any  situation  that  could  turn  talents  such  as 
yours  to  the  benefit  of  any  considerable  part  of  mankind  would 
afford  me  the  most  heartfelt  pleasure.  In  any  other  I  should 
have  said,  on  the  opposite  expectation,  I  can  not  even  profess 
to  give  you  any  good  wishes.  For  the  trade  of  throat-cutting 
I  can  not  see  any  openings.  Cabbage-planting  would  be  bet 
ter,  if,  haply,  any  ground  were  to  be  got  for  it."  Bentham's 
letters  to  Burr  were  gossipy  and  rambling,  and  amazingly 


524  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

long  —  equivalent,  some  of  them,  to  fifteen  or  twenty  pages 
of  foolscap. 

Bentham  never  knew  of  Colonel  Burr's  pecuniary  straits. 
Two  or  three  years  later,  when  he  was  reduced  to  the  last  ex 
tremity  of  indigence,  he  never  breathed  a  syllable  of  his  cir 
cumstances  to  Jeremy  Bentham,  who  was  then  himself  tem 
porarily  embarrassed.  He  visited  the  sage  as  usual,  but  could 
not  tell  him,  as  he  did  Godwin,  the  secret  of  his  squalid  lodg 
ings.  But  this  is  anticipating. 

For  the  present,  Colonel  Burr  passed  his  time  pleasantly 
enough.  Tt  was  the  era  of  mechanical  inventions.  The  dream 
of  the  day  was  to  do  what  Fulton  had  recently  done,  revolu 
tionize  a  new  branch  of  industry  by  a  new  application  of 
steam.  The  memoirs  and  letters  of  that  period,  show  it  to 
have  been  the  fashion  to  take  an  interest  in  things  mechani 
cal.  Burr,  besides  the  interest,  which  a  man  so  intelligent  as 
he  could  not  but  feel  in  the  inventions  of  the  time,  had  the 
idea  that  by  some  lucky  hit  of  the  kind  he  might  retrieve  his 
own  fortunes.  The  mansion  of  the  Earl  of  Bridgewater  was 
then  the  resort  of  men  writh  mechanical  ideas,  and  we  find 
Colonel  Burr  staying  there  a  week  at  a  time  listening  to  their 
expositions.  He  confesses  that  he  found  it  a  bore.  But  it 
became  the  possible  emperor  of  Mexico  to  understand  the 
canal  system,  and  he  forced  himself  to  attend,  and  to  make 
the  remarks  expected  of  him.  On  one  occasion,  he  speaks  of 
going  out  of  his  way  to  see  the  new  railroad,  on  which  he  be 
held  with  wonder,  four  horses  draw  forty-four  tons  of  mer 
chandise.  One  night  he  was  sleepless  with  an  idea  of  improv 
ing  the  steam  engine.* 

*  The  following  letter  from  Samuel  Swartwout  (who  was  also  in  London) 
to  Burr,  is  worth  inserting  on  many  accounts.  It  is  from  the  valuable  auto 
graph  collection  of  F.  J.  Dreer,  Esq.,  of  Philadelphia,  to  whose  courtesy  I  am 
indebted  for  permission  to  copy  it.  The  letter  is  dated  London,  Thursday, 
26th  August,  1808,  and  is  addressed  to  "Colonel  Burr,  at  Mr.  Bentham's, 
Barrow  Green." 

"  DEAR  SIR:  I  called  yesterday  at  Mr.  Smith's  lodgings,  Great  Marlborough- 
street,  but  he  was  not  in  town.  I  left  your  letter  with  my  address,  request- 


THE     EXILE.  525 

He  led  an  active  life.  We  catch  glimpses  of  him,  in  his 
swift  diary,  rushing  from  office  to  office  ;  "  walking  fifty 
miles"  to  find  a  suitable  present  for  "  Gampillo  ;"  dining  with 
"  the  ladies  of  Holland  House  ;"  going  to  the  play  with  the 
•Godwins;  talking  politics  with  Bentham  ;  expounding  Mexico 

ing  to  know  when  I  should  see  him.     I  have  heard  nothing  since.     I  shall 
call  again  to-day. 

"I  have  had  a  long  conversation  this  morning  with  a  young  gentleman,  a 
partner  with  Strong  &  Davis,  New  York,  who  has  come  over  on  business  for 
them,  in  the  last  packet.  He  knows  you.  His  name  is  John  Mills.  In  the 
course  of  conversation  he  mentioned  that  the  article  of  cotton  bagging,  which 
is  prohibited  by  the  late  law  of  the  United  States,  is,  in  the  southern  States, 
and  in  the  Territories  of  Orleans  and  Mississippi,  a  dollar  a  yard.  Here  it  m;iy 
be  bought  for  6d.  sterling.  Pray,  could  not  a  quantity,  say,  200,000  yards, 
be  sent  from  this  country  to  Mobile  or  St  Mary's ;  and  thence  got  into  the 
islands  and  Territories  by  smuggling  ?  If  your  knowledge  of  the  ground  en 
ables  you  to  manage  such  a  speculation,  perhaps  it  might  be  accomplished. 
The  immense  advance  in  this  article,  and  its  being  one  of  the  specially  pro 
hibited  articles,  which,  in  case  the  embargo  is  raised  will  but  increase  in 
price,  encourages  me  to  hope  that  some  great  speculation  might  be  made  in 
it.  Mr.  Mills  was  lately  in  Charleston,  where  he  purchased  a  quantity  of 
cotton  at  13  cents  —  nearly  500  bales  —  and  he  says  the  planters  will  not  be 
able  to  put  up  their  next  crop  for  want  of  bagging.  The  price  is  now  GOO  per 
cent,  above  the  cost  here,  and  the  expenses,  of  transportation  —  and  in  case 
the  embargo  should  be  taken  oft",  the  demand  for  cotton  and  the  want  of  bag 
ging  —  wiu  raise  it  perhaps  double  what  it  now  is.  The  immense  profit  can 
not  be  doubted. 

"  Would  the  hazard  be  greater,  or  so  great,  in  any  other  part  of  the  United 
States  ? 

"Would not  the  collector  at  N"ew  Orleans  let  a  schooner  in  with  200,000 
yards  on  board  for  a  couple  or  three  thousand  guineas  ?  St.  Mary's,  I  think, 
•would  be  another  charming  place  to  try  it.  The  cost  of  a  whole  ship-load,  or 
of  200,000  yards,  would  be  only  four  to  five  thousand  pounds.  A  thousand 
or  twelve  hundred  pounds  more,  would  fit  out  the  vessel,  and  if  she  succeeded 
in  getting  safe  into  port  and  in  selling  her  cargo,  the  profits  would  be  im 
mense  —  600  per  cent.  This  laid  out  in  cotton  there,  at  the  present  low  price, 
would  make  another  100  per  cent.  — so  that  in  all  it  would  be  one  of  the 
greatest  speculations  ever  made ;  if,  as said,  it  could  be  effected. 

"  Have  the  goodness  to  let  me  know  by  return  of  the  mail,  what  you  think 
of  my  wild  scheme.  I  inclose  a  letter  and  two  cards  which  will  explain 
themselves. 

"  Ever  affectionately  and  devotedly  yours, 

"  S.  SWARTWOUT." 


526  L  I  F  E     O  F     A  A  E  O  N     B  IT  R  R  . 

to  men  whom  the  next  change  of  ministers  might  bring  into 
power;  undergoing  tortures  with  his  peruke;  writing  law- 
papers  in  support  of  his  claim  to  be  considered  a  British  sub 
ject  ;  reading  all  literature,  from  Milton  on  Divorce  to  the 
last  French  farce ;  conversing  with  all  men,  from  cabinet  min 
isters  to  barbers ;  gallanting  all  women,  from  duchesses  to 
chambermaids. 

Theodosia  was  languishing,  meanwhile.  In  November  came 
eloquent,  melancholy  letters  from  her  to  her  father.  Sarato 
ga,  whither  she  had  gone  after  his  departure,  had  not  relieved 
her  depressing  complaint.  The  failure  of  her  father's  plans, 
the  uncertainty  of  his  future,  and,  in  particular,  the  non-pay 
ment  of  a  large  sum  of  money  due  him  in  New  York,  on  which 
he  depended,  racked  her  noble  heart  with  anxiety.  "Return 
to  me,"  she  cried  to  him  across  the  sea,  "  or  tell  me  that^you 
are  engaged  in  a  pursuit  worthy  of  you."  "  O,  my  guardian 
angel,  why  were  you  obliged  to  abandon  me  jnst  when  en 
feebled  nature  doubly  required  your  care  !  How  often,  when 
my  tongue  and  hands  trembled  with  disease,  have  I  besought 
Heaven  either  to  reunite  us,  or  let  me  die  at  once.  Yet  do 
not  hence  imagine  that  I  yield  to  infantine  lamentations  or  im 
patience.  As  soon  as  relief  from  pain  restored  me  in  some 
measure  to  myself,  I  became  more  worthy  the  happiness  of 
being  your  daughter."  She  speaks  of  her  return  to  New 
York  for  the  winter,  and  adds :  "  My  situation  will  not  have 
the  charms  we  supposed.  Indeed,  I  find  that  your  presence 
threw  a  luster  on  every  thing  around  you.  Every  thing  is 
gayer,  more  elegant,  more  pleasant,  where  you  are."  But 
this  was  not  all  the  reason  why  "  dear  New  York,"  as  she 
sometimes  called  the  home  of  her  happy  childhood,  was  no 
longer  agreeable  to  her.  The  daughter  had  to  share  the 
father's  odium,  though  that  daughter  was  the  lovely  and  ac 
complished  Mrs.  Alston.  "  The  world,"  she  wrote,  "  begins 
to  cool  terribly  around  rne.  You  would  be  surprised  how 
many  I  supposed  attached  to  me  have  abandoned  the  sorry 
losing  game  of  disinterested  friendship."  One  regrets  to 
see  at  the  end  of  such  letters  the  signature  of  "  Mary  Ann 
Edwards,"  and  "  dear  brother"  at  the  beginning ;  "  X"  for 


THE     EXILE.  527 

Mexico,  and  "  60"  for  Aaron  Bnrr.  But  she  was  obliged  to 
write  so. 

The  father's  anxiety  was  aroused.  He  consulted  the  most 
celebrated  physicians  of  London,  who  seconded  the  thought 
his  wish  had  fathered,  in  recommending  a  voyage  to  Europe 
for  the  sick  lady.  Burr's  heart  was  instantly  set  upon  his 
daughter's  joining  him.  Preparations  were  made  for  her  re 
ception  with  his  usual  promptness.  At  every  port  where  she 
could  possibly  land  measures  were  taken  against  her  arrival. 
Bentham  offered  her  his  house.  General  Sir  Samuel  Bentham, 
brother  of  the  author,  was  to  take  "  Gampillus"  home  to  be 
educated  with  his  own  children,  whom  Burr  declared  to  be 
the  best  brought  up  of  all  the  children  he  had  ever  known. 
The  most  minute  directions  were  forwarded  to  Theodosia  re 
specting  the  voyage,  and  the  course  to  be  pursued  on  landing. 
To  travel  post  from  Falmouth  to  London,  he  tells  her,  will 
cost  twenty-five  guineas  ;  but  the  canal  boats  from  Liverpool 
have  neatly-furnished  rooms  with  fire-places,  and  go  forty  or 
fifty  miles  a  day  for  less  than  half  the  expense  of  travel  by 
land.  He  writes  to  Governor  Alston  to  insure  his  consent  to 
the  voyage,  and  offering  to  pay  half  the  expense  out  of  his 
slender  means ;  for  planters  were  then  embarrassed.  His  care 
and  forethought  for  her  were,  indeed,  all  that  the  most  affec 
tionate  of  fathers  could  bestow  upon  the  most  beloved  of 
daughters.  In  one  of  his  letters  to  her,  written  about  this 
time,  there  is  a  touching  passage.  He  is  telling  her  that  he 
is  always  in  danger  of  being  too  late  with  his  letters  for  Am 
erica.  "  My  letters  to  others,"  he  adds,  "  are  always  ready  ; 
but  toward  you,  a  desire  to  say  something  at  the  last  moment ; 
a  reluctance  resembling  that  of  parting  —  but  all  this  you 
know  and  feel." 

His  project  was  never  carried  out.  As  the  winter  drew  on, 
her  disease  took  a  favorable  turn,  and  the  proposed  voyage 
was  given  up.  How  much  better  it  might  have  been  for  both 
father  and  child  if  they  had  come  together  then  !  In  the 
spring  she  went  home  to  South  Carolina,  whence  three  times 
the  climate  had  driven  her.  "I  would  not  have  tried  a  fourth 
experiment  of  the  kind  upon  a  dog,"  wrote  Colonel  Burr  in 


528  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUKK. 

wrath  when  he  heard  the  news.  Her  health,  however,  was 
permanently  improved,  and  his  fears  were  never  realized. 

Colonel  Burr  lived  in  London  nearly  six  months.  He  was 
in  doubt  what  to  do,  or  whither  to  go.  To  stay  in  Europe 
seemed  useless ;  yet  nothing  had  occurred  to  tempt  him  home. 
His  desires  pointed  homeward,  and  he  seems  to  have  hoped 
to  return  ere  long.  Meanwhile,  he  resolved  on  making  the 
grand  tour  of  the  kingdom,  and  on  the  morning  of  December 
the  22d,  1808,  he  set  out  on  his  journey  northward  in  the  Ox 
ford  coach. 

The  page  of  his  diary  in  which  he  describes  his  departure 
from  the  metropolis  and  his  adventures  on  the  road  to  Oxford, 
may  serve  as  an  illustration  of  his  mode  of  journalizing.  He 
was  too  late  for  the  coach,  but  pursued  and  overtook  it.  He 
continues:  —  "Found  in  it  one  man.  Having  preserved  per 
fect  silence  for  a  few  minutes,  by  way  of  experiment,  I  re 
marked  that  the  day  was  very  mild,  which  he  flatly  denied, 
and  in  a  tone  and  manner  as  if  he  would  have  bit  me.  I 
laughed  out  heartily,  and  very  kindly  inquired  into  his  morn 
ing's  adventures.  He  was  old,  gouty,  and  very  fat.  No  hack 
being  to  be  had  at  that  early  hour,  or,  what  is  more  probable, 
choosing  to  save  the  shilling,  he  had  walked  from  his  house  to 
the  inn,  had  fallen  twice,  got  wet  and  bruised,  and  was  very 
sure  that  he  should  be  laid  up  with  the  gout  for  six  months. 
I  sympathized  with  his  misfortunes.  Wondered  at  the  com 
placency  with  which  he  bore  them,  and  joined  him  in  cursing 
the  weather,  the  streets,  and  the  hackney  coachmen.  He  be 
came  complacent  and  talkative.  Such  is  John  Bull.  We  took 
in  another  fat  man,  a  woman  still  fatter,  and  a  boy.  After 
ward,  a  very  pretty,  graceful,  arch-looking  girl,  about  eighteen, 
going  on  a  visit  to  her  aunt,  Lady  W.  But  mademoiselle  was 
reserved  and  distant.  At  the  first  change  of  horses  she  agreed 
GO  take  breakfast,  which  we  did,  tete-a-tete.  I  was  charmed 
to  find  her  all  animation,  gayety,  ease,  badinage.  By  the  aid 
of  drink  to  the  coachman,  our  companions  were  kept  three 
quarters  of  an  hour  cooling  in  the  coach.  They  had  break- 
tasted.  When  we  joined  them  the  reserve  of  my  little  siren 
returned.  After  various  fruitless  essays,  and  at  first  without 


THE     EXILE.  529 

suspecting  the  cause,  finding  it  impossible  to  provoke  any  thing 
beyond  a  cold  monosyllable,  I  composed  myself  to  sleep,  and 
slept  soundly  about  eight  hours,  between  London  and  Oxford, 
where  we  arrived  at  eight  this  evening.  (There  must  be  some 
thing  narcotic  in  the  air  of  this  island.  I  have  slept  more  du 
ring  my  six  months'  residence  in  Great  Britain  than  in  any 
preceding  three  years  of  my  life  since  the  age  of  fourteen.) 
Took  leave  of  my  little  Spartan.  Mem. — To  write  an  essay, 
historical  and  critical,  on  the  education  and  treatment  of  wo 
men  in  England.  Its  influence  on  morals  and  happiness." 

He  remained  a  day  or  two  at  Oxford,  receiving  the  requi 
site  attentions  from  residents  to  whom  he  had  brought  letters. 
He  thought  "  every  thing  there  was  more  for  ostentation  than 
for  use."  At  a  dinner  given  him  by  one  of  the  Oxonians  he 
agitated  the  serene  atmosphere  of  the  place  by  praising  Ben 
tham.  The  mention  of  that  name  was  enough  to  revive  in 
terest  in  all  the  great,  dividing  subjects.  Burr  found  his 
Oxford- friends  prepared  to  concede  Bentham's  greatness  as  a 
legislator,  but  not  as  a  moralist ;  whereas  he  extolled  his 
morality  and  benevolence  above  all  things.  The  discussion,  it 
appears,  grew  warm.  The  subject  of  divorce  came  up,  Burr 
defending  Bentham's  opinions.  Religion  was  discoursed  of, 
Burr  arguing  against  the  Gospel  according  to  Oxford.  "  We 
then,"  he  says,  "  got  upon  American  politics,  geography,  etc., 
on  all  of  which  a  most  profound  and  learned  ignorance  was 
displayed.  The  evening  wound  up  pleasantly,  and  we  parted 
with  many  expressions  of  courtesy."  Of  his  entertainer  on 
this  occasion,  he  adds  this  remark :  "  Though  he  speaks  of 
Bentham  writh  reverence,  and,  probably,  prays  for  him,  I  pre 
sume  that  he  thinks  he  will  be  eternally  damned,  and  I  have 
no  doubt  he  expects  to  be  lolling  in  Abraham's  bosom  with 
great  complacency,  hearing  Bentham  sing  out  for  a  drop  of 
water.  Such  is  the  mild  genius  of  our  holy  religion." 

Continuing  his  journey  northward,  he  is  entertained  on  the 
road  to  Birmingham  by  "a pretty  little  comely  brunette," 
who  had  read  all  the  novels  and  seen  all  the  lions,  and  whose 
rank  he  puzzled  himself  in  vain  to  determine.  At  length  they 
put  her  down  at  a  respectable  farm  house,  Burr  handed  her 

'23 


530  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUEE. 

in,  was  introduced  to  the  family  as  a  "gentleman  who  had 
been  extremely  polite  to  me  on  the  road,"  and  was  warmly 
pressed  to  stay,  and  to  call  on  his  return.  Such  an  easy  power 
had  this  man  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  fair.  He  went  to 
Stratford  to  see  the  tomb  of  Shakespeare,  concerning  which 
visit  he  only  remarks,  that  the  bar-maid  gave  him  a  very  de 
tailed  account  of  the  late  Shaekspearean  jubilee.  At  Birming 
ham  he  enters  in  his  diary  some  mysterious  hints  of  a  gay 
street  adventure  which  cost  him  twenty-eight  shillings,  for 
which  he  tells  Theodosia  he  atoned  by  taking  a  cheap  outside 
place  to  Edinburg,  instead  of  a  dear  inside  one. 

At  Edinburg,  where  he  remained  a  month,  his  life  was  a 
ceaseless  round  of  gayety.  Plis  London  letters  and  his  own 
celebrity  combined  to  insure  him  a  wrelcome  among  the  elite 
of  the  society  at  the  Scottish  capital. 

At  Edinburg,  then  a  place  of  brilliant  intellect  and  easy  vir 
tue,  Colonel  Burr  was  a  drawing-room  and  dinner-table  lion. 
Parties,  balls,  assemblies,  dinners,  plays,  succeeded  one  another. 
Edinburg,  he  said,  was  the  most  social  and  hospitable  place 
he  had  ever  seen :  they  meet  to  amuse  and  to  be  amused,  and 
they  succeed.  He  gave  himself  up  to  the  enjoyments  of  the 
hour  to  a  degree  not  uiual  with  him.  He  told  Bentham,  to 
whom  he  wrote  nearly  every  day,  that  in  his  present  "  state 
of  nullity,"  he  wished  to  be  forgotten  by  all  his  friends,  till  he 
could  "  rise  to  view"  in  a  form  worthy  of  their  hopes.  For  a 
month,  business  was  forgotten. 

With  the  legal  and  the  literary  magnates  of  the  towniie 
soon  became  intimate.  McKenzie,  author  of  the  "  Man  of 
Feeling,"  was  then  at  the  height  of  his  reputation,  and  Walter 
Scott  was  in  the  Marmion  period  of  his  literary  career.  "I 
met  both  frequently,"  wrote  Burr  to  Theodosia,  "  and  from 
both  received  civilities  and  hospitalities.  McKenzie  has 
twelve  children  ;  six  daughters,  all  very  interesting,  and  two 
very  handsome.  He  is  remarkably  sprightly  in  company; 
amiable,  witty ;  might  pass  for  forty-eight,  though  certainly 
much  older.  Scott,  with  less  softness  than  McKenzie,  has 
still  more  animation  ;  talks  much,  and  very  agreeably.  May 
be  about  forty."  He  found  warm  friends  among  the  lawyers 


THE     EXILE.  631 

and  judges  of  Edinburg,  with  some  of  whom  he  continued  to 
correspond  for  years  after.  At  one  dinner  party,  composed 
chiefly  of  legal  gentlemen,  he  spoke  so  convincingly  in  praise 
of  Bentham,  that  most  of  the  company  took  a  list  of  his 
works  on  the  spot.  He  was  the  champion  of  Bentham  where- 
ever  he  went.  He  wrote  to  the  philosopher :  "  When  I  find 
a  man  who  knows  nothing  of  you,  which  (with  blushes  be  it 
said)  has  sometimes  happened,  I  pity  him ;  but  when  one, 
pretending  a  knowledge  of  your  works,  uses  '  very  able,  very 
ingenious,'  or  any  such  trite  epithets,  I  hate  him,  and  am  dis 
posed  to  quarrel." 

This  month  in  Edinburg  was  the  most  triumphant,  if  not  the 
happiest,  period  of  Colonel  Burr's  long  residence  in  Europe. 
Besides  being  "  loaded  with  civilities"  there,  he  heard  that 
Cobbett,*  "  deeply  impregnated  with  the  magnitude  of  his 
talents  as  a  statesman  and  soldier,"  was  consulting  with  other 
friends  in  London  how  the  ex-Vice-President  of  the  United 
States  could  be  brought  into  the  British  Parliament.  Bentham 
shook  his  more  sagacious  head,  however.  He  thought  the 
oath  of  allegiance  taken  by  Burr  to  the  American  govern 
ment  was  a  circumstance  fatal  to  the  project ;  which,  indeed, 
was  never  more  than  talked  of. 

From  the  gayeties  of  Edinburg,  Colonel  Burr  was  unex 
pectedly  summoned  by  letters  from  London,  which  gave  him 
a  gleam  of  hope.  Back  he  flies  to  London  at  the  beginning 
of  February,  and  is  at  once  immersed  in  "  X.'s  affairs."  We 
find  him  soon  closeted  with  Lord  Melville,  a  man  famous  in 
the  politics  of  that  day,  who  had  expressly,  and  unsolicited, 
invited  Colonel  Burr  to  his  house  for  the  purpose  of  learning 
more  of  his  plans.  The  interview  was  long,  and  agreeable  to 
both.  "  Lord  Melville,"  said  Burr,  afterward,  "  is  a  man  I 
understand,  and  by  whom  I  could  be  understood.'*  Nothing 
of  importance,  however,  came  of  the  interview,  or  could  come 
of  an  interview  with  any  man  in  Europe,  while  European  af 
fairs  remained  as  they  were  ;  and  the  decisive  change  was  still 
five  years  distant.  Transient,  indeed,  was  this  revival  of  his 
dream.  In  March,  Burr  wrote  that  he  saw  clearly  that  his 
*  Cobbett  had  been  a  friend  of  Burr's  in  tho  United  State* 


532  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

longer  stay  in  Europe  was  useless,  and  announced  his  inten 
tion  to  return  to  America  after  the  arrival  of  the  next  packet. 
The  packet  came,  but  still  the  adventurer  lingered. 

It  was  in  these  days  that  he  caught  his  first  glimpse  of  that 
demon  of  Impecuniosity,  which  afterward  haunted  him  so  per 
tinaciously,  and  which  he  battled  with  such  indomitable  gay- 
ety  and  spirit.  He  had  bought  some  books  for  Governor 
Alston  of  a  London  bookseller,  the  remittance  for  the  pay 
ment  of  which  had  not  arrived,  and  Burr  was  threatened  with 
arrest  for  the  amount.  But  his  exchequer  was  running  low. 
(The  very  passage-money  which  brought  him  to  England  was 
borrowed  from  Dr.  Hosack,  who  accompanied  Hamilton  to  the 
scene  of  the  duel.)  A  month  ago  he  had  told  Theodosia,  in 
his  dark  manner,  that  "59  was  not  immediately  wanted, 
though  the  want  of  him  had  prevented  an  experiment  he 
wished  to  make  in  X.'s  affairs ;"  a  communication  which  be 
comes  intelligible  when  we  substitute  the  word  money  for 
"  59."  But  the  payment  of  such  a  sum  as  two  hundred 
pounds  was  out  of  the  question.  He  accordingly  removed  his 
residence  from  the  hospitable  house  of  Jeremy  Bentham  to 
lodgings  much  more  obscure,  and  changed  his  name  to  Kirby. 
"  The  benevolent  heart  of  J.  B.,"  said  Burr  in  his  diary,  "  shall 
never  be  wrung  by  the  spectacle  of  Gamp's  arrest."  The  a£ 
fair  was  compromised  soon  after,  and  "  Gamp"  was  never 
arrested  for  debt. 

Early  in  the  following  month  occurred  an  event  which 
obliged  him  to  come  to  a  very  prompt  decision  with  regard 
to  his  future  course.  Cobbett  must  have  smiled  when  he 
heard  of  it,  and  thought  of  his  consultation  with  Bentham 
upon  the  practicability  of  getting  Burr  into  Parliament. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

EXPULSION   FROM  GREAT   BRITAIN,   AND   RESIDENCE  IN 
SWEDEN. 

llis  ARREST — COMPELLED  TO  LEAVE  THE  COUNTRY  —  LETTER  TO  LORD  LIVERPOOL  — 
SAILS  FOB  SWEDEN  — ARRIVAL  IN  STOCKHOLM  —  His  RESIDENCE  IN  STOCKHOLM  — 
His  IMPRESSIONS  OF  SWEDEN  —  PLEASANT  INCIDENT. 

IT  was  the  4th  of  April,  1809.  Mr.  "Kirby"  had  been  for 
some  weeks  in  his  new  lodgings.  Certain  indications  of  his 
being  under  surveillance  had  not  escaped  his  notice,  and  a 
vague  sense  of  impending  disaster  had  oppressed  him  at  times. 
The  feeling  grew  so  strong  that,  on  the  morning  of  the  day 
above  named,  he  resolved  to  remove  to  another  part  of  the 
town.  He  had  packed  up  his  clothes  and  papers,  and  was 
about  to  seek  other  apartments,  when  he  was  surprised  by  the 
entrance,  unannounced,  and  without  knocking,  of  four  coarse- 
looking  men,  who  bluntly  informed  him  that  they  had  a  war 
rant  for  his  arrest,  and  for  the  seizure  of  his  papers.  He 
asked  to  see  the  warrant.  They  refused  to  show  it.  He  pe 
remptorily  demanded  to  know  by  whose  authority  they  acted. 
Upon  this,  they  produced  the  warrant,  and  permitted  him  to 
glance  over  it,  but  not  to  read  it  through.  He  saw  that  it  was 
signed  Liverpool,  the  name  of  the  premier.  He  was  a  pris 
oner  of  state. 

The  men  took  possession  of  his  trunks,  ransacked  the  room 
for  papers,  and  threw  all  that  they  found,  with  all  other  loose 
articles,  into  a  sack.  Then,  calling  a  coach,  they  conveyed  the 
prisoner  and  his  property  to  the  alien  office,  the  head  of  which, 
Mr.  John  Reeves,  was  one  of  Colonel  Burr's  most  intimate 
friends.  The  prisoner,  refusing  to  leave  the  carriage,  sent  in 
a  note  to  Mr.  Reeves,  stating  what  had  occurred,  and  asking 
an  explanation.  No  answer  for  an  hour.  It  was  a  cold  after 
noon,  and  the  prisoner  grew  impatient.  He  sent  another 


534  LIFE     OP     AARON     BUEE. 

note  urgently  requesting  Reeves  to  come  to  the  carriage,  and 
spare  him  the  mortification  of  entering  the  office  as  a  prisoner. 
Mr.  Reeves  appeared,  but  he  could  give  no  explanation,  and, 
after  advising  the  prisoner  to  be  patient,  reentered  the  office. 
After  another  half  hour  of  waiting,  orders  came  for  him  to  be 
taken  to  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Hughes,  one  of  the  government 
messengers,  who  was  to  be  responsible  for  his  safe-keeping. 
Upon  hearing  this,  Colonel  Burr  alighted,  and  went  to  the 
office  of  one  of  the  under  secretaries,  in  the  same  building, 
bent  on  discovering  the  cause  and  motive  of  his  arrest.  But 
neither  the  under  secretary  nor  any  of  the  clerks  would  re 
cognize  him ;  though,  says  Burr  to  Theodosia,  "  every  devil 
of  them  knew  me  as  well  as  I  know  you."  He  saw  that  his 
detention  was  a  thing  resolved  upon,  and  not  to  be  avoided, 
and  submitted  with  a  good  grace.  About  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  he  drove  away  to  his  temporary  prison,  at  No.  31 
Stafford  Place,  leaving  his  effects  at  the  alien  office,  to  be  ex 
amined  by  the  authorities  at  their  leisure, 

He  dined  agreeably  enough,  with  the  messenger  and  his 
pretty  young  wife,  and  afterward  read  the  only  two  readable 
books  in  the  house,  the  play  of  the  Secret,  and  the  Agricola 
of  Tacitus.  Then,  discovering  that  his  polite  jailor  played 
chess,  he  sat  down  with  him  to  the  game,  and  played  till  the 
man  was  almost  crazed  with  excitement.  Toward  morning, 
he  wrote  in  his  diary  a  brief  history  of  the  day's  adventures 
and  went  to  bed. 

The  next  day,  no  change.  N"o  one  was  permitted  to  see 
him.  He  was  anxious  only  on  account  of  his  papers  ;  not,  he 
averred,  because  there  were  any  plots  or  treasons  in  them,  but 
because  of  his  "  ridiculous  journal,"  and  his  peculiar  corre 
spondence.  Chess  again  with  Hughes  till  the  small  hours  of 
the  morning. 

On  the  third  day,  an  official  summons  came  from  the  alien 
office  ;  whither,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  prisoner  was 
conducted.  Lord  Liverpool  did  not  appear,  but  .sent  an  apol 
ogy  and  a  message.  The  apology  related  to  his  sudden  and 
unceremonious  arrest ;  the  message,  couched  in  the  blandest 
terms,  as  disagreeable  messages  frequently  are,  was  to  the 


RESIDENCE    IN    SWEDEN.  535 

effect  that  the  presence  of  Colonel  Burr  in  Great  Britain  was 
embarrassing  to  his  majesty's  government,  and  that  it  was  the 
wish  and  expectation  of  the  government  that  he  should  remove. 
A  disposition  was  professed  to  treat  him  with  personal  respect 
and  courtesy.  Passports  should  be  furnished ;  a  free  passage 
to  any  port  where  British  ships  might  go,  was  tendered  ;  but 
the  request  for  his  prompt  departure  was  decided.  Burr,  as 
tonished,  desired  to  be  informed  of  the  reasons  of  this  extra 
ordinary  conduct.  In  what  had  he  offended?  What  was 
the  purpose  of  his  banishment  ?  To  all  such  questions,  neither 
then,  nor  ever,  was  any  answer  whatever  vouchsafed. 

Burr  attributed  this  summary  measure  to  a  desire  on  the 
part  of  the  English  cabinet  to  conciliate,  by  one  easy  and  in 
expensive  act,  the  'American  government  and  the  Spanish 
Juntas.  He  said,  in  a  letter  written  just  after  his  arrest: 
"Mr.  Jefferson,  or  the  Spanish  Juntas,  or  probably  both, 
have  had  influence  enough  to  drive  me  out  of  this  country." 
Perhaps  this  supposition  was  correct,  and  it  derives  probabil 
ity  from  the  fact  that  publicity  was  immediately  given  to  the 
whole  transaction  in  the  newspapers.  Theodosia  first  heard 
of  her  father's  expulsion  from  Great  Britain  through  the  news 
papers,  though  he  wrote  to  her  by  every  ship,  Yet  the  rea 
son  assigned  by  Lord  Liverpool  was  sufficient,  in  those  days, 
to  account  for  the  step.  His  presence  must  have  been  embar 
rassing  in  the  extreme.  Here  was  an  erratic,  mysterious  per 
son,  known  to  have  revolutionary  political  designs,  an  object 
of  suspicion  to  two  governments,  both  of  which  Great  Britain 
wished  to  propitiate ;  an  able,  efficient  man,  moving  in  the 
highest  circles,  changing  his  name  without  apparent  cause, 
concealing  his  residence,  and  vailing  all  his  movements  in 
silence  and  ciphers.  An  embarrassing  person  truly,  particu 
larly  in  times  so  critical.  Who  could  tell  what  schemes  were 
revolving  in  that  active  brain  ?  Lord  Liverpool,  had  there 
been  no  Mr.  Jefferson  to  soothe  and  no  Juntas  to  mollify, 
might  have  felt  the  presence  of  such  a  man  embarrassing. 

Colonel  Burr  at  once  signified  his  willingness  to  comply 
with  the  "  wish  and  expectation"  of  the  government.  In  ex 
plaining  the  reason  of  his  ready  acquiescence,  he  used  to  say 


536  LIFE     OP     AAKON     BUKE. 

that  it  would  have  been  easy  for  him  to  set  the  government  at 
defiance,  and  to  maintain  his  residence  ;  but  the  political  situ 
ation  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  and  some  pri 
vate  considerations,  induced  him  to  comply.  He  was  then  set 
at  liberty,  and  his  effects  were  restored  to  him  uninjured. 

But  whither  to  go  ?  This  question  was  much  discussed  be 
tween  Colonel  Burr  and  the  government.  A  formal  letter 
written  by  him  to  Lord  Liverpool  upon  the  subject  may  be  in 
troduced  here  in  continuance  of  the  narrative.  The  writing 
of  this  epistle  seems  to  have  cost  him  an  effort.  He  told  Jer 
emy  Bentham  that  when  he  sat  down  to  write  it,  and  essayed 
to  begin,  "  My  lord,"  his  pen  stuck  in  his  fingers.  "  I  tried 
in  vain,  but  could  not  get  it  out ;  so  I  adopted  the  stiff,  dip 
lomatic  third  person.  My  lady  or  Ids  lordship  does  not  stick 
in  my  savage  throat;  but  my  lord — the  Lord  deliver  me!" 
The  letter  to  Lord  Liverpool,  dated  April  20th,  1809,  was  as 
follows : 

"Mr.  Burr's  respectful  compliments.  He  lately  received 
from  Lord  Liverpool  an  intimation  that  his  (Mr.  Burr's)  pres 
ence  was  embarrassing  to  his  majesty's  government,  and  that 
it  was  the  wish  and  the  expectation  of  the  government  that 
he  would  remove.  Without  insisting  on  those  rights  which, 
as  a  natural-born  subject,  he  might  legally  assert;  without 
permitting  himself  to  inquire  whether  the  motives  to  the  or 
der  were  personal  or  political,  or  whether  the  apprehensions 
expressed  were  real  or  factitious,  and  without  adverting  to 
the  unprovoked  indignities  which  had  preceded  the  order,  or 
to  the  personal  inconveniences  which  it  would  impose  on  him, 
Mr.  Burr  at  once  expressed  his  determination  to  gratify  the 
wishes  of  the  government  by  withdrawing.  It  being  under 
stood  that  he  could  not,  consistently  with  his  personal  safety, 
visit  any  country  under  the  control  or  influence  of  France, 
Sweden  was  thought  the  most  proper  asylum ;  and  the  gen 
tleman  who  spoke  in  his  lordship's  name,  having  represented 
Heligoland  as  a  place  whence  passages  to  Sweden  could  read 
ily  be  found,  Mr.  Burr,  relying  on  this  assurance,  assented  to 
that  voyage,  and  passports  were  made  out  accordingly.  But 
it  is  now  ascertained  that  this  assurance  was  predicated  in 


RESIDENCE    IN    SWEDEN.  537 

error ;  that  there  is,  in  fact,  no  direct  communication  between 
Heligoland  and  any  part  of  Sweden,  and  that  no  such  passage 
could  probably  be  found  within  many  months.  Under  such 
circumstances,  Mr.  Burr  presumes  that  Lord  Liverpool  will 
permit  the  destination  to  be  changed  to  Gottenburg,  and  will 
have  the  goodness  to  direct  passports  to  be  made  for  that 
port.  He  has  reason  to  believe  that  the  minister  of  his  Swed 
ish  majesty  to  this  court  will  not  object." 

The  point  was  yielded.  The  Swedish  minister,  so  far  from 
objecting,  took  pains  to  secure  him  a  friendly  reception  in 
Sweden.  On  the  24th  of  April  he  sailed  from  Harwich  in  the 
packet,  which,  in  six  days,  bore  him  to  Gottenburg,  a  Swedish 
port  three  hundred  miles  from  Stockholm.  He  was  soon  es 
tablished  in  lodgings  which,  he  said,  were  "commodious," 
with  the  single  exception  that  not  a  soul  in  the  house  spoke 
one  word  of  any  language  with  which  he  was  acquainted. 

He  experienced  the  usual  exhilaration  of  being  for  the  first 
time  in  a  foreign  country,  and  sallied  eagerly  forth  to  see  the 
town.  He  found  his  way  to  the  theater,  where  he  understood 
not  a  word,  but  was  "  amused  by  two  young  girls  in  boy's 
clothes,  tight  pantaloons  and  short  waistcoats,  who  played  ad 
mirably"  in  the  pantomime.  He  adds  in  his  swift,  brief  way : 
"  Out  at  ten.  Got  home,  but  could  not  make  my  host  under 
stand  that  I  wanted  a  dish  of  tea.  After  laboring  in  vain  for 
a  quarter  of  an  hour,  was  obliged  to  take  him  out  to  the  house 
of  a  Frenchman,  who  spoke  Swedish,  and  who  explained  for 
us.  Tea  was  got  very  cheerfully.  A  long  pipe  and  tobacco." 

In  a  few  days  he  left  Gottenburg  for  Stockholm,  where  he 
intended  to  reside  during  his  stay  in  Sweden.  He  reached 
the  capital  late  in  the  evening  of  the  llth  of  May,  and  find 
ing  the  inns  full,  was  indebted  to  a  fellow  traveler  for  getting 
him  a  room  in  the  house  of  a  mechanic  in  an  alley  near  the 
Exchange. 

The  next  day,  on  presenting  some  of  his  letters,  he  received 
hi  superfluity  all  those  attentions  which  a  stranger  in  a  strange 
land  requires.  He  was  soon  established  as  an  inhabitant  of 
Stockholm ;  and  played  with  his  usual  easy  grace  the  part  of 
the  Distinguished  Guest  in  its  highest  circles.  It  is  a  proof 


538  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUEE. 

of  the  facility  with  which  he  made  his  way  in  society,  that 
before  he  had  been  in  Stockholm  a  week,  he  was  dining  mag 
nificently  with  the  most  exclusive  club  in  the  kingdom,  and 
was  running  about  the  city  trying  to  borrow  a  cocked  hat  and 
sword  to  wear  on  his  presentation  at  court.  His  mastery  of 
the  French  stood  him  in  good  stead  here.  An  officer  of  rank, 
at  one  of  his  early  parties  in  Stockholm,  told  him  that  he 
spoke  French  better  than  English,  and  asked  him  which  of  the 
European  languages  the  language  of  the  Americans  most  re 
sembled  ?  Burr's  cool  audacity  was  shown  at  another  grand 
dinner  party,  where,  on  being  asked  for  a  toast,  he  gave,  The. 
Royal  Prisoners,  meaning  the  exiled  royal  family  of  Spain. 
This  was  for  the  Spanish  embassador,  who  was  present,  and 
who,  says  Burr,  received  the  toast  with  exquisite  sensibility, 
and  was  moved  even  to  tears.  He  passed  his  time  chiefly  in 
society,  his  only  serious  employments  being  the  study  of  the 
Swedish  laws  and  the  learning  of  the  language.  He  was  al 
most  severed  from  his  former  life.  There  was  with  him  his 
young  friend  and  coadjutor,  Hosack  (younger  brother  of  Dr. 
Hosack)  who  came  with  him  from  London,  but  they  resided 
apart.  Once  in  Stockholm  he  was  agreeably  reminded  of  his 
country  by  learning  that  two  American  captains  and  a  young 
American  traveler  were  in  the  city,  and  wished  to  meet  him. 
The  five  Americans  dined  together,  "  a  1'  Americaine,  on  beef 
steaks,  fish,  and  potatoes."  Once,  he  conceived  suddenly  the 
idea  of  returning  to  America  and  establishing  himself  at 
Charleston,  near  Theodosia;  but  second  thoughts  condemned 
the  idea.  Occasionally,  but  not  nearly  as  often  as  before,  he 
received  letters  from  his  daughter.  She  had  no  good  news  to 
cheer  him  with.  She  tells  him  of  her  continued  disappoint 
ment  with  regard  to  the  receipt  of  the  money  which  he  had 
meant  for  his  support  in  Europe.  She  was  "  stunned"  upon 
hearing  of  his  "  removal  from  England,"  and  could  not  enough 
admire  the  gay  fortitude  of  his  demeanor  under  circumstan 
ces,  the  mere  contemplation  of  which  racked  her  soul  with 
anxiety.  These  are  her  Avords  : 

"  The  accumulated  difficulties  which  pour  in  upon  us  would 
absolutely  overwhelm  any  other  being  than  yourself.     Indeed, 


RESIDENCE    IN    SWEDEN.  539 

I  witness  your  extraordinary  fortitude  with  new  wonder  at 
every  new  misfortune.  Often,  after  reflecting  on  this  subject, 
you  appear  to  me  so  superior,  so  elevated  above  all  other  men  ; 
I  contemplate  you  with  such  a  strange  mixture  of  humility, 
admiration,  reverence,  love,  and  pride,  that  very  little  super 
stition  would  be  necessary  to  make  me  worship  you  as  a  su 
perior  being :  such  enthusiasm  does  your  character  excite  in 
me.  When  I  afterward  revert  to  myself,  how  insignificant  do 
my  best  qualities  appear.  My  vanity  would  be  greater  if  I 
had  not  been  placed  so  near  you ;  and  yet  my  pride  is  our 
relationship.  I  had  rather  not  live  than  not  be  the  daughter 
of  such  a  man." 

He  was,  indeed,  a  man  invincible.  In  all  the  mass  of  his 
journals  and  letters,  there  can  not  be  found  one  word  indica 
tive  of  repining,  repentance,  or  melancholy.  Not  one.  Cir 
cumstances  often  controlled  and  thwarted,  but  never  for  one 
instant  subdued  him. 

Colonel  Burr  lived  five  months  in  Sweden  ;  three  months  at 
Stockholm,  and  two  in  traveling  about  the  country.  He  liked 
Sweden,  and  the  lively  Swedes  liked  him.  To  Mr.  Gahn,  the 
Swedish  consul  at  New  York,  a  warm  and  firm  friend,  to 
whom  he  owed  the  introductions  which  made  his  residence  in 
Sweden  so  pleasant,  he  wrote  in  glowing  terms  of  the  country. 

"  I  have  never  known,"  he  said,  "  in  any  country  or  at  any 
time,  five  months  of  weather  so  uniformly  fine.  The  excel 
lence  of  the  roads  lias  been  a  constant  subject  of  admiration 
to  me ;  much  superior  to  those  of  England,  and  all  free  of 
toll.  In  traveling  more  than  twelve  hundred  English  miles,  I 
have  never  found  a  bridge  out  of  order,  nor  an  obstruction  in 
the  road  which  could  retard  your  progress  for  a  second. 
There  is  no  country  in  which  "traveling  is  at  once  so  cheap, 
expeditious,  and  secure.  All  travelers  have  borne  testimony 
to  Swedish  honesty,  but  no  one  has  attempted  to  discover  the 
cause  of  a  distinction  so  honorable.  I  have  sought  for  it  in 
their  laws,  in  their  social  and  municipal  institutions,  particularly 
in  the  judicial  department.  There  is  no  country  with  whose 
jurisprudence  I  am  acquainted  in  which  personal  liberty  is  so 
well  secured  ;  none  in  which  the  violation  of  it  is  punished 


540  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

with  so  much  certainty  and  promptitude  ;  none  in  which  civil 
justice  is  administered  with  so  much  dispatch  and  so  little 
expense.  These  are  strong  assertions,  but  I  shall  bring  with 
me  the  proofs.  It  is  surprising,  it  is  unaccountable,  that  a 
system  differing  so  essentially  from  every  other  in  Europe, 
and  so  fraught  with  valuable  matter,  should  have  remained  to 
this  day  locked  up  in  the  Swedish  and  Runic  tongues,  and 
that  not  the  slightest  information  on  this  interesting  subject 
could  be  found  either  in  English  or  French.  I  should  have 
thought  that  some  Swede,  from  national  pride,  if  not  from 
philanthropy,  would  have  diffused  the  knowledge  of  them 
throughout  Europe." 

He  liked  the  sensibility  of  the  cultivated  Swedes.  Of  a 
concert  which  he  attended  at  Stockholm,  he  writes  in  his 
diary:  "Every  part  was  executed  extremely  to  my  satisfac 
tion  ;  but  what  most  interested  me  was  the  perfect  attention, 
and  the  uncommon  degree  of  feeling  exhibited  by  the  au 
dience.  I  have  nowhere  witnessed  the  like.  Every  counte 
nance  was  affected  by  those  emotions  to  which  the  music  was 
adapted.  In  England  you  see  no  expression  painted  on  the 
visage  at  a  concert.  All  is  somber  and  grim.  They  cry 
4 bravo!  bravissimo,'  with  the  same  countenance  that  they 
*  G — d  damn.' 

To  one  Swedish  custom,  however,  he  objects.  "  Do  remind 
me,"  he  writes  to  Theodosia,  "  to  give  you  a  dissertation  on 
locking  doors.  Every  person,  of  every  sex  and  grade,  comes 
in  without  knocking.  Plump  into  your  bedroom.  They  do 
not  seem  at  all  embarrassed,  nor  think  of  apologizing  at  find 
ing  you  in  bed,  or  dressing,  or  doing — no  matter  what,  but  go 
right  on  and  tell  their  story  as  if  all  were  right.  If  the  door 
be  locked  and  the  key  outside  (they  use  altogether  spring- 
locks  here),  no  matter  ;  they  unlock  the  door,  and  in  they 
come.  It  is  vain  to  desire  them  to  knock  ;  they  do  not  com 
prehend  you,  and  if  they  do,  pay  no  manner  of  attention  to 
it.  It  took  me  six  weeks  to  teach  my  old  Anna  not  to  come 
in  without  knocking ;  and,  finally,  it  was  only  by  appearing  to 
get  into  a  most  violent  passion,  and  threatening  to  blow  out 
her  brains,  which  she  had  not  the  least  doubt  I  would  do 


RESIDENCE    IN    SWEDEN.  541 

without  ceremony.  I  engage  she  is  the  only  servant  in  all 
Sweden  who  ever  knocks.  Notwithstanding  all  my  caution, 
I  have  been  almost  every  day  disturbed  in  this  way,  and  once 
last  week  was  surprised  in  the  most  awkward  situation  imag 
inable.  So,  madam,  when  you  come  to  Sevenska,  remember 
to  lock  the  door,  and  to  take  the  key  inside."* 

One  more  mad  entry  in  his  journal.  He  was  assailed  by 
bed-bugs  j  "  Got  up,  and  attempted  to  light  candle,  but  in 
vain.  Had  flint  and  matches,  but  only  some  shreds  of  punk, 
which  would  not  catch.  Recollected  a  gun  which  I  had  had 
on  a  very  late  journey ;  filled  the  pan  with  powder,  and  was 
just  going  to  flash  it,  when  it  occurred  that,  though  I  had  not 
loaded  it,  some  one  else  might.  Tried,  and  found  it  a  very 
heavy  charge.  What  a  fine  alarm  it  would  have  made  if  I 
had  fired.  Then  poured  out  some  powder  on  a  piece  of  paper, 
put  the  shreds  of  punk  with  it,  and,  after  fifty  essays,  suc 
ceeded  in  firing  the  powder  ;  but  it  being  quite  dark,  had  put 
more  powder  than  intended  ;  my  shirt  caught  fire  ;  the  papers 
on  my  table  caught  fire  ;  burned  my  fingers  to  ,1  blister,  the 

*  To  show  how  differently  the  same  thing  affects  different  minds,  I  quote 
the  following  from  one  of  Bayard  Taylor's  recent  letters  from  Sweden : 
"There  is  something  exceedingly  primitive  and  unsophisticated  in  the  man 
ners  of  these  northern  people  —  a  straightforward  honesty,  which  takes  the 
honesty  of  others  for  granted  —  a  latent  kindness  and  good- will  which  may 
at  first  be  overlooked,  because  it  is  not  demonstrative,  and  a  total  uncon 
sciousness  of  what  is  called,  in  highly  civilized  circles,  'propriety.'  The  very 
freedom  of  manners  which,  in  some  countries,  might  denote  laxity  of  morals, 
is  here  the  evident  stamp  of  their  purity.  The  thought  has  often  recurred  to 
me  —  which  is  the  most  truly  pure  and  virginal  nature,  the  fastidious  Ameri 
can  girl,  who  blushes  at  the  sight  of  a  pair  of  boots  outside  a  gentleman's 
bedroom  door,  and  who  requires  that  certain  unoffending  parts  of  the  body 
and  articles  of  clothing  should  be  designated  by  delicately  circumlocutions 
terms,  or  the  simple-minded  Swedish  women,  who  come  into  our  bedrooms 
with  coffee,  and  make  our  fires  while  we  get  up  and  dress,  coming  and  going 
during  all  the  various  stages  of  the  toilet,  with  the  frankest  unconsciousness 
of  impropriety  ?  This  is  modesty  in  its  healthy  and  natural  development, 
not  in  those  morbid  forms  which  suggest  an  imagination  ever  on  the  alert  for 
prurient  images.  Nothing  has  confirmed  my  impression  of  the  virtue  of  the 
northern  Swedes  more  than  this  fact,  and  I  have  rarely  felt  more  respect  for 
woman,  or  more  faith  in  the  inherent  purity  of  her  nature." 


542  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BUEE. 

left  hand,  fortunately.  It  seemed  like  a  general  conflagration. 
Succeeded,  however,  in  lighting  my  candle,  and  passed  the 
night,  till  five  this  morning,  in  smoking,  reading,  and  writing 
this." 

The  last  incident  of  his  Swedish  experience  was  the  most 
agreeable  one.  A  young  man,  Luning  by  name,  had  formed 
an  enthusiastic  friendship  for  Colonel  Burr  at  Stockholm. 
Something  led  the  warm-hearted  Swede  to  suspect  that  his 
friend  was  embarrassed  for  money,  which,  indeed,  was  the 
fact  toward  the  close  of  his  residence  in  Sweden.  His  purse 
ran  low  enough  to  alarm  a  man  less  confident  in  the  resour 
ces  of  his  wit.  A  few  days  after  he  had  left  the  country, 
and  left  it  never  to  return,  he  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Lu 
ning  which,  in  his  broken  English,  ran  thus :  "  It  may  very 
easy  be  the  case,  that  by  the  behaviour  of  your  agent,  who 
took  the rix-dolls.,  or  by  the  interruption  of  correspond 
ence  between  Germany  and  England,  you  may  come  in  any 
embarrassment,  I  take  myself  the  liberty  to  send  you  the  in 
closed  letter,  at  the  producing  of  which  Mr.  H.  Brauer  will 
pay  you  one  thousand  marks,  Hamburg  currency,  which  you'll 
please  to  reimburse  when  you  arrive  in  England  or  America. 
I  can  not  tell  you  how  much  I  am  thankful  to  Providence  for 
having  given  me  the  pleasure  to  get  acquainted  with  a  man 
whom  I  admired  long  ago.  I  esteemed  you  before,  now  I 
love  you." 

"  Did  you  ever  hear  of  any  thing  to  equal  this,  except  in 
novels  ?"  wrote  Burr  in  his  diary  that  night. 

*/  O 

As  he  was  leaving  Sweden,  he  learned  that  he  had  been  the 
subject  of  discussion  in  the  newspapers  for  a  considerable 
time.  But  his  heart  and  his  skin  were  hardened  against 
newspapers,  and  he  had  not  the  curiosity  to  inquire  what  the 
Swedish  editors  had  to  say  about  him. 


CHAPTER   XXIX. 

LOVE-CHASE  IN  GERMANY,  AND  JOURNEY  TO  PARIS. 

LEAVES  SWEDEN  —  T\vo  WEEKS  AT  COPENHAGEN  —  AT  HAMBURG  —  CUT  BY  THE  AMER 
ICANS  —  THE  LADY  DENTIST  — PASSPORTS  DELAYED  —  TOUR  IN  GERMANY  —  AT  WEI 
MAR  —  GOETHE  —  WIELAND  — THE  DUCAL  COURT  —  GOETHE'S  THEATER  —  ODD  REN- 

CONTER    WITH   THE    DUCHESS  —  A  &EP.IOUS   PASSION — ANECDOTE  —  AT  GOTIIA — HlS 

FAMILIARITY  \vmi  THE  DUKE  —  THE  PRINCESS  LOUISE  —  INCIDENTS  AT  THE  FRANK 
FORT  BALL. 

COLONEL  BURR  had  ta^en  the  bold  resolution  of  attempting 
to  reach  Paris,  giving  out  that  he  feared  the  Stockholm  winter, 
and  was  going  to  Paris  as  a  traveler  merely. 

He  left  Sweden  on  the  21st  of  October,  1809,  in  company 
with  the  two  young  New  Yorkers,  Hosack  and  Robinson,  and 
crossed  in  an  open  boat  to  Elsinore  on  the  coast  of  Denmark. 
On  the  magnificent  terrace  there,  fronting  the  sea,  he  saw  with 
interest  the  square  stone  pillar,  four  feet  high,  which  enjoys 
the  lucrative  reputation  of  marking  the  tomb  of  Hamlet.  For 
a  day  or  two  the  party  lingered  in  the  curious,  ancient  town, 
and  then  proceeded  to  Copenhagen. 

Burr  spent  two  weeks  at  that  interesting  capital.  As  was 
his  wont,  he  became  acquainted  with  every  body  of  import 
ance  and  saw  every  thing  of  interest.  Here,  too,  lie  found 
himself  to  be  a  well-known  person,  the  leading  facts  of  his  life 
being  familiar  to  well-informed  Danes.  His  stay  was  rendered 
the  more  agreeable  by  the  friendship  and  hospitality  of  Mr. 
Olsen,  whom  Colonel  Burr  had  formerly  known  as  the  Danish 
embassador  to  the  United  States.  The  libraries  and  scientific 
collections  of  Copenhagen  occupied  much  of  the  travelers'  at 
tention  ;  they  are  on  a  stupendous  scale  considering  the  re 
sources  of  the  kingdom,  and  attest  its  ancient  culture.  He 
was  making  a  little  collection  of  coins  for  his  grandson,  and 


544  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

happening  to  inquire  where  such  things  were  sold,  it  was 
noised  abroad  that  he  was  learned  in  the  coin-science  ;  a  repu 
tation  which  he  found  awkward  in  a  city  which  boasts  a  collec 
tion  of  forty  thousand  specimens,  and  where  the  subject  was 
pursued  with  enthusiasm.  He  was  much  in  the  courts  of  Co 
penhagen.  The  "  Committees  of  Conciliation,"  a  feature  of 
the  Danish  legal  system  which  he  greatly  admired,  were  mi 
nutely  inquired  into  by  him,  and  he  told  the  learned  judge  who 
gave  him  the  information  on  the  subject,  that  he  intended,  on 
his  return  home,  to  recommend  his  countrymen  to  adopt  the 
idea.  But  perhaps  it  was  the  possible  emperor  of  Mexico  who 
made  these  inquiries. 

From  Copenhagen,  by  easy  stages  in  a  wicker  wagon,  the 
three  Americans  made  their  way  to  Hamburg ;  or  rather  to 
Altona,  the  Danish  port  which  adjoins  Hamburg.  Hamburg 
itself,  being  more  decidedly  under  French  influence  at  that 
time  than  Denmark,  Colonel  Burr  thought  it  best  to  fix  his 
residence  in  the  Danish  city,  the  gates  of  the  two  places  being 
only  a  third  of  a  mile  apart. 

He  had  now  to  encounter  a  complication  of  hostile  circum 
stances.  For  the  last  six  months,  he  had  been  out  of  the  great 
movements  of  the  time,  in  a  safe  and  peaceful  haven.  But 
Hamburg  was  within  the  circle  of  activity,  and  many  Ameri 
cans  were  there,  merchants,  captains,  travelers,  and  others,  all 
of  whom  proved  inimical  to  him.  The  ex-Vice-President  was 
cut  by  them  all,  and  other  marks  of  disrespect  were  shown 
him.  "  What  a  lot  of  rascals  they  must  be,"  he  wrote,  when 
he  heard  of  their  hostility,  "  to  make  war  on  one  whom  they 
do  not  know  ;  or  one  who  never  did  harm  or  wished  harm  to 
a  human  being  !  Yet  they,  perhaps,  are  not  to  be  blamed,  for 
they  are  influenced  by  what  they  hear."  He  heard,  too,  that 
the  news  of  his  intended  journey  had  been  announced  in  the 
Paris  newspapers,  and  "  in  a  manner  no  way  auspicious."  He 
applied  in  form  for  passports  to  Paris,  and  discovered  that 
passports  to  Paris  were  more  easily  asked  for  in  those  conten 
tious  times  than  obtained.  He  was  kept  long  waiting  for  a 
decisive  answer.  Weeks  slipped  by,  and  his  stock  of  money 
was  exhausted.  At  one  time,  in  Hamburg,  he  was  literally 


EXILE.  545 

penniless.  It  was  then  that,  against  his  will  and  contrary  to 
his  intention,  he  used  the  bill  for  a  thousand  marks  sent  him 
by  the  generous  Luning.  He  was  in  doubt  whether  he  could 
continue  his  journey  to  the  French  capital ;  England  was  closed 
against  him ;  his  own  countrymen  abhorred  him ;  he  was  des 
titute  of  resources.  It  is  no  wonder  that  in  such  circumstan 
ces  he  shrunk  from  writing  home.  "  What  can  I  write  ?"  he 
said.  "  To  be  silent  as  to  my  intended  movements  would  be 
strange,  and  to  tell  the  true  state  of  things  afflicting  to  my 
friends." 

But  never  was  he  in  better  spirits.  His  diary,  always  lively, 
becomes,  during  this  period,  frolicksome  and  comic.  Pages  of 
it  are  filled  with  the  ludicrous  history  of  a  toothache  that 
racked  him  for  days  and  nights.  He  narrates  all  the  various 
means  tried  for  quelling  the  rebellion,  till  he  was  driven  to  the 
only  remedy  that  never  fails.  He  was  directed  to  the  resi 
dence  of  a  dentist,  where  he  was  received  with  excessive  polite 
ness  by  a  gentleman  and  lady !  The  lady  approached  him  in 
a  lively,  officious  manner,  and  was  about  to  apply  her  hands 
to  his  face.  Not  relishing  such  an  advance  at  that  particular 
moment,  he  begged  her  not  to  trouble  herself,  and  informed 
her  that  he  had  come  to  have  a  tooth  drawn. 

"  Very  well,  monsieur,  it  is  I  who  will  do  the  business  for 
you." 

"  You,  madam  ?" 

"Yes,  I." 

"  But,  really,  is  there  strength  enough  in  those  little  hands 
of  yours  ?" 

"  You  shall  see,  monsieur." 

He  submitted.  The  tooth  was  drawn  with  dexterity,  and 
he  rewarded  the  fair  operator  with  a  ducat  and  a  kiss. 

The  best  society  of  Hamburg  and  Altona  threw  open  wide 
its  doors  to  the  celebrated  traveler.  Judges,  advocates,  cm- 
bassadors,  city  officials,  professors,  with  their  families  and 
friends,  were  the  daily  associates  of  the  man  whom  his  coun 
trymen  shunned,  and  who  had  been  lately  obliged  to  pawn 
his  pencil,  for  lack  of  the  sous  wherewith  to  pay  the  toll  of  a 
bridge.  His  most  interesting  acquaintance  was  Professor 


540  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Ebeling,  a  man  prodigiously  versed  in  the  statistics  of  the 
United  States.  "  His  library  of  American  books  is  nearly  as 
large  as  all  the  Richmond  Hill  library,"  wrote  Burr  to  his 
daughter.  To  this  vast  collection  Colonel  Burr  was  able  to 
add  some  recent  statistics,  and  a  valuable  map  of  Carolina, 
which  were  of  great  use  to  the  learned  professor.  A  warm 
feeling  sprung  up  between  them.  Ebeling  sent  Theodosia  a 
set  of  his  works,  and  gave  Burr  valuable  introductions  to 
scholars  in  Germany,  whither  he  was  preparing  to  go.  One 
of  these  was  to  "  Mr.  Niebuhr,"  whom  Ebeling  described  as 
"  the  son  of  the  celebrated  Arabian  traveler,"  who  is  now 
chiefly  known  to  the  world  as  the  father  of  the  historian.  Nie- 
buhr  was  then  priv^  councillor  to  the  king,  and  had  not  yet 
lectured  on  Roman  history. 

After  much  negotiation,  and  many  interviews  with  embas- 
sadors  and  other  magnates,  permission  to  visit  Paris  reached 
Colonel  Burr,  just  as  he  was  leaving  Denmark  for  a  short  tour 
in  Germany.  He  continued  his  journey,  notwithstanding,  and 
passed  six  exciting  weeks  in  Germany.  He  visited  Hanover, 
Brunswick,  Gottingen,  Gotha,  WEIMAR,  Frankfort,  and  inter 
mediate  places  ;  at  each  of  which  he  saw  the  most  interesting 
persons. 

At  Gottingen,  he  became  intimate  with  Professor  Heercn, 
then  in  the  prime  of  his  celebrity.  "  Professor  Heeren,"  he 
wrote  in  his  diary  one  evening,  "  told  me  two  very  important 
articles  of  news.  1st,  The  divorce  of  emperor  and  empress. 
The  manner  of  it  is  noble  and  worthy  of  him.  2d,  The  empe 
ror*  s  assent  to  the  independence  of  Mexico  and  the  other  Span 
ish  colonies.  ISTow  why  the  devil  didn't  he  tell  me  of  this  two 
years  ago  ?"  And  why  did  Aaron  Burr  linger  in  Germany 
when,  at  last,  it  icas  told  him  ?  We  shall  see  in  a  moment. 

Weimar  he  reached  on  the  2d  of  January,  1810.  Five  de 
lightful  days  he  passed  at  that  illustrious  abode  of  genius,  and 
saw  the  great  men  and  great  personages,  •  whose  residence 
at  Weimar  immortalized  its  name.  Goethe,  then  in  his  majes 
tic  prime,  our  traveler  met  several  times,  and  attended  an  even 
ing  party  at  his  house  ;  but,  unfortunately,  adds  not  a  word  to 
the  bare  mention  of  the  fact.  He  became  somewhat  intimate 


EXILE.  547 

with  "  the  amiable  and  good  Wieland."  He  enjoyed  a  tete-d- 
tete  with  the  Baroness  De  Stein.  He  was  presented  at  court, 
dined  with  the  ducal  family,  and  took  tea  with  the  princely  la 
dies,  " all  in  calico  smd.enfamille."  "The  princess  Caroline 
would  be  happy  to  see  him  any  morning,"  said  la  Baronne 
De  Stein.  At  the  theater,  the  celebrated  theater,  Goethe's 
theater,  he  saw  a  "  serious  comedy"  performed  "  perfectly  to 
his  satisfaction,"  while  the  duke,  Goethe's  duke,  sat  in  his  lit 
tle  open  side  box,  without  an  attendant,  and  in  plain  clothes. 

A  curious  renconter  he  had  in  the  streets  of  Weimar.  Pass 
ing  along,  he  saw  a  little  girl  three  years  old,  making  a  stand, 
and  refusing  to  move.  Two  ladies  were  trying  in  vain  to  pre 
vail  on  her  to  go  on.  The  gallant  American  crossed  over  to 
try  his  powers  of  persuasion,  which  were  potent  with  children. 
One  of  the  ladies,  he  perceived,  was  a  countess,  he  had  met  at 
court,  and  bowed  to  her.  The  other  lady  he  did  not  recog 
nize  at  all,  nor  in  any  way  salute.  Soon  after,  he  met  the  Bar 
oness  De  Stein,  and  told  her  that  he  had  just  seen  one  of  the 
little  princesses  with  the  Countess  De  Peyster  and  a  "joliefille 
de  chambre."  It  happened  that  the  "jolie  fille  de  chambre" 
was  no  less  a  personage  than  the  Grand  Duchess  of  Weimar, 
to  whom  Madame  De  Stein  told  the  story.  Colonel  Burr,  on 
meeting  the  duchess  at  dinner  that  evening,  at  the  palace,  was 
humorously  rallied  by  her  on  his  oversight.  It  is  evident  that 
Burr  was  in  remarkably  high  favor  in  the  courtly  circles  of 
Weimar. 

But  why  was  he  there  ?  It  was  not  the  fame  of  Goethe  and 
Wieland,  and  the  duke,  that  attracted  Aaron  Burr  to  Weimar; 
but  an  amour,  a  serious  passion  for  a  lady  of  rank.  "  Wei 
mar,  Weimar,"  he  wrote,  "  for  which  I  have  gone  seventy 
miles  out  of  my  way ;  have  expended  so  much  time  and 
money ;  and  all  this  for  the  lovely  D'Or.  I  shall,  at  least, 
have  the  satisfaction  of  having  performed  my  engagement, 
perhaps  the  only  reward."  Then,  as  the  recent  intelligence 
from  Paris  crosses  his  mind,  he  adds,  "  How  little  did  I  know 
how  much  I  should  regret  the  time !"  The  lady  was  a  mem 
ber  of  the  court  circle  of  Weimar.  He  was  with  her  con 
stantly  there,  and  appears  to  have  been  no  unwelcome  cava- 


548  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BURK. 

Her.  His  passion  grew  as  the  days  passed  on,  till  he  became 
so  completely  captivated,  as  to  be  tempted  to  abandon  his 
long-cherished  projects,  and  devote  himself  for  ever  to  the 
object  of  his  idolatry. 

He  saw  his  danger,  and  sought  safety  in  a  precipitate  flight. 
He  was  engaged  to  dinners,  to  parties,  to  balls  ;  but,  without 
waiting  even  to  send  excuses  or  farewells,  or  to  receive  letters 
that  had  been  promised  him,  he  hurried  away  from  the  sphere 
of  the  "  sorceress."  "  Another  interview,"  wrote  he  to  his 
daughter,  "  and  I  might  have  been  lost ;  my  hopes  and  pro 
jects  blasted  and  abandoned.  The  horror  of  this  last  catas 
trophe  struck  me  so  forcibly,  and  the  danger  was  so  imminent, 
that  at  eight  o'clock  I  ordered  post-horses ;  gave  a  crown  ex 
tra  to  the  postillion  to  drive  like  the  devil,  and  lo  !  here  I  am 
in  a  warm  room,  near  a  neat,  good  bed,  safely  locked  within 
the  walls  of  Erfurth,  rejoicing  and  repining.  If  you  had  been 
near  me,  I  should  have  had  none  of  this  trouble." 

As  he  was  writing  the  above  sentences,  an  incident  occurred 
which  showed  that  the  struggle  through  which  he  had  passed 
had  left  him  in  no  very  amiable  temper.  "  About  one  o'clock 
in  the  morning,"  he  says,  "  an  ill-looking  fellow  opened  my 
door  without  knocking,  and,  muttering  in  German  something 
which  I  did  not  comprehend,  bid  me  put  out  my  candle.  Be 
ing  in  no  very  placid  humor  at  the  moment,  as  you  see,  I 
cursed  him,  and  sent  him  to  the  lower  regions,  in  French  and 
English.  He  advanced,  and  was  going  to  seize  the  candle. 
My  umbrella,  which  has  a  dirk  in  the  handle,  being  near  me, 
I  seized  it,  drew  the  dirk,  and  drove  him  out  of  the  room. 
Some  minutes  after  I  heard  the  steps  of  a  number  of  men, 
and,  looking  out  of  my  window,  saw  it  was  a  corporal's  guard. 
It  then  occurred  to  me  that  this  Erfurth,  being  a  garrison 
town,  with  a  French  governor,  there  might,  probably  enough, 
be  an  order  for  extinguishing  lights  at  a  certain  hour,  and  I 
had  no  doubt  but  the  gentlemen  I  had  just  seen  in  the  street 
were  coming  to  invite  me  to  take  a  walk  with  them,  So  I 
bundled  up  my  papers,  and  put  them  in  my  pocket  to  be  ready 
for  a  lodging  in  the  guard-house.  It  was  only  the  relief  of  the 


EXILE.  549 

sentinels  going  round  ;  and  who  the  impertinent  extinguisher 
was  I  have  not  heard." 

We  find  him  next  at  Gotha,  where  he  remained  three  or 
four  days,  and  made  an  extraordinary  impression  upon  the 
reigning  family.  The  duke,  in  particular,  himself  a  brilliant 
man,  was  charmed  with  the  urbane  and  agreeable  American. 
Burr  almost  lived  at  the  palace.  He  spoke  one  evening  of 
Theodosia,  and  chanced  to  mention  that  he  had  a  portrait  of 
her  at  his  hotel.  Nothing  would  content  the  duke  but  an  im 
mediate  sight  of  the  picture,  and  an  usher  was  dispatched  to 
bring  it  to  the  palace.  The  duke  liked  Theodosia,  but  not  the 
portrait.  "  In  the  original,"  said  he,  "  there  must  be  dignity, 
majesty,  genius,  gentleness,  and  sensibility ;  all  discernible  in 
the  picture,  but  imperfectly  expressed."  Burr,  on  his  part, 
was  charmed  with  the  duke's  daughter,  the  princess  Louise,  a 
lovely  girl  of  ten  years.  Before  leaving  Gotha,  he  demanded 
a  souvenir  of  the  little  princess.  "  What  should  it  be  ?"  she 
asked.  He  proposed  a  garter,  which  greatly  amused  the 
group.  But  she  sent  him  a  drawing  of  a  bouquet,  "  executed 
wonderfully  for  her  years."  On  examining  it,  he  found  no 
name  or  inscription  to  "  verify  the  important  transaction," 
and  sent  it  back  to  have  the  omission  supplied,  which  was 
very  gracefully  done  by  the  little  princess.* 

*  The  following  is  the  note  in  which*  Colonel  Burr  made  the  request : 

"  TO    MADEMOISELLE    LA    BAEONNE    DE   DALWIGK. 

"  I  beg  pardon,  in  the  first  place,  for  writing  to  you  at  all.  In  the  next, 
for  writing  in  English ;  but  great  exigencies  defy  the  restraint  of  forms. 

"  I  have  received,  with  enthusiasm  and  delight,  the  elegant  bouquet  made 
by  the  beautiful  hand  of  my  lovely  Princess  Louisa ;  but  I  have  searched  in 
vain  for  a  name,  a  date,  an  address,  an  inscription,  something  to  denote  the 
donor  and  the  occasioa  Alas  !  all  is  blank  and  silent.  Allow  me  to  intreat 
your  influence  with  my  adored  princess  to  induce  her  to  add  her  name  and 
a  date.  The  bouquet  is  sent  for  the  purpose  by  the  bearer  of  this,  who  will 
wait  your  orders. 

"On  another  subject,  interesting  to  yourself,  bo  assured  of  my  punctuality 
and  zeal.  It  is  with  regret  that  I  bid  adieu  to  Gotha.  I  shall  bear  with  me 
to  my  native  forests  the  recollection  of  the  charms  and  hospitalities  of  its 
court 

"  A.  BURR." 


550  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUEB. 

At  Gotha,  as  everywhere  else  in  Germany,  he  found  peo 
ple  familiarly  acquainted  with  his  career ;  "  duels,  treasons, 
speeches,  gallantries,"  to  use  his  own  language.  The  Baron 
Strick,  for  example,  chamberlain  to  the  King  of  Prussia, 
whom  Burr  met  at  the  court  of  Gotha,  had  read  his  farewell 
speech  to  the  Senate,  and  conceived  for  the  speaker  an  admi 
ration  approaching  the  enthusiastic.  No  American,  in  a  word, 
has  had  such  success  at  the  refined  courts  of  Germany  as  Col 
onel  Burr. 

He  remained  a  few  days  at  Fr-ankfort-on-the-Main,  before 
entering  the  dominions  of  the  emperor.  Well  supplied  with 
introductions  from  his  friends  in  Gotha  and  Weimar,  he  was 
at  once  at  home  in  the  court  society  of  the  city.  At  the  Ca 
sino  there  occurred  two  or  three  ridiculous  incidents. 

"  Who  is  that  beautiful  creature  with  the  blanche  bon  ?" 
asked  Burr  of  a  grand  duke  whom  he  knew. 

"  That,  sir,  is  my  daughter ;  shall  I  have  the  honor  to  pre 
sent  you  ?" 

A  few  minutes  after,  his  attention  was  attracted  by  another 
lady. 

"  Pray,  count,"  said  he  to  an  acquaintance,  "  what  fine,  vo 
luptuous  woman  was  that  you  were  just  now  talking  with?" 

"  Who,  the  very  tall  one,  with  the  bon  rouge  ?" 

"  Exactly  ;  a  most  striking  figure." 

"That,  sir,  is  my  wife.  Ha!  ha!  Come  here,  my  dear, 
Monsieur  le  Colonel  Burr  wishes  to  know  you." 

This,  said  he,  was  too  much  for  one  evening ;  and  having 
two  other  engagements,  he  soon  left.  Returning  later,  he 
found  the  ladies  promenading  the  floor,  while  the  gentlemen 
were  seated  at  cards.  This  struck  him  as  being  an  odd  ar 
rangement  of  the  company,  and  addressing  a  young  lady,  he 
said,  "  Is  there  any  law  forbidding  a  gentleman  to  walk  with 
a  lady  ?" 

"  O  !  nonsense ;  how  could  there  be  such  a  law  ?" 

"  Well,  then,  is  it  contrary  to  good  manners  ?" 

"  By  no  means." 

"  May  I  then  walk  with  you  ?" 

"  Certainly." 


EXILE.  551 

And  so  he  did  for  an  hour,  though  no  gentleman  dared  fol 
low  his  example. 

From  Frankfort  he  went  to  Mayence,  where  his  Paris  pass 
ports  were  to  be  sent.  To  his  dismay,  he  found  they  had  not 
arrived.  He  learned  further,  that  his  intention  to  visit  Paris 
had  been  extremely  ill-received  by  the  American  minister,  and 
he  was  earnestly  advised  not  to  put  his  person  into  the  power 
of  the  French  authorities.  He  was  not  dissuaded,  but  began 
anew  negotiations  for  the  indispensable  passports.  Fearing  a 
long  delay,  he  withdrew  from  society,  and  went  to  reside  in 
cheap  lodgings,  observing  that  ducats  were  of  more  value  to 
him  just  then  than  dinners.  To  his  inexpressible  relief,  how 
ever,  the  passports  soon  arrived,  and  on  the  16th  of  February, 
1810,  he  was  in  Paris. 


CHAPTER    XXX. 

IN    PARIS    UNDER    SURVEILLANCE. 

INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  Due  DE  CADORE —  FRUITLESS  ATTEMPTS  TO  REACH  THE  EM 
PEROR—LETTER  TO  FOUCHE  — THE  KING  OF  WESTPHALIA  —  PASSPORTS  REFUSED 
—  UNBER  SURVEILLANCE  OF  THE  POLICE— PECUNIARY  STRAITS  — CUT  BY  THE 
AMERICAN  RESIDENTS  —  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  Due  DE  ROVIGO  —  CORRESPOND 
ENCE  WITH  THE  AMERICAN  CHARGE  DES  AFFAIRES  —  BURR'S  EXTREME  POVERTY  — 
CURES  A  SMOKY  CHIMNEY  —  LETTERS  FROM  THEODOSIA  —  EXPEDIENTS  FOR  RAISING 
MONEY. 

UNTIL  Colonel  Burr  heard  from  Professor  Heeren  that  Na 
poleon  had  consented  to  the  independence  of  the  Spanish  prov 
inces  in  America,  he  had  no  intention  of  attempting  to  reach 
the  ear  of  the  emperor.  The  news  of  that  event  changed 
him  once  more  from  a  traveler  into  a  politician,  and  though 
he  could  not  break  away  immediately  from  the  fascinations  of 
German  society,  yet  having  once  done  so,  he  pursued  his  ob 
ject  with  all  his  own  intensity.  It  was  his  last  hope. 

The  morning  after  his  arrival  in  Paris  he  began  operations 
by  dispatching  a  note  to  the  Due  de  Cadore,  Napoleon's  min 
ister  for  foreign  affairs,  hinting  at  his  object  in  coming  to  Paris, 
and  asking  an  interview.  In  the  evening  came  a  civil  reply, 
appointing  a  day  and  hour  for  the  purpose.  At  the  appointed 
time,  Colonel  Burr  went  to  the  office  of  the  minister,  and 
applied  for  admission.  But  the  porter,  on  referring  to  the  list 
of  persons  to  be  that  day  received,  found  not  the  name  of 
Burr,  and  refused  to  admit  him.  This  w^as  not  a  promising 
sign.  The  applicant,  too,  had  neglected  to  bring  the  due's 
note  granting  the  audience.  "  Fortunately,"  says  the  diary, 
"  the  porter  of  the  day  was  a  woman,"  and  "  after  much  nego 
tiation,  got  admission  to  the  ante-chamber."  He  sent  in  his 
card  and  was  received ;  had  half  an  hour's  conversation  with 
the  due,  in  the  course  of  which  he  gave  him  an  outline  of  his 


IN     P  A  K  I  S     UNDER     S  U  K  V  K  I  L  L  A  N  0  K .  553 

views  and  plans.  How  incapable  the  ministers  of  Napoleon 
were  of  independent  action,  how  literally  they  were  the  in'm- 
isters  of  their  master's  will,  is  known.  The  Due  de  Cadore,  on 
this  occasion,  could  only  listen  politely  to  the  statements  of 
the  applicant,  and  give  an  official  promise  to  submit  his  pro 
jects  to  the  consideration  of  the  emperor.  Colonel  Burr  was 
not  elated  by  this  interview,  and,  indeed,  it  had  no  result 
whatever. 

He  waited  a  few  days,  and  then  applied  to  other  ministers, 
but  received  no  answer.  To  less  important  officials  he  pro 
cured  admittance,  but  met  with  no  encouragement.  He  found, 
what  so  many  adventurers  had  to  discover  during  Napoleon's 
reign,  that  every  avenue  from  the  outer  world  to  the  emperor's 
cabinet,  was  beset  with  difficulties.  The  King  of  Westphalia, 
who  had  been  superbly  entertained  at  Richmond  Hill  in  other 
days,  was  then  in  Paris,  and  Colonel  Burr  danced  attendance 
in  the  ante-chambers  of  his  hotel,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  an 
audience.  He  wrote  a  memorial  to  the  emperor  himself,  and 
gave  it  in  charge  to  an  official  of  the  court  to  present.  No 
response.  On  the  ministers'  "  public  days,"  he  occasionally 
got  the  ear  of  one  of  them  for  a  few  minutes,  and  made,  in 
some  instances,  a  favorable  impression ;  but  nothing  followed 
to  give  him  hope. 

Five  weeks  passed  in  these  fruitless  endeavors.  He  then 
addressed  tosthe  Due  d'Otrante  (Fouche)  the  following  letter  : 

"  Mr.  Bun-,  from  the  United  States  of  North  America,  hav 
ing  some  months  ago  seen  published  in  the  Moniteur  the 
expression  of  his  majesty's  assent  to  the  independence  of  the 
Spanish  American  colonies,  came  to  Paris  to  offer  his  services 
to  accomplish  that  object  and  others  connected  therewith. 
He  asked  neither  men  or  money.  He  asked  only  the  author 
ization  of  his  majesty. 

"Mr.  Burr  has  had  conversations  with  persons  near  the 
government,  and  through  whom  he  had  presumed  that  the 
communications  would  have  passed  to  the  emperor.  Having 
received  no  answer,  he  proposes  shortly  to  take  his  departure. 
But  being  persuaded  that  his  communications  have  not  been 
understood,  and  doubting  whether  they  have  at  all  been  pre- 
24 


551  L  1  F  K      O  F      A  A  Ji  O  JS      15  U  R  li  . 

senied  to  his  majesty,  Mr.  Burr  should,  with  very  great  re 
gret,  leave  the  country  without  having  had  a  few  minutes' 
conversation  with  his  excellency  the  Duke  d'Otrante,  for 
whose  talents  he  has  long  entertained  the  highest  veneration, 
and  by  whom  Mr.  Burr  is  convinced  that  the  value  of  his 
views  would  be  promptly  and  justly  appreciated. 

"He  takes  the  liberty  of  asking  an  audience  at  any  hour 
his  excellency  may  be  pleased  to  name,  and  begs  leave  to  offer 
assurances  of  his  profound  consideration  and  respect." 

The  interview  was  granted.  But  the  Due  d'Otrante  could 
do  no  more  for  him  than  the  Due  de  Cadore. 

The  King  of  Westphalia  being  still  in  Paris,  it  occurred  to 
Colonel  Burr,  that  through  him  he  could  gain  access  to  the 
emperor.  After  attempting  again  to  procure  an  interview 
through  the  officers  of  his  court,  he  wrote  directly  to  the  king 
himself:  "  Sire — I  take  the  liberty  of  asking  an  interview  with 
your  majesty,  as  well  to  offer  personally  my  homage  as  to 
make  a  communication,  of  the  value  of  which  your  majesty 
will  determine  in  a  few  minutes'  conversation."  He  received 
for  answer  the  information  that  the  king  was  about  to  leave 
Paris  for  twenty  days,  and  that  nothing  could  be  done  until 
his  return.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  audience  was  ever 
granted. 

It  were  useless  to  narrate  all  the  efforts  made  by  Colonel 
Burr  to  obtain  consideration  for  his  projects  at  the  French 
court.  He  had  small  expectation  of  success  after  the  first  eight 
days  of  his  stay  in  Paris ;  but  it  was  not  till  he  had  spent  five 
months  of  active  exertion,  without  receiving  from  any  source 
the  slightest  encouragement,  that  he  finally  abandoned  all  hope 
of  accomplishing  the  object  for  which  he  had  come  to  Europe. 
How  indefatigably  he  attended  the  audience-chambers  of  min 
isters  !  What  letters  and  memorials  he  wrote  !  How  per 
fectly  he  maintained  his  dignity,  in  circumstances  that  made 
him  a  constant  solicitor!  If  his  task  had  been  to  gain  over 
the  ministers  of  Napoleon,  his  success  would  have  been  easy 
and  speedy  ;  arid  if  he  could  have  stood  face  to  face  with 
Napoleon  for  half  an  hour,  he  could  not  have  failed  to  make 
an  impression  on  a  man  who  had  a  keen  eye  for  discerning 


IN     PAKIS     UNDKK     SUliVEILLANOB.  555 

executive  force,  and  knew  how  to  render  it  available  for  IMS 
own  purposes.  If  the  boy-soldier,  Aaron  Burr,  had  begun  his 
career  in  the  French  service,  and  had  stood  as  near  to  Napo 
leon  as  he  did  to  Washington,  the  Great  Soldier  would  have 
seen  in  the  intrepid,  impetuous  lieutenant,  the  stuff  to  make 
a  marshal  of.  Burr  missed  immortal  glory  by  being  born  on 
the  wrong  continent. 

The  disappointed  adventurer  now  determined,  at  all  hazards, 
to  return  to  the  United  States,  and  applied  for  the  requisite 
passports.  They  were  refused!  No  explanation  was  given 
him,  except  that  he  could  go  to  any  part  of  France  he  wished, 
but  that  his  departure  from  the  empire  was  positively  forbid 
den.  He  was  under  the  surveillance  of  that  perfect  police 
which  could  make  the  empire  as  impassable  a  prison  as  a 
walled  and  moated  fortress.  "  Behold  me,"  he  cried,  "  a  pris 
oner  of  state,  and  almost  without  a  sous."  Henceforward,  for 
many  a  tedious  month,  his  only  serious  occupation  was  to  get 
out  of  France.  "  All  this  vexation,"  he  thought,  "  arose  from 
the  machinations  of  our  worthy  minister,  General  Armstrong,* 
who  has  been,  and  still  is,  indefatigable  in  his  exertions  to  my 
prejudice;  goaded  on  by  personal  hatred,  by  political  rancor, 
and  by  the  natural  malevolence  of  his  temper." 

His  first  care  now  was  to  provide  the  means  of  subsistence. 
He  had  intended  to  remain  a  month  in  Paris,  and  Jiad  come 
provided  with  money  for  that  period.  At  first  he  had  lived, 
as  was  necessary,  in  a  tolerable  hotel,  and,  for  the  sake  of 
appearances,  had  kept  a  valet.  Half  a  year  of  this  mode  of 
life,  though  he  economized  to  the  point  of  going  without 
sugar  (then  a  dollar  a  pound  in  Paris),  had  reduced  his  finan 
ces  to  the  lowest  ebb,  and  his  situation  was  really  serious. 
Winter  was  approaching,  and  there  was  no  prospect  either  of 
his  leaving  the  empire,  or  of  being  able  to  live  in  it.  He 
was  by  no  means  friendless,  however.  The  celebrated  Count 
Volney  he  had  known  and  entertained  in  America,  and  was 

*  Armstrong  was  an  old  New  York  politician,  connected  by  marriage  with 
the  Livingstons,  and  now  devoted  to  Jefferson.  It  was  Armstrong,  doubtless, 
that  influenced  Talleyrand  (another  of  Burr's  New  York  guests)  against  the 
exile. 


556  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

now  his  frequent  associate  in  Paris.  With  Mrs.  Robertson, 
the  widow  of  the  Scotch  historian,  he  was  extremely  intimate. 
He  soon  had  a  large  circle  of  admiring  friends  in  the  upper 
ranks  of  the  Bureaucracy,  and  was  evidently  regarded  with  a 
favorable  eye  by  two  or  three  of  the  Napoleonic  dukes.  But 
in  his  extreme  need,  it  was  to  a  countryman  that  he  made 
known  his  circumstances,  and  applied  for  help. 

Even  at  that  early  period,  there  was  a  considerable  number 
of  American  residents  in  Paris,  a  city  which  was  peculiarly 
dear  to  the  men  who  could  remember  the  Revolution  as  a 
recent  event.  Upon  the  arrival  of  Aaron  Burr,  the  American 
residents  entered  into  a  combination  against  him.  It  was 
agreed  that  any  American  citizen  who  should  converse  with, 
speak  to,  or  salute  him,  should  be  "  cut"  by  all  the  rest ;  and 
that  no  captain  of  a  vessel,  or  merchant,  should  convey  any 
letter  or  parcel  for  him.  The  messenger  to  whom  were  en 
trusted  dispatches  from  the  American  minister  to  the  govern 
ment  at  Washington,  was  instructed  to  take  no  letter  or  parcel 
from  Aaron  Burr,  and  to  require  every  one  handing  him  a 
letter  or  parcel,  for  delivery  in  the  United  States,  to  pledge 
his  honor  that  it  contained  nothing  from  Aaron  Burr. 

In  spite  of  these  vindictive  measures,  he  had  friends  and 
partisans  among  the  Americans  in  Paris,  one  of  whom  was 
Edward  Griswold,  formerly  a  member  of  the  New  York  bar, 
and  now  a  speculating  resident  of  Paris,  and  a  man  of  fortune. 
To  him,  as  the  last  louis  was  gliding  from  his  purse,  Colonel 
Burr  frankly  and  fully  revealed  his  situation,  and  asked  a  loan 
of  a  hundred  and  fifty  guineas.  The  man  of  wealth  was  him 
self  temporarily  embarrassed,  but  contrived  to  advance  about 
half  that  sum,  which  enabled  Burr  to  exist  during  the  winter. 

But  only  to  exist.  He  lived  in  the  cheapest  lodgings,  and 
denied  himself  nearly  every  luxury.  Frequent  in  his  diary 
are  such  entries  as  this  :  "  It  is  noWso  cold  that  I  should  be 
glad  of  a  fire ;  but  to  that  I  have  great  objections  ;  for  what 
would  become  of  the  fifty  plays,  and  something,  I  won't  tell 
what,  which  I  meditate  to  buy  for  Gampillo,  that  will  make 
his  little  heart  beat."  Or  this  :  "  I  never  spend  a  livre  that  I 
.  do  not  calculate  what  pretty  thing  it  might  have  bought  for 


IN     PARIS     UNDER     SURVEILLANCE.  557 

you  (Theodosia)  and  Gampillo."  Or  this :  "  I  was  near  going 
to  bed  without  writing  to  you,  for  it  is  very  cold,  and  I  have 
only  two  little  stumps  (of  wood)  about  as  big  as  your  little 
fists.  But  then  I  thought  you  would  so  pout ;  so  I  mustered 
courage,  and  have  wrote  you  all  this,  hussy."  Or  this :  "  I 
wear  no  surtout,  for  a  great  many  philosophic  reasons ;  prin 
cipally,  because  I  have  not  got  one.  The  old  great  coat  which 
I  brought  from  America,  still  serves  for  traveling,  if  I  should 
ever  travel  again."  While  he  was  thus  shivering  in  his  gar 
ret,  one  day,  he  read  in  an  American  paper  that  Aaron  Burr 
had  entered  the  service  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  at  a  salary 
of  two  thousand  pounds  per  annum  ;  and,  in  an  English  paper 
that  the  same  individual  was  engaged  in  a  project  for  dismem 
bering  the  United  States ! 

It  was  not  without  many  an  effort  that  he  yielded  to  the 
necessity  of  remaining  in  Paris.  When,  through  the  aid  of 
Mr.  Griswold,  he  had  once  more  the  means  of  returning  to 
the  United  States,  his  exertions  to  obtain  a  passport  were  in 
cessant.  He  wrote  to  ministers,  inquiring  the  reason  of  his 
detention,  and,  receiving  no  answer,  besieged  their  ante 
chambers  for  interviews.  One  of  his  interviews  with  the  Due 
de  Rovigo  (Savary)  is  described  at  some  length  in  the  diary : 

"  At  one  to  Duke  Rovigo's.  I  was  the  first,  and  placed  in 
the  ante-chamber.  The  huissier  told  me  that  the  audience 
would  not  begin  till  two.  *  Why,  then,  sir,  did  you  bid  me 
come  at  one  ?'  '  That  you  might  be  ready  at  two.'  There 
came  in  to  the  number  of  forty-seven  ;  a  majority  women. 
Two  English  women  sat  next  to  me.  At  half-past  two  the 
doors  were  thrown  open,  and  a  huissier  cried  out,  '  Mesdames 
et  messieurs,  entrez.'  I  was  quite  surprised,  expecting  we 
were  to  be  called  in  one  by  one,  as  I  had  seen  practiced  by 
Fauchet  and  Champigny.  We  all  went  in.  The  duke,  in  full 
dress,  was  at  the  further  end  of  the  room,  and  we  stood,  form 
ing  a  sort  of  horse-shoe,  of  which  the  two  ends  approached 
him.  He  began  on  his  right,  and  so  on,  hearing  and  answer 
ing,  generally,  in  about  one  minute.  Some  of  the  women 
kept  him  three  or  four  minutes,  and  some  talking  on  after  he 
had  given  his  answer,  till  he  had  turned  his  back  and  ad- 


558  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

dressed  the  next.  His  first  question  was,  'Qui  etes  vous?' 
One  very  ill-looking  fellow  he  asked,  'Etes  vons  le  Colonel 
Burr  ?'  By  which  I  learned  that  he  had  that  person  in  his 
mind.  I  shifted  my  place  so  as  to  be  last ;  but  some  three  or 
four  others,  with  the  like  design,  got  after  me. 

"  At  length  my  turn  came.  I  announced  myself,  and  told 
him  I  had  been  refused  a  passport,  at  which  I  was  the  more 
surprised,  as  he  probably  knew  the  nature  of  the  business 
which  had  brought  me  to  France. 

"  '  I  have  heard  it  mentioned,  but  I  do  not  know  the  de 
tails.' 

"  '  I  am  delighted,  sir,  to  have  an  opportunity  to  make  you 
acquainted  with  them.  I  have  not  had  an  opportunity  of 
being  heard  by  a  soldier,  and  no  other  is  capable  of  judging 
of  my  enterprise.  The  military  genius  of  your  excellency 
will  appreciate  my  views.  I  should  be  sorry,  indeed,  to  leave 
France  without  having  been  listened  to  and  understood.' 

"  He  asked  me  to  \^ilk  aside  that  he  might  hear  it.  I  told 
him  that  I  had  it  in  writing. 

"  '  Ah  !  give  it  me.     I  will  read  it  with  eagerness.' 

"  So  I  drew  it  from  my  side  pocket  and  gave  it  to  him,  and 
was  going  to  renew  the  question  of  passport. 

"  'Ah  !  we  will  talk  of  that  after  I  shall  have  read  your  me 
morial.  I  will  write  and  give  you  a  private  audience  in  a  few 
days.'  And  then  he  suddenly  turned  off  to  another. 

"  So  that,  after  all  my  pains  to  get  an  audience,  it  has 
amounted  to  just  nothing.-  It  was  unlucky,  however,  that, 
through  ignorance,  I  should  have  stumbled  on  his  public  day. 
On  any  other  he  gives  private  audience  to  all  who  are  per 
mitted  to  come  in.  I  like  much  his  appearance  and  manner. 
A  handsome  man,  about  forty-two,  very  prompt  and  decided, 
but  sufficiently  courteous.  He  has  the  appearance  of  intelli 
gence  and  good  breeding  ;  all  which  is  better  than  I  had  been 
taught  to  expect." 

A  few  days  after,  he  attended  a  grand  reception  at  the 
palace  of  the  Due  Rovigo,  where  he  was  presented  in  form 
by  the  Due  d'Alberg.  The  Due  de  Rovigo  had  read  the  me 
morial,  and  "  said  some  civil  things,"  but  no  allusion  was  made 


IN     PARIS     tTXDER     S  U  K  V  KILT.  ANCK.  .r>59 

to  the  passport.  Soon  Burr  \vas  again  in  the  official  ante 
chamber,  and,  though  told  by  the  usher  that  the  due  did  not 
receive  that  day,  he  waited  three  hours,  and  "got  sight  of  his 
excellency  by  force  and  demanded  the  passport."  The  due 
escaped  his  importunity,  by  asserting  that  the  emperor  had 
consented  to  his  departure,  and  that  he  could  obtain  a  pass 
port  by  applying  to  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  But 
Burr  knew  the  French  government  too  well  to  believe  him. 
"  Words,"  said  he,  "  cost  nothing  here,  and  there  is  often  an 
immensity  of  time  and  space  between  the  promise  of  a  court 
ier  and  the  performance."  And  there  was  in  this  instance. 
The  due's  assurance  was  literally  nothing  but  a  means  of  es 
caping  from  an  importunate  suitor. 

He  addressed  a  memorial  at  last  to  the  emperor  himself,  in 
which  he  told  the  story  of  his  repeated  failures  to  gain  a  hear 
ing  for  his  projects,  and  ofhis  forced  detention  in  Paris.  "Not 
only,"  he  concluded,  "  did  the  motives  of  my  visit  and  my 
conduct  since  my  residence  in  France  deserve  a  different  re 
turn  ;  at  all  times  I  have  deserved  well  of  your  majesty  and 
of  the  French  nation.  My  home  in  the  United  States  has 
been  always  open  to  French  citizens,  and  few  of  any  note  who 
have  visited  the  United  States  have  not  experienced  my  hos 
pitality.  At  a  period  when  the  administration  of  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  was  hostile  to  France  and  French 
men,  they  received  from  me  efficient  protection.  These,  sire, 
are  my  crimes  against  France !  Presuming  that  a  proceeding 
so  distressing  and  unmerited  —  so  contrary  to  the  laws  of  hos 
pitality,  to  the  fame  of  your  majesty's  magnanimity  and  just 
ice,  and  to  that  of  the  courtesy  of  the  French  nation,  must  be 
without  your  majesty's  knowledge,  and  that,  amid  the  mighty 
concerns  which  weigh  on  your  majesty's  mind,  those  of  an  in 
dividual  so  humble  as  myself  may  have  escaped  your  notice, 
I  venture  to  intrude  into  your  presence,  and  to  ask  either  a 
passport  to  return  to  the  United  States,  or,  if  in  fact  your 
majesty,  with  the  expectation  of  rendering  me  useful  to  you, 
should  wish  a  further  delay,  that  I  may  be  informed  of  the 
period  of  that  delay,  that  I  may  take  measures  accordingly 
for  mv  subsistence." 


560  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

No  answer  was  vouchsafed  to  this  memorial,  which  may 
never  have  reached  the  emperor. 

Before  the  winter  set  in,  Colonel  Burr  brought  himself  to 
apply  to  the  American  minister  for  a  certificate  of  citizenship, 
the  possession  of  which,  he  erroneously  supposed,  would  se 
cure  the  consent  of  the  French  government  to  his  departure. 
General  Armstrong  was  absent,  and  had  left  in  charge  of  the 
embassy  Jonathan  Russell,  of  Rhode  Island.  To  him  Colonel 
Burr  formally  applied.  Russell  replied,  that  "  the  province  of 
granting  passports  to  citizens  of  the  United  States  belongs  to 
the  consul,  to  whom  all  wishing  for  that  protection  must  ap 
ply."  Colonel  Burr  applied  to  the  consul  ;*  who  answered, 
that  "  his  knowledge  of  the  circumstances  under  which  Mr. 
Burr  left  the  United  States  rendered  it  his  duty  to  decline 
giving  Mr.  Burr  either  a  passport  or  a  permis  de  sejour,"  but 
that  "  the  charge  des  affaires  unquestionably  possessed  full  au 
thority  to  grant  protection  in  either  of  those  forms  to  any 
person  to  whom  it  might  be  improperly  denied  by  the  consul." 
Colonel  Burr  accordingly  applied  again  to  the  charge  des  af 
faires,  transmitting  the  consul's  note,  and  denying  the  right  of 
a  foreign  minister  to  inquire  into  any  "  circumstances"  other 
than  those  which  tend  to  prove  or  disprove  the  claim  to  citi 
zenship.  But,  continued  Burr,  "  if  Mr.  Russell  should  be  of 
a  different  opinion,  Mr.  Burr  is  ready  to  satisfy  him  that  no 
circumstances  exist  which  can,  by  any  construction,  in  the 
slightest  degree  impair  his  rights  as  a  citizen,  and  that  the 
conclusions  of  the  consul  are  founded  in  error,  either  in  points 
of  fact  or  of  inference.  Yet,  conceiving  that  every  citizen 
has  a  right  to  demand  a  certificate  or  passport,  Mr.  Burr  is 
constrained  to  renew  his  application  to  Mr.  Russell,  to  whom 
the  consul  has  been  pleased  to  refer  the  decision." 

To  this,  Russell  replied  in  the  following  words :  "  The  man 
who  evades  the  offended  laws  of  his  country,  abandons,  for 
the  time,  the  right  to  their  protection.  This  fugitive  from 
justice,  during  his  voluntary  exile,  has  a  claim  to  no  other 
passport  than  one  which  shall  enable  him  to  surrender  himself 

*  The  consul  was  Mr.  McRae,  a  lawyer  of  Richmond,  who  had  figured  at 
the  trial  as  one  of  the  counsel  for  the  prosecution. 


IN     PARIS     UNDER     SURVEILLANCE.  561 

for  trial  for  the  offenses  with  which  he  stands  charged.  Such 
a  passport  Mr.  Russell  will  furnish  to  Mr.  Burr,  but  no 
other." 

The  correspondence  here  rested  for  some  months,  but  Burr 
at  length  replied  to  Russell's  letter  with  equal  adroitness  and 
effrontery.  To  complete  this  story,  his  retort  may  be  inserted 
here  :  u  Mr.  Burr  asks  of  the  charge  des  affaires  a  passport  to 
return  to  the  United  States.  To  prevent  a  circuitous  pro 
ceeding,  Mr.  Burr  takes  the  liberty  of  recalling  to  Mr.  Rus 
sell's  recollection  that  the  consul  has  declined  to  act  in  regard 
to  Mr.  Burr ;  that  the  question  has  been  referred  to  Mr.  Rus 
sell,  who  has  been  pleased  to  decide  that  Mr.  Burr  is  entitled 
to  the  passport  above  requested.  He  now  wishes  to  avail  him 
self  of  this  decision."  The  charge  could  not  refuse  the  pass 
port.  But  that  document  was  of  no  avail  without  the  added 
sanction  of  the  French  government,  which  had  still  to  be  ob 
tained. 

We  shall  pass  rapidly  over  the  period  of  Colonel  Burr's 
forced  residence  in  Paris.  It  was  fifteen  months  before  he 
finally  escaped  from  the  country  ;  during  the  greater  part  of 
which  his  attention  was  divided  between  efforts  to  obtain  pass 
ports,  and  schemes  to  procure  the  means  of  living.  He  was 
all  activity.  His  mind  never  stagnated.  His  spirits  never 
sank.  He  read  enormously ;  he  visited  numberless  persons 
and  places  ;  and  was  on  the  alert  at  all  times. 

His  extreme  poverty  he  regarded  always  in  the  light  of  a 
joke.  "  How  sedate  and  sage  one  is,"  he  says,  "  with  only 
three  sous."  And  again  :  "  I  may  as  well  tell  you  of  my 
economy  in  this  wine  affair.  Eating  my  bread  and  cheese, 
and  seeing  half  a  bottle  of  the  twenty-five  sous  wine  left,  I 
thought  it  would  be  too  extravagant  to  open  a  bottle  of  the 
good ;  so  I  tried  my  best  to  get  down  the  bad,  constantly 
thinking  of  the  other,  which  was  in  sight,  and  trying  to  per 
suade  myself  to  give  Gamp,  some  of  that;  but  no.  I  stuck 
to  the  bad,  and  got  it  all  down.  Then,  to  pay  myself  for  this 
act  of  heroism,  treated  him  to  a  large  tumbler  of  the  true 
Roussillon,  arid  sallied  forth  to  my  marchand  de  vin  to  engage 
him  to  exchange  the  residue.  You  see  I  am  of  Santara's 

24* 


562  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

opinion,  that  though  a  man  may  be  a  little  the  poorer  for 
drinking  good  wine,  yet  he  is,  under  its  influence,  much  more 
able  to  bear  poverty." 

A  stout-hearted,  jovial  boy,  who  had  been  captivated  by 
Robinson  Crusoe,  and  then  cast  away  on  an  island,  would,  we 
may  imagine,  repeat  with  avidity  the  contrivances  he  had 
read  of  in  his  favorite  book,  and  take  all  the  hardships  of  his 
lot  in  the  gay  Crusoean  spirit.  Something  in  this  way,  Col 
onel  Burr  took  his  poverty.  He  played  with  it.  He  had  a 
kind  of  pleasure  in  spending  his  very  last  sous,  to  see  what 
would  come  of  it.  "  Having  left  exactly  sixteen  sous,"  he  tells 
his  daughter,  "  I  bought  Avith  them  two  plays  for  my  present 
amusement,  and  then  for  yours.  Came  home  with  my  two 
plays,  and  not  a  single  sous.  Have  been  ransacking  every 
where  to  see  if  no  little  ten  sous  piece  could  be  found.  Not 
one.  To  make  matters  worse,  I  am  out  of  cigars,  but  have  a 
little  black,  vile  tobacco,  which  serves  me  as  substitute.  Poor 
Julia  (landlady)  too,  is  exhausted,  being  in  advance  for  me 
twenty  or  thirty  francs."  He  speaks  frequently  of  his  maneu 
vers  to  avoid  the  cold.  Once,  the  wind  blew  down  his  chim 
ney  with  such  force  as  to  scatter  the  ashes  all  over  the  room. 
"  After  various  experiments  how  to  weather  the  gale,  I  at 
length  discovered  that  I  could  exist  by  lying  flat  on  the  floor ; 
for  this  purpose  I  laid  a  blanket ;  and  reposing  on  my  elbows, 
with  a  candle  at  my  side,  on  the  floor,  have  been  reading 
L'Espion  Anglois,  translated  from  the  English ;  extremely  well 
written,  and,  thus  prostrate,  I  have  the  honor  to  write  you 
this.  When  I  got  up  just  now  for  pen  and  ink,  I  found  my 
self  almost  buried  in  ashes  and  cinders.  You  would  have 
thought  I  had  laid  a  month  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Vesuvius." 

His  chimney,  indeed,  was  a  ceaseless  source  of  annoyance. 
Paris  chimneys  were  so  generally  bad,  that  it  was  one  of  the 
trades  of  the  city  to  cure  them  of  smoking.  His  smoky  chim 
ney,  however,  enabled  him  to  make  a  signal  display  of  ingenu 
ity,  and  to  give  Parisians  one  of  the  first  proofs  ever  afforded 
them  of  the  value  of  a  Yankee  notion.  He  engaged  a  "fu- 
miste"  to  work,  under  his  own  order,  upon  his  insupportable 
chimney.  Burr  directed  the  laying  of  every  brick ;  and  the 


IN     PARIS      fXDKK     SURVEILLANCE.  "Hi.1 

astonished  mason,  as  he  put  each  one  in  its  place,  paused  to 
remonstrate  against  the  absurdity  of  the  plan.  He  was  certain 
it  could  not  answer ;  he  would  not  be  responsible.  "  Mon 
sieur,  it  is  my  affair !"  was  Burr's  reply.  The  work  was  soon 
done,  a  fire  was  lighted,  and  all  the  inmates  of  the  house 
watched  the  result  with  interest.  It  answered  perfectly.  "  The 
fumiste  gazed  upon  the  fire  with  astonishment  and  admiration, 
and  seemed  to  conceive  for  me  a  most  profound  respect." 

Hut  this  was  merely  a  private  and  domestic  triumph.  A 
f«'\v  days  after,  he  performed  the^same  feat  upon  a  larger  scale. 
He  tells  the  story  in  his  hurried,  graphic  way  :  "  To  Madame 
Fenwick's  in  the  character  of  fumiste.  Every  chimney  in  her 
house  smokes  sometimes,  and  most  of  them  always.  I  was 
railing  against  the  stupidity  of  the  Parisians,  and  quoted  this 
a?nong  other  instances.  She  challenged  me  to  cure  the  evil. 
Accepted;  and  she  assigned  for  the  trial  of  my  American  skill 
the  worst  in  the  house.  It  had  been  already  in  the  hands  of 
several  scientific  fumistes.  Some  applied  their  remedies  at 
the  top,  and  others  at  the  bottom,  but  equally  without  effect. 
This  morning  was  assigned  for  my  experiment,  and  she  gave 
me  carte  blanche.  At  half  past  eight  I  found  the  mason,  the 
brick,  and  the  mortar.  We  went  to  work.  She,  in  the  mean 
time,  made  me  breakfast  (coffee,  blanc,  and  honey)  in  the  ad 
joining  room.  She  amusing  herself  at  my  folly.  Several 
visitors  called,  and  all  came  to  see  what  was  going  forward. 
Satirical,  but  pleasant  remarks  were  made.  On  my  part  there 
was  no  sort  of  reply.  At  length  the  work  was  finished.  At 
eleven  we  made  a  large  fire.  The  chimney  drew  to  perfec 
tion.  The  doors  and  windows  might  be  open  or  shut;  noth 
ing  disturbed  the  draught.  What  added  greatly  to  the  merit 
of  the  result  is,  that  the  day  was  the  most  unfavorable.  A 
vehement  wind  from  a  quarter  that  always  had  filled  the 
house  with  smoke.  'Sir,  if  you  will  announce  yourself  as  a 
fumiste  you  will  make  a  fortune.' " 

In  this  instance,  as  in  the  other,  he  built  the  fire-place  on  the 
principle  with  which  Franklin  had,  twenty  years  before,  made 
Americans  familiar.  Thenceforward,  he  boiled  his  potatoes 


564  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

without  blinding  himself  with  smoke ;  and  potatoes  were  his 
main-stay  sometimes  for  weeks  together. 

The  bitter  ingredient  in  the  exile's  cup  during  his  residence 
in  Paris,  was  the  interruption  of  correspondence  with  his 
daughter.  Nearly  a  year  passed  without  his  receiving  a  let 
ter  from  her.  One  packet  of  letters  reached  him  twenty-three 
months  after  it  had  been  sent.  She,  too,  had  to  pass  eleven 
anxious  months  without  hearing  from  her  father.  Yet  father, 
daughter,  and  "  Gampillus"  wrote  by  every  ship  that  sailed. 
The  times  were  troubled,  navigation  was  as  nearly  as  possible 
suspended,  and  the  route  between  the  interior  of  South  Caro 
lina  and  an  obscure  lodging  in  Paris,  was  very  long  and  circu 
itous.  Moreover,  the  arrival  of  a  letter  addressed  to  a  person 
under  surveillance,  and  its  delivery  into  the  hands  of  that  un 
fortunate  individual,  were,  and  are,  two  very  distinct  events 
in  Paris,  the  latter  by  no  means  necessarily  following  the 
former. 

When,  after  long,  long  intervals,  words  from  the  hills  of 
South  Carolina  did  find  their  way  to  the  exile's  ear,  they  were 
not  words  of  good  cheer.  The  embargo  and  non-intercourse 
acts  had  paralyzed  the  industry  of  the  United  States.  Theo- 
dosia  said  the  country  was  in  a  dreadful  state.  Produce 
could  scarcely  be  sold  for  any  price,  while  clothing  and  groce 
ries  were  dearer  than  ever.  Her  husband  had  "  offered  the 
two  lower  plantations  for  sale,  but  every  body  was  trying  to 
sell,  and  no  one  could  buy.  Even  -Mari"  (her  husband),  she 
added,  "  condemns  the  present  measures  of  government,  and 
joins  in  the  almost  universal  cry  of  free  commerce  or  war." 
She  wras  puzzled  at  her  father's  protracted  stay  in  Paris.  "  I 
begin  to  think,"  she  said,  "  that  Hannibal  has  got  to  Capua." 

She  had  to  tell  him,  too,  of  old  friends,  who,  when  she  was 
last  in  New  York,  were  doubtful  whether  it  was  "  safe"  to 
visit  her;  of  men  who  wished  her  father  well,  but  were  afraid 
to  speak  of  him  where  speaking  would  do  him  good ;  of  one 
who  owed,  and  had  promised  pecuniary  supplies,  and  "  pub 
lished  himself  a  villain."  But,  exclaims  this  incomparable 
daughter,  "  JOHN  SWARTWOUT  is  true  invariably,  and  nobly 
conspicuous  as  the  sun.  He  retrieves  the  character  of  man." 


IN     PARIS     UNDER     SURVEILLANCE.  505 

Keenly  Theodosia  watched  for  indications  that  the  nation 
was  relenting  toward  her  father.  But  such  indications  never 
appeared.  The  newspapers  seldom  mentioned  his  name,  but 
to  stigmatize  it.  Editors  friendly  to  him,  knew  that  to  write 
in  his  defense  would  only  be  to  share  his  odium,  and  poli 
ticians  were  equally  aware  that  no  supporter  of  Aaron  Burr 
could  hope  to  receive  the  smallest  governmental  favor.  There 
is  no  country,  perhaps,  where  it  requires  so  much  moral  cour 
age  to  defend  an  unpopular  man,  or  opinion,  as  the  United 
States.  Among  the  letters  of  Theodosia,  there  is  one  to 
Albert  Gallatin,  asking  whether,  in  case  of  her  father's  return 
to  America,  he  thought  the  government  would  prosecute  him 
again.  The  language  of  that  letter  is  remarkable.  It  shows 
that  in  soliciting  the  opinion  of  a  public  man  on  the  point  pro 
posed,  she  felt  herself  to  be  asking  a  prodigious  favor.  "Though 
convinced  of  your  firmness,"  she  says,  "  still  with  the  utmost 
diffidence  I  venture  to  address  you  on  a  subject  which  it  is 
almost  dangerous  to  mention."  And  having  made  the  request, 
she  is  still  eloquent  in  apologizing  for  the  vastness  of  the  de 
mand  upon  his  courage,  his  candor,  his  liberality.  "  Recollect," 
she  says,  "  what  are  my  incitements.  Recollect  that  I  have 
seen  my  father  dashed  from  the  high  rank  he  held  in  the 
minds  of  his  countrymen,  imprisoned,  and  forced  into  exile. 
Must  he  ever  remain  excommunicated  from  the  participation 
of  domestic  enjoyments  and  the  privileges  of  a  citizen  ;  aloof 
from  his  accustomed  sphere,  and  singled  out  as  a  mark  for  the 
shafts  of  calumny  ?  Why  should  he  be  thus  proscribed  and 
held  up  to  execration  ?  What  benefit  to  the  country  can 
possibly  accrue  from  the  continuation  of  this  system  ?  Surely 
it  must  be  evident  to  the  worst  enemies  of  my  father,  that  no 
man,  situated  as  he  will  be,  could  obtain  any  undue  influence, 
if  even  he  should  desire  it." 

Mr.  Gallatin's  answer  was  not  decisive,  and  she  was  not 
without  fear  that  prosecution  awaited  her  father  if  he  should 
return.  She  told  him,  three  months  after  the  date  of  her  let 
ter  to  Gallatin,  that  she  augured  ill  of  government,  because 
the  newspapers  most  devoted  to  it  endeavored  to  keep  up 
feelings  of  irritation  against  him.  Yet  she  thought  the  "  ma- 


5f>6  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

jority  of  the  citizens  were  not  inimical,"  and  she  urged  Inn. 
vehemently  to  return.  She  advised  him  not  to  land  in 
Charleston,  but  to  go  boldly,  and  at  once  to  New  York, 
where,  if  he  was  attacked,  he  would  be  "in  the  midst  of  the 
tenth  legion."  If  he  should  go  first  to  South  Carolina,  "  which 
both  their  hearts  would  crave,  the  news  of  his  arrival  would 
reach  New  York  long  before  him,  and  the  fervency  of  surprise 
and  delighted  friendship  would  have  time  to  cool ;"  cabals 
would  be  formed,  and  measures  would  be  taken.  She  thought 
it  better  for  his  affairs  to  come  to  a  crisis,  than  for  him  to  live 
in  constant  view  of  threatened  ruin.  "If  the  worst  comes," 
she  added,  "  I  will  leave  every  thing  to  suffer  with  you  /" 
She  little  thought  that  her  spirited  advice  would  find  Hannibal 
M  prisoner  at  Capua. 

Theodosia  devoted  a  part  of  the  letter  just  quoted  to  Blen- 
nerhassett.  She  said  that  that  individual  had  written  to  Mr. 
Alston,  accusing  him  and  Aaron  Burr  of"  plans  that  never  en 
tered  the  heads  of  either,"  and  threatening  immediate  expo 
sure  unless  Mr.  Alston  would  purchase  his  silence  by  the  pay 
ment  of  thirty-five  thousand  dollars.  Blennerhassett  said  he  had 
the  pamphlet  already  written,  and  its  revelations  would  blast 
the  character  of  Governor  Alston  for  ever.  "  As  to  Mr.  Burr," 
remarked  the  Irish  gentleman,  "  I  wish  you  to  observe,  that 
I  long  since  ceased  to  consider  reference  to  his  honor,  resources, 
or  good  faith,  in  any  other  light  than  as  a  scandal  to  any  man 
offering  it  who  is  not  sunk  as  low  as  himself."  "  To  Mr.  Alston, 
also,"  said  Theodosia,  "  he  used  such  language  as  a  low-bred 
coward  may  use  at  a  distance  of  many  hundred  miles."  She 
added  that  her  husband  had  not  deigned  to  notice  the  "  au 
dacious  swindling  trick." 

Colonel  Burr  made  many  endeavors  in  Paris  to  improve  his 
finances.  At  one  time  we  see  him  absorbed  in  a  speculation, 
in  the  shares  of  the  Holland  Company,  in  which  he  embarked 
all  his  slender  capital.  For  many  days  he  was  on  the  rack  of 
anxiety,  but  he  eventually  gained  a  few  hundred  dollars  by 
the  venture.  If  he  could  have  obtained  a  passport  to  Am 
sterdam,  he  thought  he  could  have  cleared  ten  thousand  dol 
lars  in  a  few  weeks,  by  a  more  extensive  operation  of  the  same 


IN     PARTS     UNDER     SURVEILLANCE.  567 

kin<l.  Plis  spirits  rose  at  the  prospect.  "I  will  send  you,"  he 
said,  to  Theodosia,  "  a  million  of  francs  within  six  months," 
and  then  witli  merry  exultation,  adds,  "but  one  half  of  it  must 
be  laid  out  in  pretty  things.  O!  what  beautiful  things  I  will 
send  you.  Gampillus,  too,  must  have  a  beautiful  little  watch, 
and  at  least  fifty  trumpets  of  different  sorts  and  sizes.  Home 
at  ten,  and  have  been  casting  up  my  millions  and  spending 
it.  Lord,  how  many  people  I  have  made  happy!" 

Dreams  all.  He  tried  in  vain  to  get  the  passport.  He  then 
intrusted  the  scheme  to  a  friend,  who  was  to  act  for  him  in 
Holland,  and  share  the  proceeds  of  the  speculation.  That 
friend  betrayed  him,  and  nothing  that  occurred  to  Colonel 
Burr  during  all  the  years  of  his  exile  touched  him  so  nearly  as 
that.  "My  dear  Theodosia,"  he  wrote  on  the  day  of  the  dis 
covery,  "  I  am  sick  at  heart,  having  made  the  most  afflicting 
of  all  discoveries,  the  perfidy  of  a  friend.  A  few  days  ago,  a 
slight  suspicion  rested  in  my  mind,  but  I  rejected  it  as  un 
worthy  of  him  and  unworthy  of  me.  It  is  confirmed  with 
every  circumstance  of  aggravation.  I  had  confided  to  him  my 
speculation  with  unqualified  frankness ;  disclosed  every  cir 
cumstance —  things  known  to  me  alone.  I  had  built  on  it  the 
hopes  of  fortune.  He  pledged  solemnly  his  honor  to  speak  of 
it  to  no  one  without  my  leave.  Not  to  take  a  step  but  in  con 
currence  with  me,  on  terms  we  had  agreed.  He  went,  I  be 
lieve  the  same  day,  disclosed  the  whole,  and  associated  himself 
with  another  to  take  it  wholly  from  me.  The  object  is  irre 
vocably  lost ;  for,  even  if  he  should  repent,  he  can  not  take 
back  his  communications.  This  man  first  sought  me  under 
very  peculiar  circumstances ;  such  as  denoted  generosity  of 
sentiment,  sensibility,  and  independence  of  mind."  This  is 
more  like  a  burst  of  emotion  than  any  other  passage  in  the 
diary. 

Once,  in  Paris,  he  had  serious  thoughts  of  translating  a 
book  from  English  into  French  for  a  bookseller.  The  work 
was  in  two  volumes,  octavo,  for  the  translation  of  which  he 
was  to  receive  one  hundred  louis  ;  he  thought  he  could  do  it 
in  three  months,  which,  he  said,  was  better  than  starving.  The 
most  singular  circumstance  of  this  scheme  was,  that  the  work 


568  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURR. 

contained,  to  use  his  own  words,  "  a  quantity  of  abuse  and 
libel  on  A.  Burr."  The  work  was  probably  "  Lambert's  Trav 
els  in  North  America,"  upon  reading  which,  Burr  had  made 
the  following  entry  in  his  journal :  "  To  give  the  character  of 
A.  Burr,  he  copies  part  of  Wirt's  speech  on  the  trial  at  Rich 
mond."  It  is  needless  to  say  the  project  of  translating  was 
not  carried  into  execution.  But  he  was  the  man  to  have 
translated  all  the  "  abuse  and  libels"  with  literal  fidelity,  and 
without  adding  a  note  of  denial  or  qualification. 

At  other  times,  we  see  him  hurrying  about  Paris  investi 
gating  a  new  mode  of  extracting  vinegar  from  wood,  or  going 
to  see  a  new  plan  of  raising  water,  which  he  said  he  should 
use  in  supplying  Charleston  with  that  element,  or  inspecting 
the  process  of  making  and  inserting  artificial  teeth,  or  trying 
experiments  in  the  roasting  of  coffee,  or  rushing  from  official 
to  official  for  tickets  of  admission  to  galleries  and  reviews. 

He  gave  Theodosia  a  ludicrous  account  of  the  delights  of 
walking  in  the  streets  of  Paris  at  that  time.  "  No  sidewalks. 
The  carts,  cabrioles,  and  carriages  of  all  sorts  run  up  to  the 
very  houses.  You  must  save  yourself  by  bracing  flat  against 
the  wall,  there  being,  in  most  places,  stones  set  up  against  the 
houses  to  keep  the  carts  from  injuring  them.  Most  of  the 
streets  are  paved  as  Albany  and  New  York  were  before  the 
Revolution,  with  an  open  gutter  in  the  middle.  Some  arched 
in  the  middle,  and  a  little  gutter  each  side,  very  near  the  houses. 
It  is  fine  sport  for  the  cabriole  and  hack  drivers  to  run  a  wheel 
in  one  of  these  gutters,  always  full  of  filth,  and  bespatter  fifty 
pedestrians  who  are  braced  against  the  wall.  The  gutters  or 
conduits  for  the  water  from  the  eves  of  the  houses  are  carried 
out  a  few  feet  from  the  roofs,  and  thus  discharge  the  rain 
water  over  your  head.  In  most  places  there  are  no  such 
pipes,  and  then  you  have  the  benefit  of  the  water  from  the 
eaves.  This  was  a  great  ridicule  against  the  city  of  Albany 
about  twenty  years  ago  ;  but  Albany  has  reformed  the  evil." 

The  last  few  months  of  his  stay  in  Paris  he  was  put  to  all 
those  shifts  for  eking  out  the  means  of  subsistence  which  gen 
tlemen  in  difficulties  are  wont  to  employ.  He  borrowed  when 
he  could,  and  pawned  when  he  could  not.  Into  Gampillus's 


IN     PAKIS     UNDER     SURVEILLANCE.  569 

collection  of  coins,  he  made  sad  inroads.  Sometimes  he  sold 
a  parcel  of  books.  Often  he  was  penniless,  and  in  debt  to 
every  body. 

But  all  things  have  an  end.  Colonel  Burr,  at  length,  made 
his  escape  from  Paris.  A  detail  of  the  events  which  led  to  his 
deliverance  will  give  the  reader  a  momentary  glimpse  of  the 
state  of  things  in  France  under  Napoleon  the  First. 


CHAPTER     XXXI. 


HE    ESCAPES . 

THE  TICKET  ADVENTURE —  ACQUAINTANCE  WITH  M.  DENON  AND  THE  Due  DE  BASSAXO 

—  A    BRIGHTER     PROSPECT  —  PASSPORTS    PROCURED  —  BASSANO'S    GENEROSITY  — 
JOURNEY  TO  HOLLAND  —  FURTHER  DELAYS  —  LEAVES  PARIS  FOR  EVER  —  INCIDENTS 
OF    HIS    DEPARTURE  —  SAILS  FROM  HOLLAND  —  CAPTURED  BY  A  BRITISH  FRIGATE 

—  IN  LONDON  AGAIN  —  PENNILESS — CHEERFULNESS  IN  MISFORTUNE  —  DESPERATE 
EFFORTS  TO  EAISE  MONEY  — LEAVES    LONDON  — CHASE  AFTER  THE  SHIP  — SAILS 
FOR  BOSTON. 

THE  Baron  Denon,  who  accompanied  Bonaparte  to  Egypt, 
and  wrote  the  celebrated  book  upon  that  expedition,  was  Di 
rector  of  the  Fine  Arts  during  the  reign  of  Napoleon.  He 
enjoyed,  but  never  used  the  confidence  of  the  emperor ;  as 
Napoleon  himself  testified  at  St.  Helena.  With  the  ministers 
of  the  emperor  he  had  influence,  particularly  with  the  Due  de 
Bassano  (Maret),  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Relations,  who  also 
began  his  career  as  a  literary  man.  When  Colonel  Burr  was 
in  Paris,  Baron  Denon's  house  was  a  resort  for  the  rank, 
learning,  and  celebrity  of  the  French  metropolis. 

It  was  an  act  of  gallantry  that  led  Burr  to  an  acquaintance 
with  this  gentleman.  A  certain  Madame  St.  Claire,  whom 
Burr  extremely  wished  to  gratify,  asked  him  to  procure  for 
her  a  ticket  of  admission  to  the  Louvre.  Among  Burr's  in 
timate  friends  in  Paris  wTas  the  Duchess  d'Alberg,  wife  of  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Frankfort,  to  whom  he  had  brought  letters 
from  the  Grand  Duke  of  Gotha.  From  the  duchess  Colonel 
Burr  readily  enough  obtained  the  promise  of  the  desired, 
ticket ;  but  on  going  to  receive  it,  found  that  she  had  neglected 
to  procure  one.  The  duke  then  gave  him  a  note  to  the  Di 
rector  of  the  Fine  Arts,  the  source  of  tickets  to  all  the  impe 
rial  galleries.  M.  Denon  received  him  graciously,  and  on  be- 


HE     ESCAPES.  571 

ing  complimented  by  Burr  upon  his  book,  became  more  gra 
cious,  and  gave  him  a  ticket  for  two  persons. 

Burr  was  rushing  eagerly  away  to  Madame  St.  Claire,  "  sure 
of  a  very  kind  reception,"  when  lie  met  Mr.  Griswold,  who 
said  to  him  :  "*Sir,  I  am  in  the  most  distressing  dilemma.  A 
lady,  whom  I  wish  very  much  to  oblige,  asked  me  to  procure 
her  a  ticket  for  the  Louvre,  and  I  promised  to  do  it,  but  have 
been  totally  disappointed,  and  dare  not  see  the  lady's  face ; 
can  you  put  me  in  the  way  to  extricate  myself  ?" 

"  Voila!"  exclaimed  Burr,  producing  the  ticket,  and  giving 
it  to  Griswold,  who  went  on  his  way  rejoicing,  not  suspecting 
that  he  had  only  bestowed  the  "  most  distressing  dilemma" 
upon  his  friend.  That  day  Burr  did  not  venture  into  the  pres 
ence  of  the  defrauded  St.  Claire ;  and  when  he  saw  her  on  the 
day  following,  she  was  in  a  humor  which  nothing  but  a  ticket 
to  the  Louvre  could  appease.  Away  went  Burr  again  to  the 
Baron  Den  on  for  another  ticket ;  and  this  was  the  most  fortu 
nate  of  all  his  many  visits  to  persons  of  note  in  Paris.  His  for 
tunes  were  at  the  lowest  ebb.  He  had  not  one  sous  in  the 
world.  The  day  before,  he  had  had  to  make  a  considerable 
detour  to  avoid  passing  a  place  where  sat  a  woman  to  whom 
he  owed  two  sous  for  a  cigar. 

He  found  a  dozen  persons  in  M.  Denon's  hall  of  audience, 
and  the  great  man  had  not  yet  appeared.  "  I  doubted,"  says 
Colonel  Burr,  "  whether  be  would  recollect  my  name  or  per 
son.  On  entering,  he  passed  by  the  rest,  sought  me  out,  took 
me  by  the  hand,  and  led  me  into  his  cabinet,  and  asked  me  to 
excuse  him  a  few  minutes  till  he  should  dismiss  the  persons 
in  waiting.  Gamp  was  justly  surprised  at  a  reception  so  un 
usual.  On  his  return,  he  took  my  hand  again  with  both  his, 
assured  me  of  the  pleasure  he  had  in  meeting  me,  and  his  de 
sire  to  be  useful  unto  me.  I  took  him  at  his  word  ;  told  him 
the  business  which  had  brought  me  to  France  ;  the  memoir  I 
had  presented,  and  the  ill  success ;  that  is,  the  silence ;  and 
that  my  wishes  were  now  confined  to  a  passport.  He  offered 
to  speak  of  my  memoir  to  M.  Maret  (le  Due  de  Bassano),  sup 
posed  to  be  the  most  intimate  counselor  of  the  emperor,  and 
begged  me  to  permit  him  to  peruse  my  memoir.  Agreed  ; 


572  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

to-morrow  morning,  at  ten,  appointed  for  the  purpose.  Got 
my  ticket  and  came  off  in  triumph,  that  I  could  now  fulfill  my 
engagement  to  St.  Claire." 

These  professions  of  regard  were  sincere,  trTose  promises 
were  performed,  and  M.  Dciion  continued  his  g'ood  offices  till 
they  had  accomplished  Colonel  Burr's  release. 

A  few  days  after,  Burr  and  the  Due  de  Bassano  were 
brought  together  at  the  house  of  M.  Denon.  The  occasion 
was  one  of  those  grand  breakfasts,  which  were  fashionable  at 
that  time  in  Paris.  The  due  had  evidently  been  prepossessed 
in  favor  of  Burr,  and  on  sitting  down  at  the  table  (at  half-past 
three  in  the  afternoon)  invited  him  to  a  seat  next  his  own,  the 
duchess  and  other  ladies  sitting  opposite.  Colonel  Burr  and 
the  due  conversed  much  together  during  the  repast ;  and,  be 
fore  they  separated,  the  exile  had  told  his  story,  and  awakened 
in  the  minister  a  real  interest  in  his  fortunes.  They  talked 
much  of  Mexico.  Burr  said,  "it  loas  not  yet  too  late /"  but 
if  Mexico  were  out  of  the  question,  he  had  but  one  favor  to 
ask,  permission  to  leave  the  empire.  On  leaving  the  saloon, 
the  due  showed  Colonel  Burr  very  particular  marks  of  favor, 
and  "hoped  he  should  have  the  honor  soon  to  meet  him  again." 
From  that  day,  he  had  a  powerful  friend  at  court,  and  the 
prospect  of  a  return,  one  day,  to  his  own  country  began  to 
brighten. 

Three  months  more  of  ante-chamber  life  elapsed  before  any 
thing  decisive  was  done.  M.  Denon  was  zealous,  Bassano 
was  interested,  Burr  was  importunate  ;  but  the  emperor,  then 
fondly  anticipating  the  birth  of  the  King  of  Rome,  was,  per 
haps,  not  easily  induced  to  attend  to  business  of  small  import 
ance  to  himself.  At  last,  however,  not  far  from  the  very 
birth-day  of  the  imperial  infant,  Colonel  Burr  received,  with 
unbounded  delight,  the  official  assurance  that  "  his  majesty 
had  consented  to  his  departure  !"  The  Due  de  Bassano,  learn 
ing  through  M.  Denon  that  Burr,  in  consequence  of  his  long 
detention,  was  penniless  and  in  debt,  made  the  emperor's  per 
mission  available,  by  lending  him  ten  thousand  francs. 

One  would  suppose  that  his  troubles  were  now  over,  and 
that  nothing  remained  but  to  pay  his  debts,  say  good-by  to 


ii  i:    ESCAPES.  573 

his  friends,  take  passage  in  the  diligence  to  the  nearest  sea 
port,  and  sail  in  the  first  ship  to  New  York.  Doubtless  he 
thought  so  himself.  But  never  were  reasonable  anticipations 
more  tan  tali  7/1  ngly  disappointed. 

The  passport  wrung  from  the  reluctant  Russell  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  of  no  avail  until  it  had  received  the  authorization 
of  the  French  authorities,  to  obtain  which  it  had  to  pass 
through  three  offices.  Through  the  first,  the  document  passed 
quickly  enough,  and  was  duly  transmitted  to  the  second,  where 
it  remained  immovable  for  fourteen  days.  At  the  end  of  that 
period,  Burr  received  a  paper  certifying,  in  the  usual  form, 
that  the  passport  had  passed  the  second  office,  and  had  been 
sent  to  the  third.  To  the  third  lie  forthwith  repaired,  and, 
on  applying  for  the  passport,  was  handed  an  officially-written 
declaration  that  it  had  not  been  received.  In  inquiring  from 
office  to  office  for  the  missing  passport,  he  spent  jive  weeks, 
without  getting  any  tidings  of  it  whatever.  He  was  then  told 
that  it  was  probably  lost,  and  that  the  only  thing  to  be  done 
was  to  get  another  passport,  and  begin  again.  He  did  so. 
Contemplating  now  a  delay  of  six  weeks,  and  being  still  haunt 
ed  with  visions  of  wealth  from  the  Holland  Company,  he  re 
solved  to  improve  the  time  by  going  to  Holland.  That  coun 
try  having  been  recently  made  an  integral  part  of  the  French 
empire,  there  was  no  difficulty  in  his  obtaining  a  passport  for 
the  journey. 

He  went  to  Holland,  and  invested  seven  thousand  francs  in 
Holland  Company  shares,  with  what  result  does  not  appear. 
He  also  endeavored  to  get  access  to  the  directors  of  the  com 
pany,  and  to  lay  certain  plans  before  them  for  the  enhance 
ment  of  its  prosperity.  The  answer  he  received  was,  that 
the  directors  of  the  Holland  Company  would  "  hold  no  con 
ference,  nor  have  any  intercourse  with  A.  Burr  ;"  a  fact  which 
he  records  in  his  diary  without  remark. 

After  spending  a  few  days  in  Amsterdam,  he  made  a  rapid 
tour  of  the  country,  and,  returning,  had  a  very  agreeable  ad 
venture.  An  American  ship  had  been  recently  brought  in, 
the  Vigilant,  Captain  Combes,  and  was  threatened  with  long 
detention,  if  not  confiscation.  On  Burr's  first  visit  to  Arnster- 


574  L  1  F  E     O  F     A  A  K  O  N     B  U  K  11 . 

dam,  he  had  met  Captain  Combes,  and  heard  the  story  of  his 
misfortunes  —  but,  on  his  return,  he  found  the  captain  exult 
ing  over  a  permit  to  sail,  and  eager  for  Colonel  Burr  to  return 
in  his  ship  to  America.  He  expressed  an  unbounded  regard 
for  Burr,  said  he  had  laid  awake  whole  nights  thinking  of 
him ;  promised  to  fit  up  a  cabin  on  any  plan  he  might  prefer, 
and  declared  that  nothing  would  please  him  more  than  to  serve 
him.  The  ship  was  a  stanch  and  new  one,  of  four  hundred 
tons,  and  Burr  accepted  the  captain's  offer.  Back  he  flew  to 
Paris  to  get  his  passport,  and  complete  his  business  there. 

He  found  the  passport  just  where  he  had  left  it.  But  now 
a  new  difficulty  arose.  The  passport  given  him  by  Russell 
was  made  out  for  Bordeaux,  from  which  port  he  had  intended 
to  sail.  He  now  returned  the  document  to  the  charge,  and 
requested  him  to  change  the  port  of  departure  to  Amsterdam, 
stating  his  reasons,  and  informing  him  that  there  was  no  like 
lihood  of  a  ship  sailing  from  Bordeaux  for  many  months. 
That  obliging  individual  refused,  point  blank,  to  make  the 
alteration. 

This  was,  for  a  moment,  a  crushing  disappointment,  as  in 
those  days  an  "  opportunity  for  America"  from  a  port  under 
control  of  the  French  emperor,  was  a  very  rare  event,  and 
the  day  named  for  the  sailing  of  the  Vigilant  was  close  at 
hand.  Burr  consulted  Baron  Denon,  who  promptly  informed 
the  Due  de  Bassano  of  the  new  dilemma.  The  due,  who  was 
now  very  warmly  interested  for  Burr,  chanced  to  possess  a 
piece  of  information  respecting  Russell,  which  enabled  him  to 
bring  to  bear  upon  his  virtuous  mind  a  controlling  influence. 
The  due  told  M.  Denon  that  there  was  &  person  through  whom 
he  could  reach  Mr.  Russell,  but  that  she  was  at  the  moment 
out  of  town.  The  due  wrote  to  the  lady.  She  returned  to 
Paris  instantly,  and,  on  the  very  day  of  her  return,  the  due 
received  the  passport.  The  next  day  Burr  received  it,  with 
all  the  requisite  official  signatures,  and  on  the  day  following, 
July  20th,  1811,  he  left  Paris  for  ever. 

This  last  difficulty  had  detained  him  a  month  in  Paris,  during 
which  he  saw  the  fetes  and  reviews  that  accompanied  the 
christening  of  the  King  of  Rome. 


II  K     ESCAPES.  575 

One  incident  of  his  departure  tempts  us  to  linger  for  a  mo 
ment.  He  received  a  note  from  a  lady  inclosing  a  parting 
present  of  a  metallic  pen,  a  novelty  at  that  time.  "  May  it  be 
instrumental,"  she  wrote,  "  in  showing  to  posterity  how  much 
you  have  been  the  victim  of  the  envy  and  injustice  of  your 
countrymen."  His  reply,  in  the  style  of  the  last  century, 
when  line  gentlemen  were  all  adoration  to  fine  ladies,  is  a 
good  instance  of  the  mode.  "  It  is  quite  impossible  for  me, 
madame,"  he  began,  "  to  express,  in  a  language  of  which  I 
,ira  ignorant,  how  much  I  was  surprised  and  flattered  by  your 
charming  little  note,  and  the  pen  which  accompanied  it. 
Could  I  write  the  French  like  a  Parisian,  it  would  even  then 
be  equally  difficult.  I  have  read  and  re-read  the  note  at  least 
twenty  times,  and  examined  the  pen.  This  was  my  amuse- 
ment  for  one  long  day,  which  still  appeared  short.  The  next 
day,  having  to  write  to  the  minister,  I  determined  to  test  the 
inspiration  of  this  pen.  At  first  I  had  much  difficulty  in  per 
suading  myself  to  use  it,  it  was  so  beautiful,  so  brilliant.  At 
last  I  filled  it  with  ink,  and  sat  myself  down  to  write ;  but  all 
my  ideas  (if  I  had  any)  were  wandering.  I  could  think  but 
of  you.  Having  in  vain  ransacked  my  brains  for  half  an  hour, 
I  gave  up  the  business  for  the  time.  The  same  result  followed 
the  second  attempt.  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion,  therefore, 
that  the  pen  ought  to  be  consecrated  to  friendship  and  senti 
ment,  and  never  should  be  sullied  by  appropriating  it  to  mat 
ters  of  business.  The  most  interesting  service  in  which  it  ever 
will  be  employed  will  be  to  express  to  you  the  devotedness 
with  which  I  am  your  friend." 

He  went  to  Amsterdam,  where  a  new  obstacle  to  his  de 
parture  presented  itself.  The  long  detention  of  the  ship  had 
run  Captain  Combes  so  deeply  in  debt  that  he  could  not  leave 
without  raising  a  considerable  sum  of  money.  Burr  was  his 
only  resource,  out  of  all  the  fifty  passengers  that  were  going 
in  the  ship ;  and  Burr  himself  had  not  a  third  of  the  money. 
But  he  contrived  to  procure  the  necessary  sum  ;  and  he  tells 
Theodosia,  in  a  very  touching  manner,  how  he  procured  it. 
"  But  how  did  I  raise  it  ?  The  reply  contains  a  dreadful  dis 
closure.  I  raised  it  by  the  sale  of  my  little  '  meubles'  and 


576  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

loose  property.  Among  others,  alas  !  my  dear  little  Gamp's ; 
it  is  shocking  to  relate,  but  what  could  I  do  ?  The  captain 
said  it  was  impossible  to  get  out  of  town  without  five  hundred 
guilders.  He  had  tried  every  resource,  and  was  in  despair. 
The  money  must  be  raised,  or  the  voyage  given  up.  So,  after 
turning  it  over,  and  looking  at  it,  and  opening  it,  and  putting 
it  to  my  ear  like  a  baby,  and  kissing  it,  and  begging  you  a 
thousand  pardons  out  loud,  your  dear,  little,  beautiful  watch 
was  —  was  sold.  I  do  assure  you  —  but  you  know  how  sorry  I 
was.  If  my  clothes  had  been  salable,  they  would  have  gone 
first,  that's  sure.  But,  heighho  !  when  I  get  rich  I  will  buy 
you  a  prettier  one." 

He  now  went  to  Helder,  the  port  where  the  ship  lay,  and 
took  up  his  quarters  on  board.  He  exulted  at  the  prospect  of 
departure.  "  I  feel,"  he  said,  "  as  if  I  was  already  on  the  way 
and  my  heart  beats  with  joy.  Yet,  alas !  the  country  which 
I  am  so  anxious  to  revisit  will,  perhaps,  reject  me  with  hor- 
ror>  *  *  *  ]\iv  windows  look  over  the  ocean  ;  that  ocean 
which  separates  me  from  all  that  is  dear.  With  what  pleasure 
I  did  greet  it  after  three  years'  absence.  I  am  never  weary  of 
looking  at  it.  There  seems  to  be  no  obstacle  between  us,  and 
I  almost  fancy  I  see  you  and  Gampy  with  the  sheep  about  the 
door,  and  he  '  driving  the  great  ram  with  a  little  stick.' " 

There  were  still  some  days  of  agonizing  detention.  But  about 
the  1st  of  October,  1811,  the  Vigilant  sailed,  and  Aaron  Burr 
looked  for  the  last  time  on  the  continent  of  Europe.  Between 
the  time  when  he  received  the  emperor's  permission  to  go  and 
the  time  of  his  actual  departure  from  his  majesty's  dominions, 
six  months  elapsed  —  six  months  of  scarcely  remitted  exertion 
directed  to  the  sole  object  of  getting  away. 

That  he  should  think  ill  of  continental  Europe,  and,  partic 
ularly,  of  the  Napoleonic  government,  was  but  natural.  "  It 
is  a  melancholy  fact,  my  friend,"  he  wrote  soon  after  to  Lord 
Balgray,  "  that  Europe  is  fast,  very  fast,  rebarbarizing  ;  retro 
grading  with  rapid  strides  to  the  darkest  ages  of  intellectual 
and  moral  degradation  ;  all  that  has  been  seen,  or  felt,  or  heard, 
or  read  of  despotism  ;  all  other,  past  and  present,  is  faint  and 
feeble;  it  is  freedom  and  ease  compared  with  that  which  now 


HE     ESCAPES.  577 

desolates  Europe.  The  science  of  tyranny  was  in  its  infancy  ; 
it  is  now  matured.  Within  the  last  fifteen  years,  greater  rav 
ages  have  been  made  on  the  dignity,  the  worth,  and  the  ra 
tional  enjoyments  of  human  nature,  than  in  any  former  ten  cen 
turies.  All  the  efforts  of  genius,  all  the  nobler  sentiments  and 
finer  feelings,  are  depressed  and  paralyzed.  Private  faith,  per 
sonal  confidence,  and  the  whole  train  of  social  virtues,  are  con 
demned  and  eradicated.  They  are  crimes.  And  you,  my  friend^ 
even  you,  with  all  your  generous  propensities,  your  chivalrous 
notions  of  honor,  and  faith,  and  delicacy,  were  you  condemned 
to  live  within  the  grasp  of  the  tyrant,  even  you  would  discard 
them  all,  or  you  would  be  sacrificed  as  a  dangerous  subject." 

What  a  cruel  disappointment  now  awaited  him !  Before 
the  ship  sailed,  he  had  been  haunted  by  a  vague  fear  that 
something  might  still  happen  to  prevent  the  voyage  ;  nor  was 
it  entirely  without  apprehension  that  he  had  observed  from 
his  cabin  windows,  British  men-of-war  cruising  off  the  harbor. 
But  the  captain  was  confident  of  being  allowed  to  pass,  and 
Burr's  fears  subsided.  But  no  sooner  had  the  Vigilant  put 
to  sea  than  she  was  boarded  by  a  British  frigate.  Officers  and 
men  came  on  board,  and  the  ship  was  taken  to  Yarmouth,  there 
to  abide  the  decision  of  the  admiralty,  whether  she  should  be 
condemned  as  a  prize,  or  permitted  to  resume  her  voyage. 
Thus,  after  all  his  labor,  anxiety,  and  expenditure,  Burr  found 
himself  again  on  the  coast  whence  he  had  been  driven  more 
than  two  years  before. 

With  characteristic  audacity,  he  wrote  forthwith  to  the 
superintendent  of  the  alien  office  for  permission  to  land  and 
to  go  to  London.  He  stated  the  cause  of  his  presence  at  Yar 
mouth,  and  described  himself  as  being  "  on  board  a  small  ship, 
very  badly  accommodated,  with  fifty -four  passengers,  of  whom 
a  majority  were  women  and  children,  thirty-one  sailors,  thirty- 
three  boys,  and  about  one  hundred  other  quadrupeds  and 
bipeds."  To  his  surprise,  as  well  as  delight,  he  promptly  re 
ceived  the  desired  permission  ;  and,  what  was  still  less  to  have 
been  expected,  he  alone,  of  passengers  and  crew,  was  allowed 
to  leave  the  ship.  To  London  he  went,  where  he  received 
from  Bent-ham,  and  his  other  London  friends,  a  joyful  and 

25 


578  L  I  F  E     O  F     A  A  B  O  N     B  U  K  E . 

affectionate  welcome.  As  there  seemed  no  near  prospect,  nor 
any  certainty  whatever,  of  the  VigilanVs  release,  after  wait 
ing  some  weeks,  he  removed  his  effects  from  her,  and  was 
once  more  established  as  a  resident  in  London.  The  ship  was 
afterward  released,  but  her  destination  was  changed  to  New 
Orleans,  where  Colonel  Burr  had  no  wish  to  appear.  He  lost 
his  passage  money,  and  had  no  resource  but  the  very  scanty 
remains  of  the  Due  de  Bassano's  loan,  and  the  property  that 
had  survived  the  many  sans-soiis  periods  of  his  residence  in 
Paris.  For  a  short  time,  however,  he  was  the  guest  of  Jere 
my  Bentham,  but  soon  resumed,  in  lodgings  of  his  own,  the 
character  of  a  gentleman  in  difficulties. 

Now  follo'wed  a  struggle  with  misfortune  that  would  have 
been  terrible  to  any  man  in  the  world  but  Aaron  Burr.  To 
him  it  was  not  terrible  in  the  least. 

It  was  soon  apparent  that  a  passage  to  America  had  become 
an  affair  of  extreme  difficulty.  Few  ships  ventured  to  sail ; 
and  not  every  captain  would  have  Aaron  Burr  for  a  passenger. 
In  ships  bound  for  New  Orleans,  he  thought  it  undesirable  to 
go.  One  or  two  "  opportunities"  for  northern  ports,  he  lost 
by  accident.  Twenty  others  slipped  by  because  he  had  not 
the  money  to  improve  them.  And  thus  it  happened  that  he 
was  detained  in  London  nearly  half  a  year. 

One  by  one,  the  few  articles  of  value  which  he  possessed, 
his  books,  his  watch,  the  few  presents  he  had  saved  for  his 
daughter  and  her  boy,  were  pawned  or  sold.  It  soon  became 
a  fight  for  mere  existence.  He  removed  to  furnished  lodgings 
in  Clerken well  Close,  "at  eight  shillings  a  week;"  only  the 
Godwins  and  one  American  friend  being  admitted  to  the  se 
cret.  The  weekly  problem  was,  how  to  pay  the  rent,  and  lay 
in  the  week's  stock  of  provisions  and  fuel.  Scores  of  such 
entries  as  the  following  occur  in  the  diary  of  this  period  : 

"  On  my  way  home  discovered  that  I  must  dine.  I  find  my 
appetite  in  the  inverse  ratio  to  my  purse  ;  and  I  now  conceive 
why  the  poor  eat  so  much  when  they  can  get  it.  Considering 
the  state  of  my  finances,  resolved  to  lay  out  the  whole  in 
stantly  in  necessaries,  lest  some  folly  or  some  beggar  should 
rob  me  of  a  shilling.  Bought,  viz.,  half  a  pound  of  beefj 


HE     ESCAPES.  579 

eightpence  ;  a  quarter  of  a  pound  of  ham,  sixpence  ;  one 
pound  of  brown  sugar,  eightpence ;  two  pounds  of  bread, 
eightpence ;  ten  pounds  of  potatoes,  fivepence  ;  having  left 
elevenpence,  treated  myself  to  a  pot  of  ale,  eightpence  ;  and 
now,  with  threepence  in  my  purse,  have  read  the  second  vol 
ume  of  Ida.  My  beef  was  boiled  —  so  bought,  I  mean,  and 
I  cooked  my  potatoes  in  my  room.  Made  a  great  dinner. 
Ate  at  least  one  half  of  my  beef.  Of  two  great  necessaries, 
coffee  and  tobacco,  I  have  at  least  a  week's  allowance ;  so  that, 
without  a  penny,  I  can  keep  the  animal  machine  agoing  for 
eight  days." 

Occasionally,  we  see  him  taking  a  chop  at  the  "  Hole  in  the 
Wall."  Once  he  speaks  of  the  gentlemen  being  shown  into  the 
parlor  of  a  tavern,  while  he  and  other  impecunious  individuals 
were  regaled  with  cold  beef  and  pickles  in  the  kitchen.  At 
another  time,  he  wrote :  "  Have  left  in  cash  two  half-pence, 
which  is  much  better  than  one  penny,  because  they  jingle,  and 
thus  one  may  refresh  one's  self  with  the  music."  Sometimes 
he  could  not  write  to  Theodosia,  because  he  had  not  "  four 
and  sixpence"  to  pay  the  postage.  Often,  he  had  nothing  to 
eat  but  potatoes  or  bread.  Once,  he  bought  a  pound  of  rice, 
and  told  Theodosia  how  "it  grieved  him  to  find  rice  retailed 
at  fourpence."  How  little  he  could  have  anticipated,  on 
Theodosia's  brilliant  wedding-day,  that  he  should  ever  con 
template  her  husband's  rice  plantations  from  such  a  point  of 
view ! 

He  was  all  activity  in  London,  and  tried  many  a  curious  ex 
pedient  for  getting  money.  In  Paris  he  had  had  made  a  set 
of  artificial  teeth  by  the  most  celebrated  dentist  in  Europe. 
He  observed  the  process  closely,  became  very  intimate  with 
the  operator,  brought  with  him  to  London  a  thousand  of  his 
teeth,  and,  in  his  extremity  there,  attempted  to  sell  both  the 
teeth  and  his  own  knowledge  of  the  art  of  inserting  them. 
But  he  found  that  the  London  dentists  were  not  inferior  to 
the  French,  and  that  they  regarded  the  French  teeth  with 
contempt.  Another  of  his  projects  was  to  test  in  England  the 
process  he  had  heard  of  in  France,  of  making  vinegar  out  of 
the  sup  of  wood.  He  happened  to  mention  the  subject  one 


580  L  I  F  K     O  F     AARON     B  UJt  II . 

day  to  Brunei,  the  celebrated  engineer,  who  was  at  once 
struck  with  the  idea,  and  offered  to  engage  with  Burr  in  the 
experiment  for  their  joint  benefit.  Down  to  Yarmouth  rushed 
Burr  instantly,  to  get  a  pamphlet  on  the  subject  which  he  had 
left  on  board  the  ship.  It  was  lost.  Not  dismayed,  he  pushed 
his  inquiries  for  some  weeks,  but  never  succeeded  in  making 
practicable  vinegar. 

He  had  a  dream,  too,  of  making  a  grand  improvement  in 
the  steamboat,  which,  on  his  last  visit  to  New  York,  he  had 
seen  navigating  the  Hudson  at  the  rate  of  five  miles  an  hour. 
It  was  a  rage  then  to  invent  improvements  in  the  steamboat. 
Burr's  idea  gave  him  no  peace  for  several  days.  "  Ruminat 
ing,"  he  says$  "  after  going  to  bed  on  the  state  of  the  treas 
ury,  the  thing  came  up  again,  and  engrossed  me  for  at  least 
three  hours.  I  found  it  perfect ;  applied  it  to  sea-vessels, 
to  ships  of  war ;  in  short,  to  every  thing  that  floats.  Sails, 
and  masts,  and  rigging,  and  the  whole  science  of  seaman 
ship,  are  become  useless.  My  vessels  go  at  the  rate  of  twenty 
miles  an  hour,  and  am  in  hopes  to  bring  them  to  thirty. 
From  Charleston  to  New  York  will  be  a  certain  passage  of 
thirty  hours  ;  from  New  York  to  London,  of  six  days ;  but  to 
tell  half  I  did  would  fill  a  quire  of  paper."  He  could  think 
of  nothing  else.  He  saw  himself  a  millionaire,  succoring  dis 
tressed  friends  in  London,  bestowing  fortunes  upon  "  the  faith 
ful  in  the  United  States,"  and  raining  beautiful  presents  upon 
Gampillo.  But,  unfortunately,  as  he  was  walking  one  day  in 
London,  thinking  out  the  details  of  his  invention,  suddenly  an 
objection  occurred  to  him.  "It  struck  me,"  he  says,  "like 
electricity:  my  poor  vessels  lay  motionless.  It  was  just  op 
posite  Somerset  House ;  I  stopped  short,  and  began  to  sacre 
and  diable  till  awakened  by  the  bustle  of  the  passing  crowd. 
The  subject  then  lay  pretty  quiet  till  last  night ;  during  my 
vigils  I  found  a  complete  remedy,  and  now  away  we  go  again. 
An  experiment  shall  be  made,  very  privately,  however,  and, 
if  it  fail,  there  shall  be  no  one  but  you  to  laugh  at  me."  As 
the  Atlantic  has  not  yet  been  crossed  in  six  days,  it  may  be 
presumed  that  the  experiment  did  fail. 

Another  subject   greatly  interested   him   about   the   same 


HE     ESCAPES.  581 

time.  It  was  the  Lancasterian  method  of  instruction,  which 
was  just  then  coming  into  vogue  in  London.  He  visited  the 
schools  conducted  on  that  system,  and  was  delighted  with 
what  he  saw.  He  also  bought  Lancaster's  book,  and  sent  it, 
with  warm  commendations,  to  his  daughter. 

Nor  was  Mexico  forgotten ;  he  never  forgot  it,  while  he 
had  breath.  But  the  English  government,  though  it  now  ex 
hibited  no  unfriendliness  toward  him,  and,  indeed,  conceded  to 
him  every  personal  favor  that  he  solicited,  yet  never  showed 
the  slightest  interest  in  his  plans,  nor  any  wish  to  avail  itself 
of  his  knowledge  of  Spanish  American  affairs. 

As  the  spring  of  1812  advanced,  his  desire  to  get  to  the 
United  States  became  vehement.  He  began  to  believe  that 
war  between  England  and  the  United  States  was  now,  in  spite 
of  the  reluctance  of  the  American  cabinet,  a  possible  event, 
and  it  was  very  evident  that  he  must  get  home  before  hostili 
ties  commenced,  or  be  detained  in  Europe,  perhaps,  for  many 
years.  In  the  beginning  of  March  he  fell  in,  in  the  course  of 
his  ship-hunting,  with  one  Captain  Potter,  of  the  ship  Aurora, 
who  offered  to  take  him  to  Boston  for  thirty  pounds,  to  keep 
the  secret  of  his  name,  and  to  defy  the  wrath  of  the  American 
consul,  who  had  already  dissuaded  more  than  one  captain 
from  receiving  Colonel  Burr  as  a  passenger.  He  determined 
to  go,  and,  though  nearly  penniless,  proceeded  with  his  prep 
arations  for  the  voyage  with  the  utmost  confidence.  But  des 
perate  was  tne  struggle  to  get  the  money.  Nearly  every  article 
he  possessed  that  could  be  sold  for  money,  was  sold.  Then 
he  borrowed  of  the  few  friends  with  whom  he  was  on  terms 
that  admitted  of  his  asking  such  a  favor.  Bentham,  alas !  had 
himself  fallen  into  difficulties,  and  was  threatened  by  an  illib 
eral  government  with  a  ruinous  prosecution. 

One  ten  pound  note,  he  got  in  an  unexpected  and  not  quite 
pleasant  manner.  He  was  with  Mr.  Reeves,  the  superinten 
dent  of  the  alien  office,  and  it  occurred  to  him  to  offer  Reeves 
his  copy  of  Bayle's  dictionary  for  ten  pounds.  Reeves  asked 
why  he  wished  to  sell  it.  "  I  want  the  money,"  said  Burr. 
Reeves  agreed  to  buy  the  book,  placed  ten  pounds  in  Burr's 
hands,  and  said,  "  You  had  better  keep  your  Bayle,  and  send 


582  LIFE     OF     AARON     RUHR. 

me  the  ten  pounds  when  you  please."  "  The  thing  was  so 
sudden,"  wrote  Burr,  "  that  I  was  not  prepared  to  say  any 
thing." 

But  he  had  not  money  enough  yet.  His  fair  friends  were, 
as  ever,  active  in  his  behalf.  One  of  them  ran  about  London 
all  one  day  offering  for  sale  a  ring  and  watch  of  his.  But  her 
report  was  that  the  town  was  full  of  watches  and  bijouterie 
in  the  hands  of  distressed  French  and  German  nobles,  and  no 
jeweler  would  look  at  such  things. 

Every  resource  had  failed.  He  resolved  now  upon  what 
he  called  "a  desperate  and  humiliating  expedient."  "I  went," 
he  said,  "  direct  to  Reeves,  and  told  him  that  the  ship  was 
gone  to  Gravesend,  and  that  I  must  lose  my  passage  unless  I 
could  have  twenty  pounds.  Without  a  word  of  reply,  he  drew 
a  check  on  his  banker  Tor  twenty  pounds;  and  how  I  did  gal 
lop  across  the  park  to  the  said  banker's  to  get  ray  twenty 
pounds."  His  last  regret  was,  that  certain  presents  which 
he  had  long  kept  for  Theodosia  and  her  son,  he  could  not  re 
deem  from  pawn. 

And  now  he  was  really  going.  His  preparations  were  com 
pleted  ;  his  passage  was  secured ;  the  ship  was  to  sail  to-mor 
row.  At  midnight,  he  wrote  in  his  diary  as  follows :  "  And 
now,  at  twelve,  having  packed  up  my  little  residue  of  duds 
into  that  same  unfortunate  white  sack,  and  stowed  my  scat 
tered  papers  into  my  writing-case,  I  repose,  smoking  my  pipe, 
and  contemplating  the  certainty  of  escaping  from  this  country, 
the  certainty  of  seeing  you.  Those  are  my  only  pleasing  antici 
pations.  For  as  to  my  reception  in  my  own  country,  so  far 
as  depends  on  the  government,  if  I  may  judge  from  the  con 
duct  of  their  agents  in  every  part  of  Europe,  I  ought  to  ex 
pect  all  the  efforts  of  the  most  implacable  malice.  This,  how 
ever,  does  not  give  me  a  moment's  uneasiness.  I  feel  myself 
able  to  meet  and  repel  them.  My  private  debts  are  a  subject 
of  some  little  solicitude;  but  a  confidence  in  my  own  industry 
and  resources  does  not  permit  me  to  despond,  nor  even  to 
doubt.  If  there  be  nothing  better  to  be  done,  I  shall  set  about 
making  money  in  every  lawful  and  honorable  way.  But  again, 
as  to  political  persecution.  The  incapacity,  for  every  purpose 


HE     ESCAPES.  583 

of  public  administration,  of  our  present  rulers,  and  their  total 
want  of  energy  and  firmness,  is  such,  that  it  is  impossible  that 
such  feeble  and  corrupt  materials  can  long  hold  together,  or 
maintain  themselves  in  power  or  influence.  Already  there  are 
symptoms  of  rapid  and  approaching  decay  and  dissolution. 
Tell  M.  (Mr.  Alston)  to  preserve  his  State  influence,  and  not 
again  degrade  himself  by  compromising  with  rascals  and  cow 
ards.  My  great  and  only  real  anxiety  is  for  your  health.  If 
your  constitution  should  be  ruined,  and  you  become  the  vic 
tim  of  disease,  I  shall  have  no  attachment  to  life  or  motive  to 
exertion." 

The  next  morning  at  eight,  he  was  at  the  office  of  the  Graves- 
end  coaches,  where  a  few  friends  met  him  to  say  farewell. 
Gravesend,  where  the  ship  lay,  and  whence  she  was  to  sail  at 
noon,  is  twenty  miles  from  London.  To  the  horror  of  the 
whole  party,  it  was  found  that  the  morning  coach  had  gone ! 
The  hours  of  departure  had  been  recently  changed.  There 
was  no  other  public  conveyance  of  any  kind  till  one  o'clock. 
What  was  to  be  done  ?  A  friend  suggested  a  post-chaise,  but 
that  would  cost  three^  guineas,  and  Burr  had  not  a  quarter  of 
that  sum.  The  same  friend  offered  to  lend  the  money  "  But," 
says  Burr,  "  he  is  so  poor,  and  having  a  wife  and  two  children, 
that  I  could  not  in  conscience  take  it,  especially  as  Graves  said 
the  wind  was  ahead,  and  the  ship  could  not  possibly  stir."  So 
he  waited  for  the  one  o'clock  coach. 

He  reached  Gravesend  at  five  in  the  afternoon.  The  ship 
had  started  at  noon,  and  was  now  five  hours  on  her  way  down 
the  river ! 

There  was  not  a  moment  to  be  lost.  He  ran  to  the  alien 
office  to  get  his  passport  completed;  for  passports  were  then 
necessary  for  foreigners  leaving  England.  The  office  was  shut ! 
He  hunted  up  the  clerk,  got  his  signature  to  the  passport,  and 
hurried  to  the  custom-house  for  an  officer  to  examine  his  sack 
and  writing-desk.  That  done,  he  hastened  to  the  river  to  en 
gage  a  boatman  to  row  after  the  ship  and  put  him  on  board. 
Not  a  boatman  would  stir  under  four  guineas ;  as  on  such  oc 
casions,  they  combined  to  extort  from  a  desperate  voyager  an 
enormous  fee.  Burr  had  not  a  single  guinea !  In  this  extremity, 


584  LIFE     OF     AARON     BTJKR. 

he  found  a  boatman  not  in  the  plot  to  extort,  who  offered  to 
put  him  on  board  for  one  guinea,  provided  he  overtook  the 
ship  within  twelve  miles  ;  if  not,  for  two  guineas.  Burr  had 
an  acquaintance  with  him  at  Gravesend,  Avho  consented  to  cash 
an  order  for  three  guineas  on  his  poor  friend  in  London  whose 
offer  of  a  loan  Burr  had  so  considerately  refused  in  the  morn 
ing.  His  purse  thus  replenished,  he  embarked,  just  as  the  sun 
was  setting,  in  a  small  skiff,  rowed  by  two  men,  for  a  ehase 
after  the  ship. 

It  was  a  cold  evening  in  March.  Burr,  with  no  overcoat, 
was  chilled  to  the  bone,  as  the  boat  shot  down  the  river  in  the 
wind's  teeth.  When  the  twelve  miles  were  passed,  he  was 
told  that  the  ship  was  ten  miles  further.  By  this  time  he  was 
so  benumbed  with  cold  that  he  could  neither  stand  nor  move ; 
and  he  induced  the  boatmen,  by  a  promise  of  some  grog,  to 
stop  at  a  little  tavern  by  the  river  side  for  him  to  warm  himself. 
He  had  to  be  lifted  out  of  the-boat ;  but  a  good  fire  and  a  cup 
of  tea  soon  restored  him,  and  they  again  embarked.  This  time 
lie  was  perfectly  comfortable,  as  he  bought  a  bundle  of  straw 
and  placed  it  in  the  boat  for  a  bed,  and  the  boatmen  lent  him 
their  overcoats  for  a  covering.  In  five  minutes  he  wras  fast 
asleep,  and  remained  unconscious  of  any  thing  till  midnight, 
when  the  boatmen  woke  him  to  announce  the  delightful  fact 
that  they  were  alongside  the  Aurora.  They  had  rowed  twenty- 
seven  miles,  and  demanded  three  guineas  for  their  labor. 
He  paid  it,  and.  went  on  board  the  ship  without  one  penny. 
The  captain  got  up  to  receive  him ;  they  sat  talking  for  an 
hour,  and  then  Colonel  Burr,  refreshed  by  his  three  hours' 
sleep  on  board  the  boat,  went  to  his  cabin  and  wrote  an  ac 
count  in  his  journal  of  the  day's  thrilling  adventures. 

"  I  hope,"  he  concluded,  "  never  to  visit  England  again, 
unless  at  the  head  of  fifty  thousand  men.  I  shake  the  dust  off 
my  feet ;  adieu,  John  Bull.  Insula  inhospitabilis,  as  it  was 
truly  called  eighteen  hundred  years  ago."  Men  must  be 
allowed  to  speak  of  the  market  according  to  the  demand  in 
it  for  their  own  wares. 

He  found  the  captain  and  passengers  alarmed  lest  war  should 
be  declared  before  they  reached  Boston,  and  thus  the  ship  be 


HE     ESCAPES.  585 

exposed  to  capture.  "  But,"  said  Burr,  "  I  have  no  such  ap 
prehensions.  I  believe  that  our  present  administration  will 
not  declare  war.  If  tho  British  should  hang  or  roast  every 
American  they  can  catch,  and  seize  all  their  property,  no  war 
would  be  declared  by  the  United  States  under  present  rulers. 
When  Porter's  war  resolutions  first  came,  I  considered  them 
mere  empty,  unmeaning  wind  ;  and  that  all  the  subsequent 
measures  are  merely  to  keep  up  the  spirits  and  coherence  of 
the  party  till  the  elections  should  be  over  ;  those  elections  for 
State  legislatures  which  will  decide  the  next  presidential  elec 
tion.  But  J.  Madison  &  Co.  began  this  game  too  soon,  and  I 
doubt  whether  all  the  tricks  they  can  play  off  will  keep  up  the 
farce  till  the  month  of  May.  I  treat  their  war-prattle  as  I 
should  that  of  a  bevy  of  boarding-school  misses  who  should 
talk  of  making  war ;  show  them  a  bayonet  or  a  sword,  and 
they  run  and  hide.  Now,  at  some  future  day,  we  will  read 
this  over,  and  see  whether  I  know  those  folks.  I  did  not  dare 
write  any  such  things  while  on  shore,  for  I  never  felt  perfectly 
secure  against  another  seizure." 

Just  sixty-three  days  after  this  confident  prophecy  was  writ 
ten,  namely,  on  the  18th  of  May,  1812,  war  was  declared. 
But,  by  that  time,  the  good  ship  Aurora  was  safe  in  Boston 
harbor. 

Colonel  Burr  sailed  under  the  name  of  Arnot,  for  the  as 
sumption  of  which  he  had  the  express  permission  of  the  author 
ities  of  the  British  alien  office.  The  captain  kept  his  secret. 
"  Mr.  Arnot,"  wrote  Burr,  "  is  a  grave,  silent,  strange  sort  of 
animal,  insomuch  that  we  know  not  what  to  make  of  him." 
May  4th,  he  wrote  :  "  A  pilot  is  in  sight,  and  within  two  miles 
of  us.  All  is  bustle  and  joy,  except  Gamp.  Why  should  he 
rejoice  ?" 

That  afternoon,  after  a  passage  of  five  weeks,  the  Aurora 
was  made  fast  to  one  of  the  Boston  wharfs.  Every  passenger 
but  one  went  immediately  on  shore.  The  captain  and  mate 
also  left  the  ship  in  the  course  of  the  afternoon. 

25* 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

THE    EXILE'S    WELCOME    HOME. 

ALONE  IN  THE  SIIIP— GOES  ON  SHORE  IN  DISGUISE  —  ADVENTURES  AT  THE  CUSTOM 
HOUSE —  DETENTION  IN  BOSTON  —  INTERVIEW  WITH  THE  OLD  SOLDIER  —  THE  COL 
LEGE  CLASSMATE  —  EECOGNIZED  BY  A  LADY  —  GOOD  NEWS  FROM  SWARTWOUT  — 
SAILS  IN  A  SLOOP  FOR  NEW  YORK  —  FINDS  KELATIVES  ON  BOARD  —  STARTLING 
INCIDENT  —  BURR  NARRATES  HIS  ARRIVAL  IN  THE  CITY  —  CONCEALED  FOR  TWEN 
TY  DAYS  —  ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  HIS  ARRIVAL  —  SUCCESSFUL  BEGINNING  OF  BUSINESS 
—  DREADFUL  NEWS  FROM  THEODOSIA  —  DEATH  OF  THEODOSIA  — THE  FATHER'S 
GRIEF —  ANECDOTE. 

IT  was  the  silent  Mr.  Arnot  who  remained  on  board  the 
Aurora.  After  sending  letters  to  the  post-office,  one  directed 
to  Theodosia,  and  another  to  Samuel  Swartwout,  that 
"  strange"  individual  dined  with  the  pilot  and  second  mate 
on  salt  beef,  potatoes,  and  sea-biscuit,  and  then  fell  with  far 
keener  appetite  upon  a  file  of  Boston  papers. 

All  that  day,  and  through  the  succeeding  night,  a  storm  of 
wind,  rain,  and  hail  raged  round  the  ship  with  a  fury  seldom 
seen  so  late  in  the  spring,  even  at  Boston.  The  ship  broke 
from  her  moorings,  and  was  clashed  with  violence  against  an 
other  vessel.  The  deck  and  bulwarks  were  glazed  with  ice, 
and  the  wind  roared  through  the  icy  rigging.  But  Burr  sat 
late  over  his  papers  in  the  cabin  quite  absorbed  —  for  he  had 
a  world  of  news  to  learn,  and  his  fate  might  be  foreshadowed 
in  a  paragraph.  As  the  night  drew  on,  the  last  sailor  stole 
away  over  the  ship's  side,  and  went  to  seek  his  pleasure  in  the 
town  ;  and  long  before  Burr  "  turned  in,"  he  was  alone  in  the 
Aurora.  Not  a  creature  slept  in  the  ship  but  him. 

Such  was  the  returning  exile's  first  welcome  to  the  country 
which  his  fathers  had  honored,  and  which  had  once  been  well 
pleased  to  honor  him.  He  thought  lightly  of  it.  When  a 
more  furious  gust  than  usual  thundered  above  his  head,  it  oc- 


THE     EXILE'S     WELCOME     HOME.  587 

curred  to  him  what  an  absurd  voyage  he  should  make  if  the 
ship  should  be  blown  out  to  sea,  and  he  all  alone  in  her. 

The  next  morning,  as  he  found  there  was  neither  fuel,  food, 
nor  cook  on  board  the  ship,  he  was  compelled  to  go  on  shore. 
During  the  voyage,  by  the  sale  of  some  books,  he  had  con 
trived  to  raise  thirty-two  dollars,  and  to  buy  or  borrow  of  one 
of  the  passengers  a  large,  old-fashioned  wig.  He  had,  also, 
devoted  leisure  moments  to  the  development  of  as  much 
whisker  as  his  countenance  was  capable  of.  His  clothes,  too, 
were  selected  with  a  view  to  giving  him  a  different  air  and 
contour  from  those  he  had  been  wont  to  exhibit.  Disguised 
thus  with  wig,  whiskers,  and  strange  garments,  Mr.  Arnot 
went  on  shore,  and  took  board  in  a  small,  plain  boarding- 
house,  near  the  wharf,  kept  by  the  widow  of  a  sea-captain. 

His  disguise  was  soon  subjected  to  a  terrible  test.  It  was 
necessary  to  go  to  the  custom-house  and  get  a  permit  to  land 
his  effects,  signed  by  the  collector.  On  inquiry  he  learned 
that  the  collector  was  Mr.  Dearborn  (a  son  of  General  Dear 
born,  Jefferson's  Secretary  of  War),  who  had  sat  often  with 
Colonel  Burr  at  his  father's  table,  and  knew  him  as  well  as  he 
did  his  own  brother.  The  Dearborn  family,  moreover,  had 
shown  particular  animosity  to  Burr  since  his  misfortunes,  and 
it  was  certain  that  if  the  collector  recognized  him,  he  "would 
instantly  send  the  news  of  his  arrival  to  Washington.  Let 
Burr  tell  the  story  of  this  adventure. 

"  I  took  with  me,"  he  wrote  in  his  diary,  "  a  young  man  to 
show  me  the  way  to  the  custom-house,  and  entered  with  all 
possible  composure ;  passed  under  the  nose  of  Mr.  Dearborn 
into  the  adjoining  room,  where  the  first  part  of  the  business 
was  to  be  done.  The  officer  to  whom  I  was  directed  asked 
me  to  enumerate  my  effects ;  for  this  I  was  not  prepared,  sup 
posing  that  the  list  of  them  would  be  taken  from  the  manifest. 
Nevertheless,  I  repeated  them  off  as  fast  as  he  could  write, 
though  they  consisted  of  eighteen  different  articles ;  trunks, 
boxes,  portmanteaus,  bundles,  rolls,  etc.  He  then  bade  me 
sign  my  name  to  it,  which  I  did,  thus :  A.  Arnot /  I  think 
that  is  very  like  it.  Then  he  directed  me  to  take  it  to  the  col 
lector,  who  would  sign  it :  here  was  the  rub.  I  told  the  young 


588  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

man,  my  conductor,  to  take  it  and  get  it  signed  for  me,  for 
that  I  was  obliged  to  run  as  fast  as  possible  to  see  after  my 
things,  the  ship  being  just  about  to  haul  out.  He  took  it,  and 
I  got  out  as  fast  as  I  could,  passing  again  under  the  nose  of 
Dearborn.  I  do  assure  thee  that  I  felt  something  lighter 
when  I  got  down  into  the  street.  But  my  trouble  and  danger 
were  not  yet  ended.  When  I  got  to  the  wharf,  all  my  eifects 
were  already  lying  pell-mell  on  the  ground,  and  two  tide- 
waitera  there,  ready  to  examine  them  on  the  spot.  As  every 
body  here  is  now  idle  by  reason  of  the  embargo,  there  were 
collected  more  than  five  hundred  people  to  see  what  was  go 
ing  forward.  Trunks,  boxes,  bundles,  every  one  opened,  and 
rummaged  to  the  bottom.  In  many  of  the  J^ooks  my  name 
was  written,  but  it  happened  that  he  did  not  open  in  that 
page.  Every  parcel  of  letters  showed  also  the  name  of  A. 
Burr ;  but,  as  I  assisted  in  the  search,  I  took  care  how  I  pre 
sented  these  parcels  to  him.  The  ceremony  lasted  about  two 
hours,  and  I  was  another  hour  repacking  ;  working  and  sweat 
ing  like  a  horse,  the  mob  crowding  round  to  see  the  strange 
things.  Of  the  number  present,  it  is  probable  that  more  than 
half  had  seen  me  before ;  and  I  expected  every  minute  to 

hear  some  one  exclaim,  '  Colonel  Burr,  by  !'  But  I 

heard  nothing.  Finally,  got  all  to  my  lodgings,  the  whole 
expense  being  six  dollars." 

But  why  such  extreme  fear  of  recognition  ?  There  were 
excellent  reasons  for  it.  The  government  prosecutions  still 
hung  suspended  over  his  head ;  and  Madison,  who  had  been 
so  importunate  sixteen  years  before,  in  urging  General  Wash 
ington  to  send  Burr  as  embassador  to  France,  had  imbibed  all 
Jefferson's  aversion  to  him.  And  secondly,  two  of  Burr's 
largest  creditors  in  New  York  held  executions  against  him, 
and  would  probably  throw  him  into  jail  for  debt  the  very 
hour  he  should  appear  in  the  city.  It  was  therefore  necessary 
for  him  to  remain  concealed  in  Boston  until  the  receipt  of  in 
formation  from  his  friends  in  New  York  through  Swartwout. 

In  1812  it  required  five  days  to  get  an  answer  from  New 
York  through  the  mail.  The  five  days  passed  ;  no  letter.  A 
week ;  no  letter.  Knowing  well  the  promptness  of  Swart- 


THE     EXILE'S     WELCOME     HOME.  589 

wont  and  his  impregnable  fidelity,  he  concluded  that  the  let 
ter  had  miscarried,  and  wrote  again.  Two  weeks  passed  ;  still 
no  answer.  Meanwhile,  his  stock  of  money  was  running 
frightfully  low.  Tt  was  very  characteristic  of  the  man,  that  in 
this  crisis  of  his  fate,  when  he  had  just  twenty-six  dollars  in 
the  world,  he  lent  sixteen  dollars  to  his  landlady.  "  How 
very  prudent,"  he  wrote.  "  But  don't  scold.  I  am  sure  they 
will  repay  it."  It  was  repaid,  just  as  his  store  was  reduced  to 
a  live  cent  piece.  Then  a  fellow  passenger  called  to  borrow 
ten  dollars  of  Mr.  Arnot,  which  that  gentleman  lent  with  the 
air  of  a  \7ice-President.  In  the  very  nick  of  time,  that,  too, 
was  repaid.  He  attempted  to  raise  a  little  money  on  one  or 
two  articles  of  jewelry  which  he  had  tried  in  vain  to  sell  in 
London  ;  but  no  one  was  willing  to  give  any  thing  like  their 
value  for  them.  Something  must  be  done,  or  he  would  soon 
be  so  deeply  in  debt  as  not  to  be  able  to  leave  the  town. 
Borrowing  a  directory  —  not  a  voluminous  work  at  that  day 
—  he  pored  over  its  pages  to  find  the  name  of  some  person 
whom  he  could  trust  —  some  one  among  the  thousands  that 
would  have  been  proud  to  wrelcome  him  ten  years  before,  who 
would  not  spurn  and  betray  him  now.  He  lighted  upon  the 
name  of  a  man  who  had  been  under  his  command  on  the  Que 
bec  expedition  in  1775.  He  had  not  seen  him  since ;  but  as 
he  had  never  known  a  man  that  had  served  under  him.  in  war, 
who  was  not  ever  after  his  devoted  friend,  he  determined  to  call 
upon  this  old  soldier.  Burr  used  to  relate  this  interview  with 
infinite  glee.  Going  up  to  the  door  of  a  handsome  house,  he 
plied  the  knocker,  and  an  infirm  old  gentleman  soon  appeared. 

"  Does  Mr. live  here  ?" 

He  did. 

"  Is  he  at  home  ?" 

He  was  at  home. 

"  Can  I  see  him  ?" 

"  I  am  the  person,"  said  the  old  gentleman. 

Burr  bowed,  and  lowering  his  voice,  said,  "  I  am  Aaron 
Burr." 

"  What !  the  Aaron  Burr  who  was  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  ?" 


590  LIFE    OF     AARON     BURE. 

"  The  same." 

"  You  baint  /"  exclaimed  the  old  soldier,  astounded  and  be 
wildered  at  the  intelligence. 

In  a  manner  much  too  deferential  for  Burr's  present  purpose, 
he  invited  him  in.  They  went  into  the  parlor,  where  Bun- 
soon  learned  that  the  old  man,  after  a  life  of  industry,  had 
now  retired  from  business  with  a  decent  independence.  But 
he  treated  his  former  commander  with  such  extreme  respect, 
that  Burr  was  compelled,  much  against  his  will,  to  play  the 
great  man  and  distinguished  guest,  and  actually  came  away, 
without  so  much  as  mentioning  the  object  of  his  visit.  The 
old  soldier  returned  his  call,  and  showed  him  many  friendly 
attentions,  but  they  never  reached  the  awful  subject  of  pecu 
niary  aid. 

Recurring  to  the  directory,  he  found  the  name  of  a  college 
classmate,  who,  up  to  the  time  of  his  departure  for  Europe, 
had  always  professed  friendship  for  him.  To  this  man,  who 
was  very  rich,  he  sent  a  note,  announcing  his  presence  in  Bos 
ton,  and  requesting  an  interview.  The  rich  man  replied  that 
he  had  great  respect  for  Colonel  Burr  and  bore  him  much 
good  will;  but,  but — his  position  was  very  delicate  —  he 
would  think  of  it,  and,  it'  he  did  not  call  he  would  write. 
Burr  made  the  following  comment  in  his  diary :  "  N"our,  I 
engage  he  will  do  neither  one  nor  the  other.  When  a  man 
takes  time  to  consider  whether  he  will  do  a  good  or  civil  ac 
tion,  be  assured  he  will  never  do  it.  The  baser  feelings,  the 
calculations  of  interest  and  timidity,  always  prevail.  But  did 
you  ever  hear  of  such  meanness  ?  This  very  J.  Mason  was 
at  Richmond  during  the  trial,  saw  all  the  vile  persecutions 
which  I  encountered,  and  spoke  of  them  with  indignation  and 
contempt ;  came  often  to  see  me,  and  openly  avowed  a  friend 
ship  for  me.  He  is  immensely  wealthy,  and  not  a  candidate 
for  any  office.  What  should  restrain  such  a  man  from  ex 
pressing  his  feelings  ?  Timidity."  He  was  correct  in  his  pre 
diction.  Mason  neither  came  nor  wrote.  In  his  dire  extrem 
ity  Burr  wrote  again,  requesting  him  to  advance  a  sum  of 
money  upon  his  books,  some  of  which  were  rare  (in  America) 
and  valuable.  Mason  coldly  replied,  that  "  he  had  retired 


THE     EXILE'S     WELCOME     HOME.  591 

from  mercantile  business,  and  it  was  therefore  inconvenient  for 
him  to  make  advances."  How  admirably  Burr  bore  such  cruel, 
cutting  slights  !  If,  for  an  instant,  he  was  stung  into  anger, 
reflection  soon  came  to  his  aid,  reminding  him  of  the  allow 
ances  always  to  be  made  for  uncultivated  human  nature, 
subjected  from  infancy  to  the  twin  tyrants,  FEAR  and  DE- 
SIKE. 

He  called  upon  a  lady  whom  he  had  known  and  benefited 
in  other  days,  whom  he  had  not  seen  for  sixteen  years,  and 
who  was  now  infirm  and  half  blind.  At  the  first  glance,  she 
penetrated  his  disguise.  With  an  air  of  astonishment  and  de 
light,  she  called  him  by  name,  seized  his  hand,  welcomed  him 
with  enthusiasm,  summoned  her  son,  and  showed  him  all  pos 
sible  respect  and  attention.  But  she  was  poor,  and  she  was  a 
lady,  and  the  financial  problem  was  not  spoken  of  between 
them. 

Fifteen  days  after  his  arrival,  came  the  letter  from  Swart- 
wout,  breathing  hope  and  promise.  His  old  friends  in  New 
York,  Swartwout  assured  him,  were  still  true  and  warm ;  his 
old  enemies  not  inclined  to  be  vindictive.  The  two  creditors, 
however,  were  inexorable ;  nothing  would  satisfy  them  but 
payment  or  approved  security.  He  was  strongly  inclined  to 
go  at  once  to  New  York,  let  the  executions  take  their  course, 
and  submit  to  reside  within  the  "  limits."  "  To  this,"  he  wrote 
to  his  daughter,  "  I  should  have  no  great  repugnance  in  point 
of  pride  or  feeling,  but  there  are  two  objections  pretty  cogent ; 
first  and  principally,  you.  I  fear  your  little  heart  would  sink 
to  hear  that  Gamp  was  on  the  limits.  To  be  sure,  if  you  could 
come  there  and  see  how  gay  he  was,  be  supported  by  the  light 
of  his  countenance,  and  catch  inspiration  from  his  lips,  you 
would  forget  that  he  was  not  in  paradise."  Besides,  he  had  a 
project  of  matrimony,  which  would  be  defeated  by  his  con 
finement  within  the  limits.  "  You  have  already,"  he  added, 
"  suffered  too  much  on  my  account,  and  I  come  now  to  sacri 
fice  myself  for  you  in  any  way  and  every  way;  that  of  mar 
riage  is  one,  and  no  hope  of  that  while  a  prisoner ;  and  as  to 
the  payment  of  my  debts,  if  I  am  confined  to  the  mere  prac 
tice  of  the  law,  debarred  from  all  those  speculations  in  which 


592  LIFE     OP     AARON 

I  might  engage  if  at  large,  it  will  be  the  work  of  many  years, 
and  in  all  that  time  I  could  do  you  little  or  no  good." 

What  were  his  surprise  and  delight  to  read  in  Theodosia's 
first  letter,  not  merely  that  she  could  bear  his  going  into  con 
finement,  but  that  she  spontaneously  recommended  it.  He 
was  resolved.  He  would  go  to  New  York,  whatever  the  con 
sequences. 

It  was  the  treasury  of  Harvard  University  that  had  the 
honor  of  paying  Colonel  Burr's  passage,  per  sloop,  from  Bos 
ton  to  New  York.  The  old  soldier  had  communicated,  in  the 
strictest  confidence,  of  course,  the  fact  of  Burr's  presence  in 
Boston  to  a  select  circle  of  friends,  among  whom  was  Dr. 
Kirkland,  the  President  of  the  University.  He  also  intimated 
to  the  doctor,  that  Burr,  as  he  conjectured,  had  more  books 
and  less  money  than  was  convenient.  Whereupon  the  doctor 
having  expressed  a  desire  for  an  interview,  and  a  willingness 
to  buy  for  the  college  library  Burr's  Bayle  and  Moreri,  he  was 
gratified  in  both  particulars.  He  passed  an  hour  tete-a-tete  with 
Colonel  Burr,  and  paid  him  forty  dollars  for  the  books,  leav-^ 
ing  it  to  the  seller's  choice  to  take  back  the  books  and  accept 
the  money  as  a  loan.  The  next  day  found  him  on  board  the 
sloop,  his  debts  discharged,  his  passage  (twenty  dollars)  paid, 
waiting  for  wind  and  tide  to  waft  him  on  his  way. 

Now,  he  had  chosen  this  mode  of  traveling  for  the  purpose 
of  avoiding  recognition,  and  had  selected  this  particular  sloop 
because  neither  captain,  crew,  nor  passengers  belonged  to  New 
York.  His  feelings  may  be  imagined  when  he  found  that  the 
captain  and  most  of  the  cabin  passengers  were  his  own  rela 
tions —  people  from  Fairfield,  Connecticut,  where  his  father 
was  born,  and  where  he  had  spent  some  of  the  happiest  days 
of  his  own  youth.  The  captain's  wife,  in  particular,  was  won 
derfully  like  his  own  sister.  "  The  same  large  mouth,  replete 
with  goodness,  sweetness,  and  firmness ;  the  same  large,  aqui 
line  nose,  contour  of  face,  and  the  two  dimples ;  and,  when 
disturbed,  knits  the  brow  and  forehead  in  the  same  singular 
manner ;  the  form  of  the  eye  the  same  ;  very  long  ;  the  color 
not  quite  so  dark.  There  is  only  wanting  the  broad  forehead 
of  ma  sooeur  to  be  perfect.  The  same  commanding  figure. 


TUB     EXILE'S     WELCOME     HOME.  593 

Many  of  her  attitudes  and  movements,  of  which,  you  know, 
every  human  being  has  something  peculiar.  I  look  at  her  for 
hours  together  with  an  inexpressible  interest,  particularly  while 
sleeping ;  but  I  speak  not  for  fear  of  betraying  myself.  She 
must  be  a  relative  ;  but,  thus  far,  I  have  not  learned  her  fam 
ily  name.  I  dare  not  question  any  one,  from  apprehensions 
of  being  questioned  in  return." 

Tin's  lady,  he  found,  was  his  cousin.  One  day,  some  one 
asked  her  for  whom  a  boy's  hat  which  she  had  in  her  hand  was 
intended. 

"  For  Burr,"  she  replied. 

"  Your  brother  ?"  inquired  Burr. 

"  No  ;  my  nephew." 

At  Fail-field,  while  the  sloop  was  at  anchor,  he  was  asked  by 
his  cousin,  Thaddeus  Burr,  to  go  fishing.  He  declined,  of 
course.  After  looking  for  many  hours  with  longing  eyes  upon 
the  familiar  coast,  he  ventured  to  go  ashore.  "  I  strolled  three 
or  four  hours  round  some  miles  in  the  neighborhood.  Every 
object  was  as  familiar  to  me  as  those  about  Richmond  Hill,  and 
the  review  brought  up  many  pleasant  and  whimsical  associa 
tions.  At  several  doors  I  saw  the  very  lips  I  had  kissed  and 
the  very  eyes  which  had  ogled  me  in  the  persons  of  their 
grandmothers  about  six-and-thirty  years  ago.  I  did  not  ven 
ture  into  any  of  their  houses,  lest  some  of  the  grandmothers 
might  recollect  me."  He  afterward  went  to  the  captain's 
house,  where  a  startling  incident  occurred.  He  was  sitting 
reading  a  newspaper,  when  a  voice  behind  him  suddenly  ex 
claimed, 

"Ah  !  Burr,  how  goes  it,  ?" 

He  looked  round  with  doubtful  glance,  and  discovered,  to 
tiis  great  relief,  that  the  individual  addressed  was  one  whose 
middle  name  was  Burr,  and  who  was  commonly  called  by 
it. 

The  voyage  lasted  nine  days.  At  twilight  on  the  8th  of 
June,  the  captain  of  the  sloop,  fearing  to  run  through  Hurl 
Gate  at  so  late  an  hour,  came  to  for  the  night  at  a  wharf  out 
side,  to  Burr's  infinite  disappointment ;  for  it  was  essential 
to  his  plan  that  he  should  reach  New  York  after  dark.  The 


594  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURR. 

last  page  of  the  diary  narrates  with  graphic  brevity  the  inci 
dents  of  this  evening. 

"To  add  to  my  chagrin,  there  came  to  the  wharf  from  the 
house  an  old  man,  who  asked  if  any  of  us  would  walk  up.  The 
voice  was  very  familiar  to  me,  and  I  desired  the  mate,  who 
was  near  me,  to  ask  who  kept  that  tavern.  "  Billy  Mariner," 
says  the  same  voice ;  a  fellow  who  had  known  me  familiarly 
since  I  was  eight  years  old.  At  this  moment  there  hove  in 
sight  a  very  small  sail-boat,  standing  down.  The  sloop's  barge 
being  alongside,  I  engaged  two  of  the  men  for  a  dollar  to  put 
me  on  board  that  sail-boat,  which  was  done,  and  thus  I  found 
myself  again  \vith  the  prospect  of  arriving  at  the  hour  I  wished. 
The  sail-boat  proved  to  be  a  pleasure-boat  belonging  to  two 
young  farmers  of  Long  Island.  They  were  not  bound  to  New 
York,  but  to  the  Narrows,  but  very  kindly  agreed  to  put  me 
on  shore  in  the  city.  When  we  got  opposite  the  city  the 
wind  wTholly  failed  us ;  and  the  tide,  now  very  rapid,  set  us 
over  to  the  Long  Island  shore  ;  and  we,  having  no  oars,  were 
wholly  at  its  mercy.  It  seemed  inevitable  that  I  must  make 
a  voyage  to  the  Narrows,  for  they  could  not  now  get  to  the 
Long  Island  land  so  as  to  set  me  on  shore.  When  we  were 
nearly  opposite  the  Battery  I  heard  the  noise  of  oars,  and 
hailed  ;  was  answered ;  and  I  begged  them  to  come  along 
side.  It  proved  to  be  two  vagabonds  in  a  skiff,  probably  on 
some  thieving  voyage.  They  were  very  happy  to  set  me  on 
shore  in  the  city  for  a  dollar,  and  at  half  past  eleven  I  was 
landed ;  and  S.  S.  having  given  me  his  address,  66  Water- 
street,  thither  I  wrent  cheerfully,  and  rejoicing  in  my  good  for 
tune.  I  knocked  and  knocked,  but  no  answer.  I  knocked 
still  harder,  supposing  they  were  asleep,  till  one  of  the  neigh 
bors  opened  a  window  and  told  me  that  nobody  lived  there. 
I  asked  where  lived  Mr.  S.  Of  that  she  knew  nothing.  I  was 
now  to  seek  a  lodging.  But  very  few  houses  were  open. 
Tried  at  two  or  three  taverns,  all  full ;  cruised  along  the 
wharf,  but  could  find  no  place.  It  was  now  midnight,  and 
nobody  to  be  seen  in  the  street.  To  walk  about  the  whole 
night  would  be  too  fatiguing.  To  have  sat  and  slept  on  any 
stoop  would  have  been  thought  no  hardship ;  but  then,  the 


THE     EXILE'S     WELCOME     HOME.  595 

danger  that  the  first  watchman  who  might  pass  would  take 
me  up  as  a  vagrant  and  carry  me  up  to  the  watch-house,  was 
a  denouement  not  at  all  to  my  mind.  I  walked  on,  thinking 
that  in  the  skirts  of  the  town  I  might  meet  at  that  hour  some 
charitable  personne,  who,  for  one  or  two  dollars  and  1'amour 
do  Dieu,  would  give  me  at  least  half  a  bed  ;  but  seeing  in  an 
alley  a  light  in  the  cellar  of  a  small  house,  I  called  and  asked 
for  a  lodging  ;  was  answered  yes  ;  shown  into  a  small  garret, 
where  were  five  men  already  asleep ;  a  cot  and  a  sort  of  cover 
lid  was  given  me.  I  threw  open  the  window  to  have  air,  lay 
down,  and  slept  profoundly  till  six.  Being  already  dressed,  I 
rose,  paid  for  my  lodging  twelve  cents,  and  sallied  out  to  66/ 
Water-street,  and  there  had  the  good  luck  to  find  Sam.  alone*. 
He  led  me  immediately  to  the  house  of  his  brother  Robert), 
and  here  I  am,  in  possession  of  Sam.'s  room  in  Stone-street,  in 
the  city  of  New  York,  on  this  8th  day  of  June,  anno  Dom. 
1812.  Just  four  years  since  we  parted  at  this  very  place." 

The  day  was  spent  in  quiet  consultation.  In  the  evening, 
Colonel  Burr  went  to  the  house  of  a  lady  in  Nassau-street 
who  had  been  his  fast  friend  through  all  his  misfortunes.  She 
was  overjoyed  to  see  him.  It  was  as  though  he  had  dropped 
from  the  clouds.  The  family  gathered  round,  overwhelming 
him  with  congratulations  and  welcome.  He  told  the  lady  his 
design,  to  begin  again  the  practice  of  the  law,  to  forswear 
politics,  to  toil  for  his  creditors  and  for  Theodosia.  Her  reply 
was: 

"  Colonel,  here  shall  be  your  oifice ;  that  suite  of  rooms  is 
yours,  as  long  as  you  need  or  desire  them." 

The  frank  and  gallant  offer  was  accepted. 

He  lay  concealed  for  some  weeks,  until  assurances  were  re 
ceived  that  the  government  would  not  molest  him,  and  until 
means  were  found  to  mollify  the  rigor  of  his  creditors.  It 
was  not  till  twenty  days  after  his  arrival  in  New  York  that 
the  newspapers  gave  the  first  intimation  of  his  presence  in  the 
country,  when  the  following  paragraph  appeared  in  the  JVeio 
York  Columbian :  "  Colonel  Burr,  says  a  Boston  paper  of 
Wednesday,  once  so  celebrated  for  his  talents,  and  latterly  so 
much  talked  of  for  his  sufferings,  arrived  at  Newburyport 


606  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

from  France  and  England,  and  passed  through  this  town  on 
his  way  to  N"ew  York."  The  next  day,  the  editor  added 
that  Colonel  Burr  had  spent  ten  days  in  Boston  incog.  After 
that,  no  further  allusion  to  his  arrival  appears  —  the  papers 
and  the  public  mind  being  full  of  the  declaration  of  war,  the 
assassination  of  Mr.  Perceval,  and  the  proposed  nomination  of 
De  Witt  Clinton,  Burr's  triumphant  rival,  to  the  presidency. 

At  the  right  moment  he  caused  a  line  to  appear  in  a  news 
paper  to  the  effect  that,  "  Aaron  Burr  had  returned  to  the 
city  and  had  resumed  the  practice  of  the  law  at Nassau- 
street." 

Its  appearance  electrified  the  city.  Before  Colonel  Bun- 
slept  that  night,  five  hundred  gentlemen  called  upon  him.  The 
feeling  for  the  moment  seemed  to  be  general  throughout  the 
city,  that  he  had  been  treated  with  undue  severity,  and  that 
the  past  should  be  buried  in  oblivion.  Colonel  Troup,  whom 
Burr  had  assisted  with  money  and  with  books  to  get  into  the 
profession  of  the  law  thirty  years  before,  and  who  had  since 
made  a  fortune  by  its  practice,  and  retired,  now  in  part  repaid 
his  early  benefactor  by  lending  him  his  law  library. 

Burr  had  a  very  small  tin  sign,  bearing  only  his  name,  nailed 
up  in  front  of  the  house,  and  commenced  business.  Begin 
ning  with  a  cash  capital  of  less  than  ten  dollars,  and  that  bor 
rowed,  he  received,  for  opinions  and  retaining  fees,  in  the 
course  of  his  first  twelve  business  days,  the  sum  of  two  thou 
sand  dollars !  It  was  a  time  of  trouble  to  the  community, 
and,  therefore,  of  harvest  to  lawyers,  and  clients  were  eager 
for  the  services  of  the  man  who  never  lost  a  case.  The  future 
began  to  wear  a  brighter  hue  of  promise  than  it  had  known 
for  many  a  year.  The  father  wrote  cheerfully  to  the  daugh 
ter,  acquainting  her  with  the  happy  turn  his  fortunes  had 
taken,  and  anticipating  the  day  when  they  should  meet  again 
after  the  longest  separation  they  had  ever  known. 

Alas !  misery  was  impending  over  him,  so  acute  and  ir 
remediable,  so  far  transcending  all  he  had  yet  experienced, 
that  it  may  be  truly  said  of  him  in  this  month  of  June,  1812, 
that  his  sorrows  were  yet  to  begin  !  A  strange  fortune  was 
Aaron  Burr's,  to  have  uninterrupted  success  and  prosperity  in 


THE     EXILE'S     WELCOME     HOME.  597 

the  first  half  of  his  life,  and  then  nothing  but  failure  and  dis 
aster,  in  ever  accumulating  force,  until,  the  very  capacity  to 
suffer  being  exhausted,  nothing  could  touch  him  further ! 

About  six  weeks  after  his  return  to  New  York,  he  received 
Theodosia's  reply  to  his  cheering  letters,  in  these  heart-rend 
ing  words :  "  A  few  miserable  days  past,  my  dear  father,  and 
your  late  letters  would  have  gladdened  my  soul ;  and  even 
now  I  rejoice  at  their  contents  as  much  as  it  is  possible  for  me 
to  rejoice  at  any  thing ;  but  there  is  no  more  joy  for  me ;  the 
world  is  a  blank.  I  have  lost  my  boy.  My  child  is  gone  for 
ever.  He  expired  on  the  30th  of  June.  My  head  is  not  now 
sufficiently  collected  to  say  any  thing  further.  May  Heaven, 
by  other  blessings,  make  you  some  amends  for  the  noble  grand 
son  you  have  lost."  Governor  Alston  added  :  "  One  dread 
ful  blow  has  destroyed  us  ;  reduced  us  to  the  veriest,  the  most 
sublimated  wretchedness.  That  boy,  on  whom  all  rested ; 
our  companion,  our  friend  —  he  who  was  to  have  transmitted 
down  the  mingled  blood  of  Theodosia  and  myself —  he  who 
was  to  have  redeemed  all  your  glory,  and  shed  new  luster 
upon  our  families  —  that  boy,  at  once  our  happiness  and  our 
pride,  is  taken  from  us  —  is  dead." 

It  was  a  dreadful  blow,  indeed.  The  boy,  only  eleven  years 
old,  had  shown  all  those  early  signs  of  talent  and  courage 
which  were  peculiarly  dear  to  Colonel  Burr  and  his  daughter. 
Tradition  reports  him  to  have  been  a  beautiful  child,  and  of 
an  air  so  superior  that  he  had,  even  at  that  age,  acquired  a 
kind  of  celebrity  in  the  narrow  circle  of  South  Carolina  soci 
ety.  Burr  was  passionately  fond  of  him.  The  boy  was  always 
in  his  thoughts.  Wherever  he  went,  he  spoke  of  his  noble, 
gallant  little  grandson,  and  told  little  stories  of  his  courage, 
wit,  and  tenderness.  How  many  hundreds  of  miles  he  had 
walked  in  Paris  and  London  to  procure  books,  coins,  and  trin 
kets  for  him,  and  how  many  hundreds  more  in  rescuing  them 
from  pawnbrokers  and  jewelers !  What  dreams  he  had  in 
dulged  of  Garnpillo's  future  greatness  !  He  was  to  be  the  per 
fect  man.  In  him^  at  length,  were  to  be  blended  strength  and 
gentleness,  intelligence  and  grace  —  all  worthy  qualities,  and 
all  shining  ones.  Tie  was  to  realize  Chesterfield's  beau  ideal 


598  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

—  a  man  of  Saxon  heart,  brain,  and  muscle,  with  Celtic  quick 
ness,  wit,  and  polish!  And  this  boy  was  dead.  The  stricken 
grandsire  shed  few  tears,  but  he  ceased  to  mourn  his  loss  only 
with  his  life.  The  mention  of  the  subject  would  start  the 
tear,  but  this  man  of  iron  would  fold  his  arms  tightly  over 
his  breast,  as  if,  by  the  exertion  of  mere  physical  strength,  to 
repress  the  rising  tide  of  emotion.  He  tried  to  console  the 
bereaved  mother,  but  she  was  inconsolable  —  she  would  not  be 
comforted.  "Whichever  way  I  turn,"  she  wrote,  a  month 
after  the  event,  "  the  same  anguish  still  assails  me.  You  talk 
of  consolation.  Ah !  you  know  not  what  you  have  lost.  I 
think  Omnipotence  could  give  me  no  equivalent  for  my  boy ; 
no,  none  —  none." 

But  he  had  not  drained  the  cup.  A  deeper  and  bitterer 
draught  was  yet  in  reserve. 

Theodosia  languished.  She  waited  some  months  at  her  home 
in  the  South,  for  a  safe  and  suitable  opportunity  to  journey 
northward,  to  draw  strength  and  hope  from  the  source  that 
had  never  failed  her  —  her  father's  inspiring  presence.  But 
her  husband  was  now  Governor  of  the  State  arid  general  of 
militia.  The  country  was  at  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  he 
could  not  leave  his  post.  She  would  have  come  alone  by  land 
in  her  own  carriage,  but  it  chanced  that  their  coachman  was  a 
drunkard,  and  needed  the  eye  of  a  master.  It  was  resolved, 
at  last,  that  she  should  go  by  sea,  and  her  father  sent  a  physi 
cian  from  New  York  to  superintend  the  embarkation  and  at 
tend  her  on  the  passage  —  for  she  was,  by  this  time,  sadly 
emaciated,  and  very  weak.  Her  passage  was  taken  in  a  small 
schooner  named  the  Patriot,  which,  after  a  privateering  cruise, 
had  put  into  Charleston,  and  was  about  to  return  to  New 
York  with  her  guns  stowed  below.  She  was  commanded  by 
an  experienced  captain,  and  had  for  sailing  master  an  old  New 
York  pilot,  noted  for  his  skill  and  courage.  The  vessel  was 
famous  for  her  sailing  qualities,  and,  it  was  confidently  ex 
pected,  would  perform  the  voyage  to  New  York  in  five  or  six 
days.  She  sailed  with  a  fair  and  gentle  wind  from  Charleston, 
on  the  last  day  but  one  of  the  year  1812,  Theodosia,  her 
physician,  and  her  maid,  occupying  the  principal  cabin. 


THE     EXILE'S     WELCOME     liOME.  599 

The  Patriot  was  never  seen  nor  heard  of  again !  A  few 
days  after  she  left  Charleston,  a  storm  of  extreme  violence 
raged  along  the  whole  coast ;  during  which,  in  all  probability, 
the  vessel  with  all  on  board  went  down  oft'  Cape  Hatteras. 

The  agonies  of  suspense  endured  by  the  husband  and  the 
father,  the  eager  letters  written  by  each  to  tell  the  other  she 
had  not  arrived,  the  weary  waiting  for  the  mail,  the  daily 
hope,  the  daily  despair,  the  thousand  conjectures  that  arose 
to  give  a  moment's  relief —  all  this  can  neither  be  imagined 
nor  described.  For  months,  the  agonized  father  could  not  go 
upon  the  Battery,  then  the  chief  promenade  of  the  city  of 
New  York,  without  looking  wistfully  down  toward  the  Nar 
rows,  with  a  secret  pining  hope  that  even  yet  the  missing 
vessel  might  appear.  It  was  long  before  he  could  relinquish 
the  idea  that  some  outward-bound  ship  might  have  rescued 
the  passengers,  and  carried  them  away  to  a  distant  port, 
whence  soon  the  noble  Heart  would  return  to  bless  her  fath 
er's  life.  By-and-by,  some  idle  tales  were  started  in  the  news 
papers,  that  the  Patriot  had  been  captured  by  pirates,  and  all 
on  board  murdered  except  Theodosia,  who  was  carried  on 
shore  a  captive. 

"  No,  no,"  said  Burr  to  a  friend  who  mentioned  the  ground 
less  rumor,  "  she  is  indeed  dead.  She  perished  in  the  miserable 
little  pilot-boat  in  which  she  left-Charleston.  Were  she  alive,  all 
the  prisons  in  the  world  could  not  keep  her  from  her  father. 
When  I  realized  the  truth  of  her  death,  the  world  became 
a  blank  to  me,  and  life  had  then  lost  all  its  value."  To  his 
son-in-law  he  wrote  that  he  felt  "  severed  from  the  human 
race." 

During  the  period  of  suspense,  he  never  expressed  his  feel 
ings  in  words.  He  went  about  his  daily  business  wearing  a 
serene  countenance,  for  he  held  it  to  be  an  affront  to  exhibit 
to  others  a  face  of  gloom.  When  he  could  no  longer  resist 
the  feeling  of  certainty  that  Theodosia  was  lost,  he  quietly 
put  out  of  sight  every  object  which  was  peculiarly  associated 
with  her,  every  thing  which  her  tasteful  hands  had  made  or 
adorned,  every  thing  that  had  once  been  hers.  For  a  long 
time,  Theodosia  was  a  name  banished  from  the  vocabulary  of 


600  LIFE     OF     A  A  BON     BUEE. 

his  house.  Two  or  three  years  after  her  loss,  he  received  from 
South  Carolina  a  large  box  containing  "articles  which  had  be 
longed  to  her,  and  some  relics  of  her  mother  which  she  had 
preserved  all  her  life.  He  opened  the  box  and  recognized  the 
familiar  things.  Then,  going  into  an  adjoining  room,  where 
a  very  intimate  friend  was  sitting,  he  said, 

"  I  have  something  to  show  you." 

He  led  him  by  the  hand  to  the  open  trunk,  and,  in  a  voice 
shaken  with  emotion,  said, 

"  What  a  fate,  poor  thing !" 

He  closed  the  trunk,  without  another  word,  placed  it  out 
of  sight,  and  made  no  further  allusion  to  it  for  a  long  time. 
Some  of  the  objects  which  so  deeply  moved  him  upon  that 
occasion  are  still  in  existence,  and  in  the  possession  of  indivi 
duals  to  whom  he  gave  them  twenty  years  later,  and  to  whom 
they  are  a  precious  possession. 

Theodosia  was  a  nearly  complete  realization  of  her  father's 
ideal  of  a  woman.  With  a  great  deal  of  wit,  spirit,  and 
talent,  and  possessing  the  elegant  vivacity  of  manner  which 
he  so  much  admired,  and  a  face  strikingly  beautiful,  and  strik 
ingly  peculiar,  she  also  inherited  all  that  a  daughter  could 
inherit  of  her  father's  courage  and  fortitude.  In  both  solid 
and  elegant  accomplishments  she  was  very  far  superior  to  the 
ladies  of  her  time.  After  shining  in  the  circles  of  New  York, 
she  led  the  society  of  South  Carolina,  until  the  time  of  her 
father's  misfortunes,  when  she  shared  his  ostracism  in  both 
places,  and  was  proud  to  share  it.  Her  love  for  her  father 
was  more  like  passion  than  filial  affection.  Her  faith  jn  his 
honor  and  in  his  worth  was  absolute  and  entire.  Immovable 
in  that  faith,  she  could  cheerfully  have  braved  the  scorn,  the 
derision  of  a  world.  She  would  have  left  all  to  follow  him. 
She  would  have  renounced  her  husband,  if  her  husband  had 
faltered  in  his  duty  to  a  father-in-law  whose  fault,  whatever 
it  was,  he  had  shared.  No  father  ever  more  loved  a  child, 
nor  more  laboriously  proved  his  love,  than  Aaron  Burr.  No 
child  ever  repaid  a  father's  care  and  tenderness,  with  a  love 
more  constant  and  devoted  than  Theodosia.  That  such  a 
woman  could  so  entirely  love  and  believe  in  him,  was  the  fact 


THE     EXILE'S     WELCOME     HOME.  601 

which  first  led  the  writer  of  these  lines  to  suspect  that  the 
Aaron  Burr  who  actually  lived  and  walked  these  streets  must 
have  been  a  very  different  being  indeed  from  the  Aaron  Burr 
of  the  popular  imagination.  Not  necessarily  a  good  man,  in 
the  noblest  sense  of  that  greatest  of  words  ;  but,  certainly,  not 
the  monster  he  is  thought. 

It  was  a  maxim  of  the  "  Burr  School"  (as  surviving  friends 
of  Colonel  Burr  still  call  his  system  of  life),  to  accept  the  In 
evitable  without  repining.  He  held  it  weakness  to  mourn, 
and  wisdom  to  enjoy.  After  losses,  he  maintained,  we  should 
hold  all  the  faster  to  what  is  left,  and  enjoy  it.  This  was  his 
principle  ;  and  he  acted  upon  it ;  and  was  prone  to  undervalue 
those  who  did  not.  If  it  had  been  his  fortune  to  go  before  his 
daughter  to  the  other  world,  he  would  have  told  her  with  his 
dying  breath  that  if  she  desired  truly  to  honor  his  memory, 
she  must  be  happy,  and  a  source  of  happiness  when  he  was 
gone.  Therefore,  though  the  loss  of  his  daughter  and  her  boy 
had  taken  from  his  life  its  object  and  its  charm,  he  exhibited 
to  the  world  a  composed  demeanor,  and  strove,  in  all  ways, 
to  enjoy  the  passing  hour.  Time  heals  or  assuages  all  wounds. 
He  put  his  grief  away  from  him.  He  would  not  be  sorrow 
ful. 

It  seemed  as  though,  to  the  end  of  his  life,  he  was  more 
tender  and  loving  to  all  the  children  he  ever  met  for  Gampil- 
lo's  sake.  Some  months  after  these  events,  he  chanced  one 
day,  on  a  journey  to  Albany,  to  visit  some  very  old  friends 
near  Newburg,  whom  he  had  not  seen  for  a  long  time.  He 
knocked  at  the  door  of  the  house  two  or  three  times,  and  no 
one  came ;  when,  presuming  on  his  intimacy  with  the  family, 
he  pushed  open  the  front  door,  and  entered  a  parlor.  There 
he  was  shocked  to  see,  lying  in  an  open  coffin,  the  body  of  a 
child  whom  he  had  known  as  the  delight  of  the  household, 
and  of  whose  sickness  even  he  had  not  heard.  He  was  ob 
served  by  a  servant  to  gaze  with  singular  intensity  upon  the 
countenance  of  the  dead  child,  and  to  sit  down  by  its  side, 
covering  his  face  with  his  hands.  Then  he  rose  and  left  the 
house.  A  few  days  after,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  afflicted 

26 


602  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

family,  apologizing  for  his  strange  behavior.  "  Ever  since  the 
event,"  he  wrote,  "  which  separated  me  from  mankind,  I  have 
been  able  neither  to  give  nor  to  receive  consolation."  That 
"event,"  they  supposed,  was  the  duel  with  Hamilton  —  so 
little  did  they  know  of  the  man  they  had  known  so  long. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

ANECDOTES  AND  REMINISCENCES  OP  HIS  LATER  YEARS. 

• 

POPULAR  NOTION  OF  BURR'S  LATER  YEARS  —  His  DEBTS  —  STARTS  GENERAL  JACKSON 
FOR  THK  PRESIDENCY — THE   MEDCEF  EDEN  CASE  —  REMARKABLE  CASE  OF  INCEST 

—  INTERVIEW  WITH  HENRY  CLAY  —  SCENE  BETWEEN  BURR  AND   GENERAL  SCOTT 

—  BURR  REVISITS  THE  SCENE  OF  THE  DUEL  —  BURR'S  MEETING  WITH  MRS.  HAMIL 
TON —  BURR  AND  VANDERLYN  THE  PAINTER  —  RECOLLECTIONS  OF  DK.  WOOOBRIDQE 

—  His  RELIGIOUS  BELIEF  —  His   OPINION  OF  THE  BIBLE  —  ANECDOTES — GENER 
OSITY  OF  BURR  —  ANECDOTES  —  STORY  OF  BURR  AND  GENERAL  JACKSON  —  BURR'S 
OPINION  OF  JACKSON  —  BURR'S  HALE  OLD  AGE  —  BURR  AND  FANNY  KEMBLE. 

THERE  is  no  part  of  the  long  life  of  Aaron  Burr,  respecting 
which  the  popular  idea  is  more  at  variance  with  the  truth,  than 
the  period  which  we  now  enter  upon.  That  popular  idea  is 
forcibly  expressed  by  the  concluding  words  of  a  writer  in  the 
old  New  York  Review  (January,  1838)  —  a  writer  whose  pro 
fession  and  whose  errors  should  have  conspired  to  render  just, 
if  not  charitable : 

"  With  the  recklessness  produced  by  a  present  which  had 
no  comfort,  and  a  future  which  had  no  hope,  he  (Aaron  Burr) 
surrendered  himself  without  shame  to  the  groveling  propen 
sities  which  had  formed  his  first  step  on  the  road  to  ruin,  unt.il 
at  last,  overcome  by  disease,  in  the  decay  of  a  worn-out  body, 
and  the  imbecility  of  a  much-abused  mind,  he  lay  a  shattered 
wreck  of  humanity,  just  entering  upon  eternity  with  not 
enough  of  man  left  about  him  to  make  a  Christian  out  of. 
Ruined  in  fortune,  and  rotten  in  reputation,  thus  passed  from 
the  busy  scene  one  who  might  have  been  a  glorious  actor  in 
it ;  and  when  he  was  laid  in  the  grave,  decency  congratulated 
itself  that  a  nuisance  was  removed,  and  good  men  were  glad 
that  God  had  seen  fit  to  deliver  society  from  the  contaminat 
ing  contact  of  a  festering  mass  of  moral  putrefaction." 

It  would  be  difficult  to  put  into  words  a  statement  more 
false  than  this  sounding,  shameful,  pitiless  paragraph.  It 


604  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

% 

would  have  been  so  easy  to  find  out  the  truth  about  Colonel 
Burr's  last  years  in  1838.  It  has  not  been  very  difficult  in 
1857 ;  for  there  are  still  several  persons  living  whose  recollec 
tions  of  him  in  those  years  are  full  and  accurate,  and  who  have 
been  more  than  willing  to  tell  what  they  know.  Groveling 
propensities  !  A  more  delicate  creature  never  lived  in  mascu 
line  form  than  Aaron  Burr.  A  man  of  refined  appetite ;  in 
no  bad  sense  a  sensualist ;  abhorring  gross  pleasures,  pursuits, 
and  persons.  Look  at  his  facet  Is  it  the  face  of  a  sensualist  ? 
But  I  reserve  this  subject  for  consideration  in  another  chap 
ter,  and  proceed  to  narrate  here  such  events  and  incidents  of 
this  period  of  his  life  as  seem  worthy  of  brief  record. 

Observe,  first,  the  circumstances  of  the  man.  He  is  declin 
ing  into  the  vale  of  years ;  he  is  fifty-seven  years  old.  He  is 
alone  in  the  world.  The  excitement  produced  by  his  sudden 
arrival  in  the  city  soon  subsided,  and  the  old  odium  gathered 
thick  about  him.  From  the  first,  he  took  the  honorabl-e,  the 
right  resolution  of  knowing  those  only  who  first  recognized 
him.  Thus  he  acquired  the  habit,  which  many  will  remember, 
of  glancing  under  his  eyelids  at  an  approaching  acquaintance 
to  see  whether  or  not  he  meant  to  cut  him.  Usually  the  ap 
proaching  acquaintance  had  that  intention,  and  was  deprived 
of  the  opportunity  by  Colonel  Burr's  looking  another  way. 
Thus  the  circle  of  his  acquaintance  grew  ever  narrower,  until 
it  included  few  beside  his  clients  and  his  tried  friends,  whose 
friendship  dated  back  to  revolutionary  times.  For,  if  there  is 
a  noble  element  in  human  nature  which  inclines  us  to  take  the 
weaker  side,  there  is  a  base  principle,  too,  which  urges  us  to 
join  in  a  hue  and  cry.  He  made  not  the  slightest  endeavor 
to  set  himself  right  with  the  public.  He  never  sought  friends. 
Besides  the  general  causes  of  odium,  half  a  dozen  influential 
families  of  the  city  imagined  that  it  was  part  of  their  duty  to 
the  dead  to  heap  obloquy  upon  the  living.  There  was  a  "  set" 
who  took  the  infamy  of  Aaron  Burr  in  charge,  and  nursed  it, 
and  never  let  it  cease  growing  until  it  filled  the  world. 

He  was  beleaguered  with  creditors,  some  of  whom  had 
bought  expedition  debts  for  a  fraction  of  their  face,  and  were 
clamorous  for  payment.  A  large  proportion  of  the  immense 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  605 

expenses  incurred  during  his  trial  had  never  been  paid.  There 
were  his  debts,  too,  to  the  Due  de  Bassano,  and  others  in 
Europe,  which  had  peculiar  claims ;  and,  beside,  there  was  a 
silent,  but  needy  company  of  relations  and  near  connections 
who  had  advanced  money  they  could  ill  spare  in  aid  of  the 
expedition.  Of  old  debts  incurred  in  prosperous  days,  there 
were  several  thousand  dollars.  Many  had  been  ruined  by  the 
failure  of  the  expedition,  whom  Colonel  Burr  felt  bound  to 
assist  in  their  extremity,  and  from  whose  application  he  could 
never,  to  his  last  breath,  turn  away.  The  least  meritorious  of 
his  creditors  were,  of  course,  the  most  relentless ;  and  he  re 
solved,  from  the  beginning,  not  to  attempt  to  pay,  until  he 
could  pay  justly  —  until  he  saw  a  prospect  of  paying  a  propor 
tion  to  all. 

The  largeness  of  the  sum  which  he  had  received  in  the  first 
few  days  of  his  practice,  was  due  to  a  variety  of  unusual  cir 
cumstances  ;  a  large  part  of  it  was  payment  for  services  yet 
to  be  rendered,  The  most  prudent  of  men,  in  his  situation, 
could  not  have  saved  for  his  creditors  more  than  a  very  few 
thousands  a  year,  and  Aaron  Burr,  in  his  use  of  money,  was 
never  prudent.  He  was  one  of  those  who  are  constitutionally 
incapable  of  driving  a  good  bargain  for  himself —  through 
whose  fingers  money  slips  ill  an  unaccountable  manner. 

Desperate  were  his  first  struggles  wTith  this  mass  of  indebt 
edness.  Without  capital  to  speculate  with,  his  only  source  of 
income  was  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  a  city  where  it 
soon  became  a  disgrace  to  be  seen  in  his  company.  For  three 
or  four  years,  the  utmost  efforts  of  his  ingenuity  could  do  no 
more  than  keep  him  out  of  jail.  His  legal  services  were  in 
request — particularly  his  opinions  in  real  estate  cases,  and  he 
earned  considerable  sums ;  but  his  debts  were  so  numerous 
and  so  enormous,  that  merely  to  defeat  the  attempts  of  credit 
ors  to  confine  his  person,  absorbed  his  income  and  tasked  his 
powers.  Many  times  he  was  kept  out  of  the  dreaded  "  lim 
its"  by  some  wealthy  friend  giving  bail  for  his  appearance.  It 
was  a  life-long  battle.  The  greater  debts  were  never  paid. 
Even  the  sum  due  to  the  Due  de  Bassano  is  ordered,  in  his 


606  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

last  will,  to  be  paid  if  he  should  die  possessed  of  property  suf 
ficient  for  the  purpose. 

The  details  of  this  too  unequal  strife  need  not  be  dwelt 
upon.  It  formed  the  business  and  shifting  basis  of  his  life. 
Wearied,  at  length,  with  the  endeavor  to  accomplish  the  im 
possible  task,  it  is  not  to  be  denied,  that,  with  advancing  age 
and  decaying  powers,  he  grew  indifferent  to  it,  and  often  gave 
away  in  charity  sums  of  money  that  might  have  appeased  a 
creditor.  This  was  wrong,  of  course,  but  the  demands  upon 
his  charity  were  very  numerous  and  pressing,  and  some  of 
them  were  of  the  nature  of  debt  itself.  For  example,  Colonel 
Burr,  upon  his  return  to  New  York,  found  Luther  Martin  a 
ruined  man  —  ruined  through  high  living  and  deep  drinking. 
He  owed  Luther  Martin  much  money  for  his  legal  services, 
and  more  gratitude  for  his  generous  championship ;  and  he  paid 
both  debts  by  taking  him  into  his  house,  assigning  him  a  per 
manent  apartment,  and  maintaining  him  in  comfort  and  dig 
nity,  until  he  died  in  1826  at  the  age  of  eighty-one.  Another 
example  was  that  of  a  relative  of  Dr.  Hosack,  who  fell  into 
drinking  and  destitution  in  his  old  age,  to  whom  Colonel  Burr 
gave  aid  and  shelter. 

One  day,  when  some  dastard  soul  rebuked  him  for  aiding 
men  who  had  disgraced  themselves  by  bad  habits,  he  made 
this  reply :  "  They  may  be  black  to  the  world.  I  care  not 
how  black.  They  were  ever  white  to  me !" 

The  only  important  act  of  Burr's  later  life  was'his  sugges 
tion  of  a  course  of  political  action  which  resulted,  finally,  in 
ending  the  supremacy  of  the  Virginia  politicians  and  electing 
General  Jackson  to  the  presidency.  He  knew  all  political 
secrets,  as  before,  and  had  much  more  to  do  with  advising 
political  measures  than  would  now  be  willingly  confessed  by 
certain  politicians  of  that  day  who  still  linger  on  the  stage. 
In  the  fall  of  1815,  he  ascertained  that  James  Monroe  would 
be  nominated  for  the  presidency  by  the  democratic  congres 
sional  caucus.  He  was  opposed  to  the  system  of  nominating 
candidates  by  congressional  caucuses,  as  being  "  hostile  to  all 
freedom  and  independence  of  suffrage ;"  he  was  opposed  to 
Virginian  supremacy  ;  he  was  opposed  to  James  Monroe.  "  A 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  607 

certain  junto,"  he  wrote  to  Governor  Alston,  "  of  actual  aud 
factitious  Virginians,  having  had  possession  of  the  govern 
ment  for  twenty-four  years,  consider  the  United  States  as 
their  property,  and,  by  bawling  l  Support  the  administra 
tion,'  have  so  long  succeeded  in  duping  the  republican  pub 
lic."  In  the  same  letter  he  drew  a  very  unflattering  sketch 
of  Colonel  Monroe:  "  Naturally  dull  and  stupid;  extremely 
illiterate ;  indecisive  to  a  degree  that  would  be  incredible  to 
one  who  did  not  know  him ;  pusillanimous,  and,  of  course, 
hypocritical ;  has  no  opinion  on  any  subject,  and  will  be  al 
ways  under  the  government  of  the  worst  men  ;  pretends,  as  I 
am  told,  to  some  knowledge  of  military  matters,  but  never 
commanded  a  platoon,  nor  was  ever  fit  to  command  one.  '  He 
served  in  the  revolutionary  war  /' —  that  is,  he  acted  a  short 
time  as  aid-dc-camp  to  Lord  Stirling,  who  was  regularly 
*  *  *.  Monroe's  whole  duty  was  to  fill  his  lordship's 
tankard,  and  hear,  with  indications  of  admiration,  his  lord 
ship's  long  stories  about  himself.  Such  is  Monroe's  military 
experience.  I  was  with  my  regiment  in  the  same  division  at 
the  time.  As  a  lawyer,  Monroe  was  far  below  mediocrity. 
He  never  rose  to  the  honor  of  trying  a  cause  of  the  value  of 
a  hundred  pounds.  This  is  a  character  exactly  suited  to  the 
views  of  the  Virginia  junto." 

The  remedy  he  proposed  was  the  nomination  of  a  popular 
character  like  Andrew  Jackson,  the  hero  of  the  late  war,  and 
then  in  the  flush  of  his  boundless  popularity.  "  The  mo 
ment,"  continued  Burr,  "  is  auspicious  for  breaking  down  this 
degrading  system.  The  best  citizens  of  our  country  acknowl 
edge  the  feebleness  of  our  administration.  They  acknowledge 
that  offices  are  bestowed  merely  to  preserve  power,  and  with 
out  the  smallest  regard  to  fitness.  If,  then,  there  be  a  man  in 
the  United  States  of  firmness  and  decision,  and  having  stand 
ing  enough  to  afford  even  a  hope  of  success,  it  is  your  duty  to 
hold  him  up  to  public  view :  that  man  is  Andrew  Jackson. 
Nothing  is  wanting  but  a  respectable  nomination',  made  before 
the  proclamation  of  the  Virginia  caucus,  and  Jacksorfs  suc 
cess  is  inevitable.  If  this  project  should  accord  with  your 
views,  I  could  wish  to  see  you  prominent  in  the  execution  of 


608  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

it.  It  must  be  known  to  be  your  work.  Whether  a  formal 
and  open  nomination  should  now  be  made,  or  whether  you 
should,  for  the  present,  content  yourself  with  barely  denounc 
ing,  by  a  joint  resolution  of  both  Houses  of  your  legislature, 
congressional  caucuses  and  nominations,  you  only  can  judge. 
One  consideration  inclines  me  to  hesitate  about  the  policy  of 
a  present  nomination.  It  is  this  —  that  Jackson  ought  first  to 
be  admonished  to  be  passive :  for,  the  moment  he  shall  be  an 
nounced  as  a  candidate,  he  will  be  assailed  by  the  Virginia 
junto  with  menaces,  and  with  insidious  promises  of  boons  and 
favors.  There  is  danger  that  Jackson  might  be  wrought  upon 
by  such  practices." 

From  that  time  General  Jackson,  as  every  one  knows,  was 
the  popular  candidate,  par  exellence,  with  ever-improving 
chances  of  success;  until,  in  1828,  Colonel  Burr  saw  his  sug 
gestion  realized,  and  his  old  confederate  arid  champion  seated 
in  the  presidential  chair.  Then,  the  old  soldier  was  in  a  posi 
tion  to  aid,  in  another  manner,  the  subjugation  of  the  Span 
iards  in  Texas !  Then,  he  could  give  effect  to  the  bent 
toward  south-western  acquisition  which  he  had  derived  from 
Aaron  Burr  thirty  years  before  ! 

The  absorbing  occupation  of  Burr's  life  for  several  years 
after  his  return  from  Europe,  was  the  suit  in  chancery,  well 
known  to  lawyers  as  the  Medcef  Eden  case.  His  manage 
ment  of  this  cause  was  so  remarkable  and  characteristic,  that 
an  outline  of  its  history  may  interest  the  reader.  Medcef 
Eden  was  a  New  York  brewer  who  made  a  great  fortune, 
and,  dying  in  1798,  left  his  two  sons  a  large  amount  of  real 
estate  upon  the  island  of  Manhattan.  The  two  sons  were  to 
share  the  property  equally,  and  if  either  died  childless  the 
survivor  was  to  inherit  the  deceased's  share.  These  young 
men,  partly  through  their  own  extravagance,  but  chiefly 
through  the  dishonest  sharpness  of  creditois,  ran  through 
their  property  in  two  or  three  years,  and  becoming  bankrupts, 
were  reduced  to  utter  poverty.  Their  case  was  submitted 
afterward  to  the  two  leaders  of  the  New  York  bar,  Alexander 
Hamilton  and  Aaron  Burr,  and  the  question  was  proposed, 
whether  the  estate  could  be  recovered.  Hamilton  said  it 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  009 

could  not ;  Burr  was  of  opinion  that  it  could.  Hamilton's 
opinion  was  adopted  :  no  proceedings  were  attempted  ;  the 
matter  was  forgotten  ;  and  the  Edens  lived  on  in  poverty.  A 
year  after  Burr's  return,  he  was  reminded  of  the  case  by 
hearing  of  the  death  of  one  of  the  brothers.  Meanwhile,  the 
estate  had  enormously  increased  in  value.  Inquiring  for  the 
surviving  brother,  he  found  him  in  Westchester  county,  im 
mersed  in  debt,  and  residing  within  debtors'  "  limits."  The 
result  was,  that  Burr,  moneyless  and  in  debt  as  he  was,  under 
took  to  recover  the  estate,  Eden  agreeing  to  follow  his  advice 
in  all  things  —  to  be,  in  fact,  a  passive  instrument  in  his  hands. 
Eden,  his  wife  and  two  daughters,  Burr  brought  to  the  city, 
established  them  in  his  own  house,  sent  the  daughters  to 
school,  and  amused  his  leisure  hours,  for  ten  years,  by  laboring 
with  the  same  assiduity  for  their  mental  improvement  as  he 
had  done  in  former  times  for  Theodosia's. 

Pie  went  to  work  craftily.  The  valuable  parts  of  the  estate 
lay  in  the  city  itself,  several  lots  being  held  by  banks  and 
other  wealthy  corporations.  He  let  those  alone,  for  a  while, 
and  confined  his  first  efforts  to  the  recovery  of  a  small  farm 
in  the  upper  part  of  the  island,  his  object  being  to  get  the 
principle  quietly  established,  upon  which  to  found  the  more 
important  suits.  The  owner  of  the  farm  was  informed  of  this 
intention,  and  it  was  further  intimated  to  him,  that  if  he  would 
not  too  seriously  contest  and  prolong  the  suit,  he  should  be 
allowed  to  buy  back  his  farm  on  his  own  terms.  Burr  won 
the  suit.  The  case  was  appealed.  He  was  again  successful. 
Then  he  came  down  upon  the  holders  of  the  city  lots  with  a 
pelting  storm  of  writs  of  ejectment — to  their  equal  surprise 
and  alarm.  The  litigation  was  then  fairly  begun,  and  the 
courts  were  kept  busy  at  it  for  many  years  —  until  it  became 
as  familiar  as  the  cause  of  "  Jarndice  and  Jarndice."  Among 
those  who  assisted  Burr  in  the  conduct  of  these  suits  was 
Martin  Van  Buren.  Burr  won  suit  after  suit,  and  recovered, 
in  time,  a  very  large  amount  of  property. 

But,  unfortunately,  he  began  the  war  destitute  of  its  "  sin 
ews,"  though  his  opponents  were  bountifully  provided  with  the 
same.  The  suits  were  long,  and  some  of  them  very  expensive. 

26* 


610  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

On  the  faith  of  the  first  decisions  in  his  favor,  he  induced 
money-lenders,  by  the  payment  of  excessive  usury,  to  advance 
money  upon  property  still  in  dispute,  and  thus  it  sometimes 
happened  that  neither  he  nor  his  client  gained  any  pecuniary 
advantage  from  decisions  which  assigned  them  valuable  houses 
and  lands.  Nevertheless,  he  gained  enough  to  amply  repay 
him  for  his  trouble  and  toil,  and  his  client  was  maintained 
with  every  comfort  until  he  died,  leaving  Burr  the  guardian 
of  his  children.  The  daughters,  it  may  be  added,  became 
accomplished  women,  and  contracted  respectable  marriages. 

One  case,  in  which  Bun*  was  the  leader,  would  furnish  the 
groundwork  of  a  thrilling  romance.  A  brother  and  sister,  the 
children  of  an  ancient  house  in  England,  were  led,  by  an  ex 
traordinary  chain  of  circumstances,  to  suppose  that  they  were 
not  related,  but  were  brought  up  as  brother  and  sister  to  pre 
vent  their  forming  a  tenderer  relation.  They  fell  in  love, 
eloped,  married,  and  fled  to  America.  Hither  their  guardian 
followed  them,  and,  the  better  to  secure  their  separation,  had 
them  arrested  on  the  charge  of  incest,  and  thrown  into  prison. 
In  the  old  stone  jail  that  formerly  stood  in  the  Park,  between 
the  City  Hall  and  Broadway,  Burr  found  the  deluded  pair  and 
their  daughter,  a  child  of  strange  beauty.  They  protested 
their  innocence  and  implored  his  aid.  Entering  warmly  into 
the  cause,  he  soon  obtained  the  release  of  the  beautiful  un 
happy  mother,  and  her  wonderfully  lovely  child.  He  gave 
them  a  home  in  his  own  house.  The  child  grew  to  the  age  of 
three  or  four,  when,  fortunately  for  itself  and  its  parents,  it 
died.  After  a  long  confinement,  the  husband-brother  was 
released  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  the  guardian  who 
brought  the  suit.  Both  being  then  convinced  of  their  error, 
the  lady  went  to  reside  in  Paris,  and  the  gentleman  returned 
to  England,  where  he  still  resides.  All  this  was  done  by  Col 
onel  Burr  without  fee  or  reward,  for  his  clients  were  then 
destitute  of  resources ;  but,  in  after  years,  when  he  was  a  very 
old  man,  the  gentleman,  who  had  inherited  a  large  fortune, 
sent  him  a  considerable,  though  inadequate,  fee. 

A  beautiful  woman  came  to  him  one  day  to  engage  his  serv 
ices  in  a  suit  for  divorce,  which  she  was  about  to  bring  against 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  Gil 

her  husband.  After  hearing  her  story,  he  was  averse  to  bring 
ing  the  suit,  and  dissuaded  her  in  terras  like  these  :  "  Madame, 
your  cause  will  have  to  be  tried  by  twelve  men  —  all  sinners. 
They  will  have  a  fellow-feeling  with  the  sinner  ;  and,  you  know, 
a  fellow-feeling  makes  us  wondrous  kind.  These  men  will 
have  to  be  told,  that  for  a  long  time  past  your  husband  lias 
not  been  permitted  to  enjoy  your  society.  They  will  see  you 
and  pity  him  !  I  assure  you,  my  dear  madame,  it  will  be  ex 
tremely  difficult  to  get  a  verdict  in  your  favor."  The  lady 
was  convinced. 

As  a  general  rule,  he  was  treated  by  the  bar  with  distant 
respect.  He  was  an  antagonist  to  be  afraid  of.  On  one  occa 
sion,  a  lawyer  of  some  note  refused  to  be  employed  in  an  im 
portant  cause  in  conjunction  with  Colonel  Burr.  The  company 
who  brought  the  suit  deliberated  awhile,  and  determined  to 
adhere  to  Burr,  to  whom  the  papers  were  then  confided.  It 
was  known  to  be  his  custom  never  to  undertake  a  cause  which 
he  was  not  sure  of  winning,  and  it  was  known,  too,  that  he 
had  never  lost  a  cause  in  his  life  which  he  had  attended  to 
himself.  The  opposing  party  waited  with  anxiety  to  hear 
whether  Burr  had  accepted  the  case,  and,  on  learning  that  he 
had,  made  an  immediate  offer  to  compromise. 

Mr.  Epes  Sargent,  in  his  ("  campaign")  Life  of  the  great 
Kentuckian,  tells  us,  that  on  his  return  from  Ghent,  Henry 
Clay  visited  the  federal  court-room  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
"  On  entering  the  court-room  in  the  City  Hall,"  says  Mr. 
Sargent,  "  the  eyes  of  the  bench,  bar,  officers,  and  attendants 
upon  the  court,  were  turned  upon  Mr.  Clay,  who  was  invited 
to  take  a  seat  upon  the  bench,  which  he  politely  declined,  and 
took  a  position  in  the  bar.  Shortly  after,  a  small  gentleman, 
apparently  advanced  in  years,  and  with  bushy,  gray  hair,  whom 
Mr.  Clay,  for  an  instant,  did  not  recognize,  approached  him. 
He  quickly  perceived  it  was  Colonel  Burr,  who  tendered  his 
hand  to  salute  Mr.  Clay.  The  latter  declined  receiving  it.  The 
colonel,  nevertheless,  was  not  repulsed,  but  engaged  in  con 
versation  with  Mr.  Clay,  remarking,  that  he  had  understood, 
that  besides  the  treaty  of  peace,  the  American  commissioners 
had  negotiated  a  good  commercial  convention  with  Great  Brit- 


612  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

ain.  Mr.  Clay  replied  coldly,  that  such  a  convention  was  con 
cluded,  and  that  its  terms  would  be  known  as  soon  as  it  was 
promulgated  by  public  authority.  Colonel  Burr  expressed  a 
wish  to  have  an  hour's  interview  with  him,  and  Mr.  Clay  told 
him  where  he  stopped  — but  the  colonel  never  called." 

These  were  busy  years,  as  indeed  were  all  the  years  of  this 
man's  life.  A  gentleman  who  spent  some  time  in  his  office  at 
this  period,  has  described  to  me  his  manner  of  employing  the 
day.  He  rose  at  the  dawn.  A  breakfast  of  an  egg  and  a  cup 
of  coffee  sufficed  for  this  most  abstemious  of  men  ;  after  which 
he  worked  among  his  papers  for  some  hours  before  his  clerks 
and  assistants  arrived.  He  was  a  hard  taskmaster :  he  "  kept  us 
all  upon  the  jump."  All  day  he  was  dispatching  and  receiv 
ing  messages,  sending  for  books,  persons,  and  papers;  expecting 
every  command  to  be  obeyed  with  next-to-impossible  celerity, 
inspiring  every  one  with  his  own  zeal,  and  getting  a  surprising 
quantity  of  work  accomplished.  "  He  was  business  incarnate," 
said  my  informant.  About  ten  in  the  evening  he  would  give 
over,  invite  his  companions  to  the  side-board,  and  take  a  sin 
gle  glass  of  wine.  Then  his  spirits  would  rise,  and  he  would 
sit  for  hours  telling  stories  of  his  past  life,  and  drawing  brief 
and  graphic  sketches  of  celebrated  characters  with  whom  he 
had  acted.  Often  he  was  full  of  wit  and  gayety  at  such  times ; 
"the  liveliest  fellow  in  the  world;"  "  as  merry  as  a  boy;" 
"  never  melancholy,  never  ill-natured."  About  midnight,  or 
later,  he  would  lie  down  upon  a  hard  couch  in  a  corner  of  his 
office,  and  sleep  "  like  a  child,"  until  the  morning.  In  his 
personal  habits  he  was  a  thorough-going  Spartan  —  eating  lit 
tle,  drinking  little,  sleeping  little,  working  hard.  He  was 
fond  of  calculating  upon  how  small  a  sum  life  could  be  sup 
ported,  and  used  to  think  that  he  could  live  well  enough  upon 
seventy-five  cents  a  week. 

And  here  may  be  introduced  such  fragments  of  his  conver 
sation  as  are  still  remembered. 

His  conversation  upon  the  past  was  remarkable  for  its  can 
dor,  humor,  and  charity.  He  denounced  no  one  —  not  even 
General  Wilkinson,  of  whom  he  spoke  more  severely  than  of 
any  one  else.  He  used  to  assert,  in  the  most  positive  manner, 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  613 

that  Wilkinson  had  unequivocally  betrayed  him.  Against 
Jefferson  he  did  not  seem  to  be  embittered,  though  the  pub 
lication  of  the  "  Anas"  gave  him  a  passing  disgust.  He  de 
scribed  him  as  a  very  agreeable  man  in  conversation  ;  a  man 
of  no  "  presence ;"  a  plain,  country-looking  man ;  a  sincere 
and  thorough  "  Jacobin"  in  opinion.  He  thought  Jefferson's 
"  leveling  principles,"  as  he  called  them,  were  very  absurd,  and 
had  done  great  harm.  Of  the  republican  form  of  govern 
ment,  as  here  established,  with  its  entirely  fatal  element  of 
"  rotation  in  office,"  he  had  an  ill  opinion,  and  was  sure  it 
could  not  last.  One  day,  some  gentlemen  were  conversing 
upon  the  subject  in  his  presence,  when  one  of  them  chanced 
to  use  the  phrase,  "  expounders  of  the  Constitution."  At  the 
moment  a  noisy  crowd  of  electioneering  Democrats  were  pass 
ing.  Burr,  who  had  stood  silent  for  some  time  with  his  hands 
behind  him,  holding  his  hat  (his  favorite  attitude),  pointed  to 
the  mob,  and  said,  "  They  are  the  expounders  of  the  Consti- 
tutif  n !" 

General  Washington  he  underrated  to  the  last.  Himself 
the  quickest  of  mortals  in  apprehending  and  deciding,  he 
could  not  admire  a  general  who  was  so  slow  to  make  up  his 
mind.  He  thought  Washington,  as  before  recorded,  a  very 
honest  and  well-intentioned  country  gentleman  ;  but  no  great 
soldier,  and  very  far  indeed  from  being  a  demi-god.  Burr 
disliked  a  dull  person  next  to  a  coward,  and  he  thought  gen 
eral  Washington  a  dull  person.  Hamilton  and  other  young 
scholar-soldiers  of  the  Revolution  were  evidently  of  a  similar 
opinion,  but  Hamilton  thought  that  the  popularity  of  the  gen 
eral  was  essential  to  the  triumph  of  the  cause,  and,  accord 
ingly,  he  kept  his  opinion  to  himself.  Burr,  less  prudent,  loss 
disinterested,  perhaps,  made  no  secret  of  his. 

Carlyle  declares,  that  the  very  stupidity  of  John  Bull  is 
wiser  than  other  people's  wisdom;  and  it  may  be  remarked 
of  General  Washington,  that,  though  he  could  not  make  a 
boti  mot,  nor  always  spell  one  when  it  was  made,  his  dullness 
was  brighter  than  the  brilliancy  of  Hamilton  and  Burr.  Let 
Burr,  however,  be  commended  for  his  candor  in  not  affecting 
an  admiration  for  a  popular  idol,  with  regard  to  whom  it  is 


614  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

considered  unpatriotic  to  have  an  opinion.  His  harmless  crit 
icism  of  his  commander  is  less  offensive  and  less  immoral  than 
the  canting  adulation  of  self-seeking  politicians,  who  have  suc 
ceeded  in  concealing  the  interesting  traits  of  the  man,  and 
obscuring  his  real  claim  to  the  admiration  of  posterity. 

People  were  often  startled  by  the  utter  nonchalance  with 
which  Colonel  Burr  would  allude  to  passages  in  his  past  life, 
which  were  generally  thought  to  be  infamous.  The  following 
scene,  derived  from  an  eye-witness,  is  an  example : 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  on  the  opening  of  the  trial  at 
Richmond,  young  Winfield  Scott  occupied  a  conspicuous  posi 
tion  above  the  audience.  Before  the  trial  had  progressed  far, 
he  left  Richmond,  and  never  saw  Colonel  Burr  again  until 
after  his  return  from  Europe.  On  the  evening  of  the  day  on 
which  he  was  first  named  General  Scott,  he  found  himself  at 
the  house  of  a  distinguished  politician  in  Albany,  where  a  little 
supper  was  to  celebrate  his  promotion. 

"Have  you  any  objection,  general,  to  be  introduced  to  Col 
onel  Aaron  Burr?"  inquired  the  giver  of  the  feast. 

"  Any  gentleman  whom  you  choose  to  invite  to  your  house," 
replied  the  general,  "I  shall  be  glad  to  know." 

Colonel  Burr  entered ;  the  introduction  took  place ;  the 
party  sat  down  to  whist,  until  supper  was  announced.  At  the 
table,  the  oTd  colonel  and  the  young  general  sat  opposite  each 
other,  but  no  particular  conversation  occurred  between  them 
for  some  time.  Meanwhile,  General  Scott,  ever  as  courteous 
as  brave,  forbore  to  pronounce  the  word  Richmond,  or  even 
Virginia,  lest  it  should  excite  painful  feelings  in  the  mind  of 
a  fallen  man.  Suddenly,  Colonel  Burr  looked  up  and  said, 

"  General  Scott,  I've  seen  you  before." 

"  Have  you,  indeed  ?"  rejoined  the  general,  supposing  that 
he  referred  to  some  military  scene,  or  other  public  occasion,  in 
which  he  had  figured. 

"  Yes,"  continued  Burr,  "  I  saw  you  at  my  trial." 

He  then  described  the  position  and  dress  of  the  young  gen 
tleman  in  the  court-room,  and  proceeded  to  converse  about 
the  scenes  that  transpired  at  Richmond  precisely  in  the  tone 
and  manner  of  a  casual  spectator.  The  general  was  both 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  615 

astonished  and  relieved.  It  was  during  the  war  of  1812  that 
this  scene  occurred,  and  the  old  soldier  expressed  cordial  ad 
miration  of  General  Scott's  gallantry  and  conduct.  On  the 
same  occasion,  Colonel  Burr  asked, 

"  Why  don't  the  folks  at  Washington  employ  General  Jack 
son  ?" 

Some  one  said  that  Jackson  had  a  command  in  the  militia, 
and  would  soon  be  called  into  active  service. 

Burr  said :  "  I'll  tell  you  why  they  don't  give  him  a  com 
mission;  he's  a  friend  of  mine  ;  that's  the  reason." 

He  talked  with  perfect  freedom  respecting  his  Mexican  en 
terprise,  particularly  its  comic  incidents.  Commenting  on  the 
charge  that  he  had  descended  the  river  uin  warlike  array," 
he  used  to  give  a  humorous  description  of  his  boats  and  their 
crews.  Nothing  is  accurately  enough  remembered  of  his  de 
scription  to  be  given  here,  except  that  the  manner  of  the  de 
scent  was  most  ludicrously  different  from  what  is  understood 
by  the  phrase  "  warlike  array."  What  with  the  pranks  of  a 
large  monkey  and  the  music  of  a  violin,  his  men  seemed  to 
have  had  a  very  merry  voyage  of  it.  He  spoke  kindly  of 
Blennerhassett.  He  was  not  a  bad  man,  Burr  would  say, 
though  a  weak  one  ;  a  man  of  some  knowledge,  and  no  sense ; 
who  required  no  persuading  to  enter  into  the  South-western 
scheme,  but  was  madly  eager  to  embark  in  it  the  moment  it 
was  mentioned.  After  Burr's  return  to  America,  he  wrote  to 
Mrs.  Blennerhassett  (in  Ireland)  for  the  letters  and  documents 
in  her  possession  relating  to  the  enterprise.  She  demanded  a 
great  price  for  them,  which  Burr  was  not  in  circumstances  to 
give.  He  sent  her  two  or  three  sums  of  money,  however,  in 
her  destitution,  the  amounts  of  which  are  not  remembered  by 
my  informant,  though  he  is  positive  as  to  the  fact  of  money 
being  sent  to  her. 

He  conversed  with  equal  freedom  of  the  duel  with  Hamil 
ton.  He  never  blamed  himself  for  his  conduct  in  that  affair. 
Despising  the  out-cry  made  about  the  duel,  he  would  indulge, 
sometimes,  in  a  kind  of  defiant  affectation  respecting  it.  "  My 
friend  Hamilton — whom  Ishot^  he  would  say,  with  amazing 
nonchalance.  Usually,  however,  he  alluded  to  his  antagonist 


616  LIFE     OP     AARON     BURR. 

with  respect,  styling  him  "  General  Hamilton,"  and  doing  par 
tial  justice  to  his  merits.  "Was  Hamilton  a  gentleman?" 
asked  a  foreigner  once  in  Burr's  hearing.  Burr  resented  the 
question,  and  replied  with  hauteur :  "  Sir,  I  met  him." 

He  told  an  anecdote  relating  to  the  duel,  of  which  the  fol 
lowing  is  the  purport.  On  a  journey,  while  stopping  at  a  tav 
ern  to  bait  his  horses,  he  strolled  into  the  village,  and  saw  a 
traveling  exhibition  of  wax-works.  To  amuse  an  idle  moment, 
he  entered.  Among  the  figures  were  two  representing  Hamil 
ton  and  himself  in  the  act  of  firing.  The  figures  were  vilely 
executed,  and  the  exhibition  was  made  the  more  ridiculous 
by  some  doggerel  which  the  ambitious  exhibitor  had  scrawled 
underneath.  With  some  difficulty  he  made  it  out,  as  follows : 

"  0  Burr,  0  Burr,  what  hast  thou  done  ? 
Thou  hast  shooted  dead  great  Hamilton. 
You  hid  behind  a  bunch  of  thistle, 
And  shooted  him  dead  with  a  great  hoss  pistol." 

He  told  this  story  just  as  any  one  would  have  told  it,  and 
laughed  at  the  lines  as  heartily  as  any  of  his  auditors. 

He  was  surprised,  one  day,  to  receive  the  following  epistle, 
which  is  here  transcribed  from  the  original :  "  Aaron  Burr  : 
Sir,  Please  to  meet  me  with  the  weapon  you  chuse  on  the  15 
of  may  where  you  murdered  my  father  at  1  o'clock  with  your 
second.  8  May  1819.  J.  A.  Hamilton."  To  which  he  wrote 
a  reply  like  this  :  "  Boy,  I  never  injured  you  :  nor  wished  to 
injure  your  father.  A.  Burr."  On  reflection,  however,  he 
thought  it  best  not  to  notice  the  communication,  and  tore  up 
his  reply.  He  was  afterward  informed  that  the  letter  was  a 
forgery. 

There  was  one  remarkable  occasion  on  which  he  spoke  of 
the  duel  seriously  and  eloquently.  It  was  when,  for  the  only 
time  in  his  life,  he  revisited  the  ground  where  it  was  fought. 
He  went  there  to  oblige  a  young  friend,  who  wished  to  see  a 
spot  so  famous.  Leaving  their  boat  at  the  foot  of  the  heights 
of  Weehawken,  just  where  Burr  had  left  his  boat  on  that  fatal 
morning  a  quarter  of  a  century  before,  they  climbed  over  the 
same  rocks,  and  soon  reached  the  ground.  Except  that  the 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  617 

rocks  were  covered  with  names,  and  that  the  ground  was 
more  overgrown  with  trees,  the  place  had  not  changed  in  all 
those  years :  nor  has  it  yet.  It  had  changed  owners,  how 
ever,  and  belonged  to  a  son*  of  Rufus  King,  Burr's  colleague 
in  the  Senate,  and  Hamilton's  friend  and  ally.  In  the  boat 
Burr  had  been  somewhat  thoughtful  and  silent,  but  seemed 
to  enjoy  the  bright  day  and  pleasant  shores,  as  he  always  en 
joyed  bright  and  pleasant  things.  On  reaching  the  scene,  he 
placed  his  companion  on  the  spot  where  Hamilton  had  stood, 
and  went  to  the  place  where  he  had  stood  himself,  and  pro 
ceeded  to  narrate  the  incidents  of  the  occasion. 

The  conversation  turned  to  the  causes  of  the  duel.  As  he 
talked,  the  old  fire  seemed  to  be  rekindled  within  him ;  his 
eye  blazed  ;  his  voice  rose.  He  recounted  the  long  catalogue 
of  wrongs  he  had  received  from  Hamilton,  and  told  how  he 
had  forborne  and  forborne,  and  forgiven  and  forgiven,  and 
even  stooped  to  remonstrate  —  until  he  had  no  choice  except 
to  slink  out  of  sight  a  wretch  degraded  and  despised,  or  meet 
the  calumniator  on  the  field  and  silence  him.  He  dwelt  much 
on  the  meanness  of  Hamilton.  He  charged  him  with  being 
malevolent  and  cowardly  —  a  man  who  would  slander  a  rival, 
and  not  stand  to  it  unless  he  was  cornered.  "  When  he  stood 
up  to  fire,"  said  Burr,  "  he  caught  my  eye,  and  quailed  under 
it ;  he  looked  like  a  convicted  felon."  It  was  not  true,  he 
continued,  that  Hamilton  did  not  fire  at  him ;  Hamilton  fired 
first  yf  ne  heard  the  ball  whistle  among  the  branches,  and 
saw  the  severed  twig  above  his  head.  He  spoke  of  what 
Hamilton  wrote  on  the  evening  before  the  duel  with  infinite 
contempt.  "  It  reads,"  said  he,  "  like  the  confessions  of  a  pen 
itent  monk."  These  isolated  expressions,  my  informant  says, 
convey  no  idea  whatever  of  the  fiery  impressiveness  with 
which  he  spoke.  He  justified  all  he  had  done  ;  nay,  applaud 
ed  it. 

He  was  moved  to  the  depths  of  his  soul :  the  pent-up  feel 
ings  of  twenty-five  years  burst  into  speech.  His  companion, 
who  had  known  him  intimately  many  years,  and  had  never 

*  James  Gr.  King,  for  many  years  a  great  New  York  banker. 

f  Burr's  second  asserted  the  same  thing,  and  maintained  it  to  the  last. 


618  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

seen  him  roused  before,  was  almost  awe-struck  at  this  strange 
outburst  of  emotion,  and  the  startling  force  of  many  of  his  ex 
pressions.  He  remembers  wondering  that  he  should  ever  have 
thought  Burr  small  of  stature,  for,  during  this  scene,  the  lofti 
ness  of  his  demeanor  was  such,  that  his  very  form  seemed  to 
rise  and  expand.  It  was  long  before  he  regained  his  usual 
composure.  All  the  way  home  he  still  spoke  of  the  olden 
time,  and  seemed  to  renew  his  youth,  and  live  over  again  his 
former  life. 

While  upon  this  subject,  I  may  introduce  a  specimen-false 
hood  which  has  had  currency,  and  is  actually  narrated  in  a  re 
cent  volume  purporting  to  be  a  Life  of  Alexander  Hamilton. 
"  Only  once,  during  the  progress  of  Mrs.  Hamilton's  life,"  says 
the  work  referred  to,  "  was  she  afflicted  with  the  sight  of  her 
husband's  murderer.  In  the  year  1822  she  was  traveling  from 
New  York  to  Albany  on  one  of  the  boats  on  the  Hudson  river. 
The  company  had  been  summoned  to  dinner.  When  Mrs. 
Hamilton  had  almost  reached  her  seat  in  the  dining-saloon,  on 
raising  her  eyes  she  perceived  Aaron  Burr  standing  directly 
opposite  to  her,  with  the  narrow  width  of  the  table  alone  be 
tween  them.  The  shock  was  too  much  for  her  system,  she 
uttered  a  loud  scream,  fell,  and  was  carried  in  a  fainting  state 
from  the  apartment.  As  soon  as  she  recovered,  she  insisted 
on  being  set  on  shore  at  the  first  landing-place.  She  refused 
to  journey  further  on  a  vessel  which  contained  the  detested 
form  of  Aaron  Burr.  It  is  said  that  after  the  removal  of  Mrs. 
Hamilton  from  the  dining-saloon,  Burr  deliberately  sat  down 
and  ate  a  hearty  dinner  with  the  utmost  composure." 

The  gentleman  is  still  living,  a  well-known  member  of  the  New 
York  bar,  and  a  gentleman  of  unquestionable  veracity,  who  was 
Burr's  companion  on  the  only  occasion  on  which  he  and  Mrs. 
Hamilton  were  ever  together  on  board  a  steamboat.  He  informs 
me  —  which  of  course  is  evident  enough  —  that  this  fine  story 
is  false  in  every  particular.  It  was  a  small  steamboat  plying 
between  New  York  and  Manhattanville,  on  which  the  awk 
ward  renconter  occurred.  Mrs.  Hamilton  merely  looked  at 
Burr,  as  every  body  else  looked  at  him ;  for  he  never  went 
anywhere  without  being  an  object  of  universal  attention. 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  610 

Nothing  unusual  took  place  !  All  the  passengers  landed  to- 
gether  at  Manhattanville,  and  there  was  never  any  dinner 
eaten  by  passengers  on  board  the  boat.  The  universally- 
known  fact  that  Mrs.  Hamilton  was  not  a  fool,  would  of  itself 
refute  the  story,  one  would  think.  Yet  we  find  it  printed  and 
reprinted.  It  is  a  fair  specimen  of  the  stories  told  to  the 
injury  of  Burr's  reputation.  Not  one  in  ten  is  truer.  It  got 
into  the  papers  in  Burr's  life-time,  and  he  frequently  referred 
to  it,  in  illustrating  his  favorite  topics  —  the  deceptiveness  of 
probabilities,  and  the  inevitable  falseness  of  the  thing  com 
monly  called  History. 

Another  story  he  used  to  tell  in  the  same  connection.  The 
belief  that  he  was  the  "  deadest  of  dead  shots,"  was  univer 
sal  throughout  the  country  ;  whereas  the  fact  was  that  he  had 
had  very  little  practice  in  all  his  life,  and  was  only  tolerably 
skilled  in  the  use  of  the  weapon.  Phrenologists  and  sports 
men  tell  us  that  some  men  are  good  shots  by  nature.  Burr 
was  one  of  these  ;  and  the  steadiness  of  his  nerves  gave  him 
an  advantage.  But  to  the  story.  He  was  at  Utica,  attend 
ing  the  session  of  a  court,  at  which  there  was  a  great  con 
course  of  lawyers.  One  afternoon,  after  the  court  had  ad 
journed,  a  number  of  the  younger  members  of  the  bar  went 
into  a  field  behind  the  court-house  to  fire  pistols  at  a  mark. 
Alter  firing  awhile,  seeing  Colonel  Burr  pass  by,  they  invited 
him  to  join  in  the  sport,  all  of  them  being  extremely  anxious 
to  witness  an  exhibition  of  his  renowned  ability.  He  protested 
his  want  of  skill,  and  begged  off:  but  as  they  were  very  ur 
gent,  he  at  last  consented.  A  pistol  was  handed  him,  where 
he  stood,  and,  looking  around  for  a  mark,  he  said  "  There  is  a 
white  knot  in  that  post  yonder ;  shall  I  fire  at  that  ?"  It  was 
about  sixteen  paces  distant.  He  raised  his  pistol,  took  careful 
aim,  and  fired.  The  ball  struck  the  exact  center  of  the  knot. 
It  was  a  wonderful  hit,  and  astonished  no  one  so  much  as  the 
individual  who  achieved  it.  He  was  urged  to  fire  again,  but 
having  no  wish  to  tarnish  his  easily-won  honors,  he  retired 
from  the  field.  On  his  way  back  through  the  wilderness  to 
Albany,  he  stopped  in  a  lonely  place  to  water  his  horse,  when 
the  thought  occurred  to  him  to  try  what  he  could  really  do 


620  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

with  a  pistol.  He  fired  several  shots.  "  I  couldn't  hit  a 
barn-door,"  he  would  say  ;  "  but  was  there  a  man  that  saw  me 
make  that  hit  at  Utica  who  could  be  persuaded  that  A.  B. 
was  not  a  dead  shot  ?" 

Other  instances  he  gave  from  his  own  experience,  in  which 
he  had  been  thought  a  necromancer,  or  possessed  of  a  devil, 
merely  from  some  accidental  conjunction  of  circumstances,  or 
by  the  use  of  means  the  most  ordinary  and  obvious. 

The  interest  which  Colonel  Burr  took  in  the  education  of 
youth  has  been  before  alluded  to.  He  always  had  a  protege 
in  training,  upon  whose  culture  he  bestowed  unwearied  pains 
and  more  money  than  he  could  always  afford.  The  story  of 
Yanderlyn,  that  most  distinguished  protege  he  ever  had,  was 
one  which  he  often  related  in  these  later  years. 

He  was  riding  along  in  a  curricle  and  pair,  one  day  during 
his  senatorial  term,  when  one  of  his  horses  lost  a  shoe  ;  and 
he  stopped  at  the  next  blacksmith's  to  have  it  replaced.  It 
was  a  lonely  country  place,  not  far  from  Kingston,  in  Ulster 
county,  New  York.  He  strolled  about  while  the  blacksmith 
was  at  work,  and,  returning,  saw  upon  the  side  of  a  stable 
near  by,  a  charcoal  drawing  of  his  own  curricle  and  horses. 
The  picture,  which  must  have  been  executed  in  a  very  few 
minutes,  was  wonderfully  accurate  and  spirited,  and  he  stood 
admiring  it  for  some  time.  Turning  round,  he  noticed  a  boy 
a  little  way  off,  dressed  in  coarse  homespun. 

"  Who  did  that?"  inquired  Burr,  pointing  to  the  picture. 

"  I  did  it,"  said  the  boy. 

The  astonished  traveler  entered  into  conversation  with  the 
lad,  found  him  intelligent,  though  ignorant,  learned  that  he 
was  born  in  the  neighborhood,  had  had  no  instruction  in 
drawing,  and  wras  engaged  to  work  for  the  blacksmith  six 
months.  Burr  wrote  a  few  words  on  a  piece  of  paper,  and 
said,  as  he  wrote  : 

"  My  boy,  you  are  too  smart  a  fellow  to  stay  here  all  your 
life.  If  ever  you  should  want  to  change*  your  employment 
and  see  the  world,  just  put  a  clean  shirt  into  your  pocket, 
go  to  New  York,  and  go  straight  to  that  address,"  handing 
the  boy  the  paper. 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  621 

He  then  mounted  his  curricle  and  was  out  of  sight  in  a  mo 
ment.  Several  months  passed  away,  and  the  circumstance 
had  nearly  faded  from  the  busy  senator's  recollection.  As  he 
was  sitting  at  breakfast  one  morning,  at  Richmond  Hill,  a  serv 
ant  put  into  his  hand  a  small  paper  parcel,  saying  that  it  was 
brought  by  a  boy  who  was  waiting  outside.  Burr  opened  the 
parcel,  and  found  a  coarse,  country-made  clean  shirt.  Sup 
posing  it  to  be  a  mistake,  he  ordered  the  boy  to  be  shown  in. 
Who  should  enter  but  the  Genius  of  the  Roadside,  who  placed 
in  Burr's  hand  the  identical  piece  of  paper  he  had  given  him. 
The  lad  was  warmly  welcomed.  Burr  took  him  into  his  fam 
ily,  educated  him,  and  procured  him  instruction  in  the  art 
which  nature  had  indicated  should  be  the  occupation  of  his 
life-time.  Afterward,  Burr  assisted  him  to  Europe,  where  he 
spent  five  years  in  the  study  of  painting,  and  became  an  artist 
worthy  of  the  name. 

While  Burr  himself  was  wandering  in  Europe,  Yanderlyn 
was  exhibiting  pictures  in  the  Louvre,  at  Paris,  and  receiving 
from  Napoleon  a  gold  medal,  besides  compliments  and  felicit 
ations  from  the  emperor's  own  lips.  Vanderlyn  did  all  he 
could  for  his  benefactor  in  Paris ;  but  unhappily  he  had  the 
successful  artist's  usual  fortune  —  poverty  embittered  by  glory. 
He  afterward  had  commissions  from  Congress,  and  painted 
the  well-known  "  Landing  of  Columbus"  for  a  panel  in  the 
rotunda  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington.  He  also  painted  the 
portraits  of  Colonel  Burr  and  Theodosia  from  which  the  en 
gravings  were  taken  by  which  their  lineaments  are  now  known 
to  the  public.  Vanderlyn  died  only  five  years  ago  at  Kings 
ton,  near  the  spot  where  he  drew  the  charcoal  sketch  which 
decided  his  career. 

Burr  was  fond  of  children  to  weakness.  In  walking  about 
the  Battery  or  the  Park,  which  in  those  days  used  to  swarm 
with  nurses  and  children,  he  would  often  stop  to  speak  to  a 
pretty  child.  He  has  frequently  emptied  his  pockets  of  all  the 
change  he  had  in  giving  pieces  of  money  to  the  children  and 
their  attendants.  In  his  office,  he  made  a  point  of  always 
keeping  a  supply  of  small  coins  expressly  for  children.  A 
lady  tells  me  that  she  has  known  him  to  send  out  a  ten  dollar 


622  LIFE     OF     A  A  BON     BUBK. 

bill  and  get  it  all  changed  into  five,  six,  ten,  and  twelve  cent 
pieces,  in  order  that  he  might  be  sure  to  have  one  to  give  her 
every  time  she  said  her  lesson  with  the  required  degree  of  ac 
curacy.  Particularly  fond  of  educating  girls,  he  was  far  in 
advance  of  his  time  in  the  liberality  of  his  ideas  on  that  sub 
ject.  His  maxim  wras,  that  the  aptitudes  given  by  nature  to 
each  child  should  be  cultivated  without  regard  to  sex.  Ac 
cordingly,  he  had  one  of  his  female  proteges,  who  exhibited 
a  talent  for  music,  taught  the  violin,  both  because  it  is  the 
most  perfect  of  instruments,  and  because  the  girl  showed  a 
remarkable  fondness  for  it.  Another  girl  acquired  under  his 
teaching  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  Greek  to  read  the  New 
Testament  in  that  language  with  some  fluency. 

Yet  it  appears  he  had  a  horror  of  hearing  women  talk 
upon  politics,  and  would  never  permit  the  topic  to  be  intro 
duced  in  their  presence,  if  he  could  prevent  it. 

"  That  man,"  said  he  one  day  of  a  stranger  who  had  just 
left  the  room,  "  is  no  gentleman." 

"  Why  not  ?"  exclaimed  the  ladies  in  a  chorus. 

"  Because  he  introduced  politics  before  ladies,"  answered 
Burr. 

"  But,  colonel,  have  ladies  no  sense,  then  ?"  inquired  one 
of  them. 

With  a  smile,  he  said  in  his  soft  whispering  way,  "  All  sense, 
madame ;  yet  it  is  better  to  talk  sweet  little  nothings  to 
them." 

His  female  proteges  usually  became  agreeable  and  estimable 
women,  and  did  well  in  life.  The  young  men  whom  he  edu 
cated  were  too  apt  to  copy  his  faults,  instead  of  his  virtues ; 
particularly  his  worst  fault,  which  was  a  reckless  generosity 
in  the  use  of  money.  Some  of  them  passed  their  lives  in  pe 
cuniary  difficulties,  which  a  little  self-denying  prudence  in  the 
beginning  of  their  career  might  have  enabled  them  to  avoid. 
Others,  however,  escaped  those  degrading  miseries,  and  are 
at  this  moment  prosperous  gentlemen.  One  of  these  I  ad 
dressed  in  the  following  manner : 

"  You  were  intimately  associated  with  Colonel  Burr  during 
the  years  when  your  character  was  forming,  and  he  must  have 


ANECDOTES      AND     REMINISCENCES.  623 

influenced  you  powerfully.  Looking  back  a  quarter  of  a  cen 
tury,  do  you  think  he  influenced  you  beneticially  ?" 

"  I  am  sure  he  did,"  was  the  reply. 

"What  particular  effect  did  his  character  produce  upon 
yours  ?"  I  asked. 

The  emphatic  reply  was  :  "  He  made  tne  iron  /" 

A  lady  said  to  me  :  "  I  never  ask  and  never  answer  an  im 
pertinent  question  ;  I  was  brought  up  in  the  JSurr  school." 

There  are  some  pleasant  recollections  of  Colonel  Burr  re 
corded  in  a  recent  work,  entitled  "  The  Autobiography  of  a 
Blind  Minister,"  by  the  Rev.  Timothy  Woodbridge,  D.  D.,  a 
grandson  of  Jonathan  Edwards,  and  one  of  Burr's  cousins. 
"In  tbte  summer  of  1819,"  says  Dr.  Woodbridge,  "I  met  my 
cousin  Aaron  Burr,  at  the  house  of  our  common  uncle,  Hon. 
Timothy  Edwards,  in  Stockbridge.  This  was  the  first  time  he 
had  visited  our  uncle,  for  whom  he  had  a  profound  reverence, 
since  his  return  from  Europe. 

"  Burr  is  a  conspicuous  character  in  American  history ;  and, 
as  I  felt  the  most  intense  curiosity  to  make  his  acquaintance, 
and  study  his  mind,  I  had  several  interviews  with  him  during 
this  visit  of  two  or  three  days.  His  conversation  was  instruct 
ive  and  fascinating,  and,  joined  to  his  bearing,  conveyed  to 
my  mind  the  impression  that  he  was  made  by  the  God  of  Na 
ture  to  put  forth  a  commanding  agency  in  human  affairs.  His 
language  was  clear  as  light.  His  conversation  was  senten 
tious  and  condensed,  and  I  never  knew  a  man  convey  as  much 
meaning  in  as  few  words.  I  heard  him  sketch  the  character 
of  a  number  of  our  revolutionary  patriots  and  heroes  in  a  won 
derfully  graphic  manner,  and  I  thought  him  a  great  moral 
painter. 

"  My  uncle  told  me  that,  after  Burr  came  home  from  his 
Canadian  campaign,  he  described  to  him  the  character  of  Ben 
edict  Arnold.  '  Arnold,'  said  Burr,  '  is  a  perfect  madman  in 
the  excitement  of  battle,  and  is  ready  for  any  deeds  of  valor ; 
but  he  has  not  a  particle  of  moral  courage.  He  is  utterly  un 
principled,  and  has  no  love  of  country  or  self-respect,  to  guide 
him.  He  is  not  to  be  trusted  anywhere  but  under  the  eye  of 
a  superior  officer.' 


624  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

"The  day  after  Burr  left  our  uncle's  I  called  at  the  house, 
to  talk  over  the  impressions  of  this  unwonted  visit.  My  aunt 
was  a  venerable  and  pious  woman.  *I  want  to  tell  you,  cousin,' 
said  she,  '  the  scene  I  passed  through  this  morning.  When 
Colonel  Burr's  carriage  had  driven  up  to  the  door,  I  asked 
him  to  go  with  me  into  the  north  room,  and  I  can  not  tell  you 
how  anxious  I  felt,  as  I,  an  old  woman,  went  through  the  hall 
with  that  great  man,  Colonel  Burr,  to  admonish  him,  and  to 
lead  him  to  repentance.  After  we  were  by  ourselves,  I  said 
to  him,  "  Colonel  Burr,  I  have  a  thousand  tender  memories  as 
sociated  with  you.  I  took  care  of  you  in  your  childhood,  and 
I  feel  the  deepest  concern  over  your  erring  steps.  You  have 
committed  a  great  many  sins  against  God,  and  you  killed  that 
great  and  good  man,  General  Hamilton.  I  beseech  you  to  re 
pent,  and  fly  to  the  blood  and  righteousness  of  the  Redeemer 
for  pardon.  I  can  not  bear  to  think  of  your  being  lost,  and  I 
often  pray  most  earnestly  for  your  salvation."  The  only  reply 
he  made  to  me,'  continued  the  excellent  old  lady,  '  was,  "  O, 
aunt,  don't  feel  so  badly  ;  we  shall  both  meet  in  heaven  yet ; 
meanwhile,  may  God  bless  you."  He  then  tenderly  took  my 
hand,  and  left  the  house.'  " 

He  often  received,  in  the  course  of  his  life,  similar  well- 
meant  admonitions,  and  invariably  replied  to  them  with  thank 
fulness  and  respect.  Letters,  anonymous  and  other,  reminding 
him  of  his  mother's  dying  wishes  respecting  him,  and  urging 
him  to  repent,  were  found  among  his  papers.  One  of  these, 
written  by  a  lady  who  had  known  and  loved  his  mother,  was 
eloquent  and  touching.  She  inclosed  a  fragment  of  a  letter 
which  she  had  received  from  his  mother  sixty  years  before,  in 
which  the  most  ardent  desires  were  expressed  for  the  spiritual 
welfare  of  her  infant  son.  "I  have  often  reflected,"  continued 
the  lady,  "on  your  trials,  and  the  fortitude  with  which  you 
have  sustained  them,  with  astonishment.  Yours  has  been  no 
common  lot.  But  you  seem  to  have  forgotten  the  right  use 
of  adversity.  Afflictions  from  heaven  '  are  angels  sent  on 
embassies  of  love.'  We  must  improve,  and  not  abuse  them, 
to  obtain  the  blessing.  They  are  commissioned  to  stem  the 
tide  of  impetuous  passion ;  to  check  inordinate  ambition ;  to 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  C25 

show  us  the  insignificance  of  earthly  greatness ;  to  wean  our 
affections  from  transitory  things,  and  elevate  them  to  those 
realities  which  are  ever  blooming  at  the  right  hand  of  God. 
When  affliction  is  thus  sanctified,  '  the  heart  at  once  it  hum 
bles  arid  exalts.' 

"  Was  it  philosophy  that  supported  you  in  your  trials  ? 
There  is  an  hour  approaching  when  philosophy  will  fail,  and 
all  human  science  will  desert  you.  What  then  will  be  your 
substitute?  Tell  me,  Colonel  Burr,  or  rather  answer  it  to 
your  own  heart,  when  the  pale  messenger  appears,  how  will 
you  meet  him  — '  undamped  by  doubts,  undarkened  by  de 
spair  ?' 

"The  inclosed  is  calculated  to  excite  mingled  sensations 
both  of  a  melancholy  and  pleasing  nature.  The  hand  that 
penned  it  is  now  among  'the  just  made  perfect.'  Your  mother 
had  given  you  up  by  faith.  Have  you  ever  ratified  the  vows 
she  made  in  your  behalf?  When  she  bade  you  a  long  fare 
well,  she  commended  you  to  the  protection  of  Him  who  had 
promised  to  be  a  Father  to  the  fatherless. 

"The  great  Augustine,  in  his  early  years,  was  an  infidel  in 
his  principles,  and  a  libertine  in  his  conduct,  which  his  pious 
mother  deplored  with  bitter  weeping.  But  she  was  told  by 
her  friends  that  'the  child  of  so  many  prayers  and  tears  could 
not  be  lost ;'  and  it  was  verified  to  her  happy  experience,  for 
he  afterward  became  one  of  the  grand  luminaries  of  the 
church  of  Christ.  This  remark  has  often  been  applied  to  you; 
and  I  trust  you  will  yet  have  the  happiness  to  find  that  '  the 
prayers  of  the  righteous'  have  '  availed  much.'  " 

Burr  was  no  scoffer.  He  was  desirous,  while  condemning 
the  severe  theology  of  his  fathers,  not  to  be  thought  an  unbe 
liever.  A  lady  informs  me  that  if  he  chanced  to  enter  a 
room  while  she  was  hearing  her  children  say  their  prayers,  he 
would  stand  silent  in  an  attitude  of  reverence  till  the  exercise 
was  done.  He  occasionally  went,  with  a  lady,  to  the  Episcopal 
church,  and  would  have  gone  oftener  but  for  his  impatience  of 
a  dull  or  denunciatory  sermon.  As  he  was  coming  oat  of  St. 
John's  one  fine  Sunday  afternoon,  his  companion  asked  him 
what  he  thought  of  the  sermon,  which  had  borne  hard  upon 

27 


620  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURK. 

erring  mortals.  "  I  think,"  said  he,  "  that  God  is  a  great  deal 
better  than  people  suppose.  I,  at  least,  am  a  believer  in  his 
goodness.  I  say  with  Pope.: 

" '  Submit ;  in  this  or  any  other  sphere, 

Secure  to  be  as  blessed  as  thou  canst  bear : 
Safe  in  the  hand  of  one  disposing  Power, 
Or  in  the  natal,  or  the  mortal  hour.'  " 

He  thought  the  Bible  to  be  by  far  the  most  valuable  of 
books,  and  admired  the  Psalms  of  David  particularly.  On 
being  asked  to  name  his  favorite  authors  in  the  order  in  which 
he  esteemed  them,  he  replied:  "The  Bible,  of  course,  it  is  the 
Book ;  after  that,  Shakespeare,  Burns,  Pope.  He  had  little 
relish,  in  his  later  years,  for  the  French  authors  who  had 
pleased  him  so  much  in  his  youth.  He  used  to  say  of  Rousseau 
that  he  was  well  named  "  a  self-torturing  egotist."  He  also 
outgrew  any  fondness  he  may  have  had  for  Voltaire.  Of  his 
ancestor,  Jonathan  Edwards,  he  used  often  to  say  that  he 
"  was  the  clearest  head  of  America.  How  the  race  has  de 
generated,"  he  would  say,  with  a  humorous  shrug. 

As  the  years  passed,  his  reputation  was  more  and  more 
blackened  by  the  idle,  calumnious  tales  that  were  circulated 
respecting  him.  He  bore  it  with  surprising  equanimity.  Know 
ing  well  the  utter  hopelessness  of  attempting  to  restore  his 
good  name,  he  submitted  to  the  wrong  in  silence,  and  grew 
at  last  almost  indifferent  to  it.  For  many  years,  indeed,  he 
cherished  the  hope  that  the  publication  of  his  story,  after  his 
death,  would  set  all  right  at  last,  and  to  secure  this  was  one 
of  his  latest  cares.  But  for  his  own  life-time  he  knew  the  case 
was  hopeless. 

"  I  don't  care  what  they  say  of  me,"  he  said  to  one  who 
showed  him  a  scurrilous  paragraph  ;  "  they  may  say  whatever 
they  please ;  I  let  them  alone,  I  only  ask  to  be  let  alone." 

On  a  similar  occasion,  a  lady  said  to  him,  "  Why,  colonel, 
if  they  were  to  accuse  you  of  murder,  I  don't  think  you'd 
deny  it." 

He  replied,  "  O,  no,  my  child,  why  should  I  ?  What  good 
would  it  do  ?  Every  man  likes  his  own  opinion  best.  He  may 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  627 

not  have  a  hundred  thousand  dollars,  but  he  has  his  opinion. 
A  man's  opinion  is  his  pride,  his  wealth,  himself.  As  far  as  I  am 
concerned,  they  may  indulge  in  any  opinion  they  choose." 

One  day  in  his  office,  a  gentleman  talked  in  the  usual  hall- 
true  manner  of  the  evils  of  war.  Burr  remarked, 

"  Slander  has  slain  more  than  the  sword." 

To  a  friend  who  censured  him  for  allowing  so  many  hun 
dreds  of  injurious  paragraphs  to  circulate  without  contradic 
tion,  he  replied  that  he  had  formerly  supposed  that  his  char 
acter  was  strong  enough  to  bear  such  petty  assaults,  and  he 
had  felt  himself  safe  in  treating  them  with  contempt.  "  But," 
he  added,  "  I  fear  I  have  committed  a  great  error ;  the  men 
who  knew  their  falsity  are  mostly  dead,  and  the  generation 
who  now  read  them  may  take  them  for  truths,  being  uncon- 
tradicted.  I  admit  I  have  committed  a  capital  error,  but  it  is 
too  late  to  repair  it." 

"  Poor  Burr !"  exclaimed  the  recorder  of  the  remark  last 
quoted,  "  he  was  a  man  of  many  griefs  ;  but  he  was  a  child  of 
genius  —  a  brave,  intellectual,  brilliant  man  —  and  had  wirtnn 
himself  many  of  the  noblest  qualities  which  adorn  his  species. 
But  he  had  his  weaknesses,  and  his  petty  vices  in  addition. 
Who  has  not  ?  He  was  the  victim  of  a  combination  of  cir 
cumstances,  rather  than  of  his  own  fault." 

Occasionally,  Burr's  revilers  would  receive  a  telling  rebuke. 
One  of  his  English  friends,  a  colonel  in  the  British  army,  came 
to  this  country  with  his  wife  and  daughters,  and  hastened  to 
renew  his  acquaintance  with  Colonel  Burr.  A  few  days  after 
his  arrival,  some  officious  individuals  to  whom  he  had  brought 
letters,  and  who  had  seen  Burr  walking  in  the  street  with  him 
and  his  party,  felt  themselves  called  upon  to  put  the  stranger 
on  his  guard. 

"  Really,  Colonel ,  you  mustn't  know  Burr,"  said  on$ 

of  these  friendly  provincials.  "  No  one  in  society  thinks  of 
knowing  Burr  ;  he  is  held  in  a  kind  of  abhorrence.  I  wouldn't 
for  the  world  have  my  wife  and  daughters  seen  speaking  with 
him." 

"  Wouldn't  you,"  said  the  jolly  Briton ;  "  for  our  part,  we 
think  Colonel  Burr's  acquaintance  a  privilege  and  an  honor." 


628  LIFE     OF     AARON     BU11E. 

"Bat,"  said  another  of  the  officious  ones,  "Aaron  Burr  is 
the  greatest  villain  on  earth." 

"  Gentlemen,"  was  the  soldier's  quiet  reply,  "  we  like  vil 
lains,"  and  turned  on  his  heel. 

Burr  himself  was  provoked  once  to  notice  a  public  affront. 
It  was  at  Jamaica,  on  Long  Island,  when  he  was  a  very  old 
man,  on  one  of  the  last  occasions  of  his  appearing  in  a  court 
room.  The  news  of  his  coming  preceded  him,  and  such  was 
the  general  desire  to  see  so  renowned  a  character,  that  the 
schools  were  dismissed,  and  -people  walked  many  miles  to  at 
tend  the  court.  A  lawyer,  fifty  years  his  junior,  thought  to 
make  capital  for  himself  by  roundly  abusing  Colonel  Burr  in 
his  opening  speech.  On  rising  to  reply,  Colonel  Burr,  in  his 
very  blandest  tones,  said, 

"I  learned  in  the  Revolution,  in  the  society  of  gentlemen, 
and  I  have  since  observed  for  myself,  that  a  man  who  is  guilty 
of  intentional  bad  manners,  is  capable  of  crime." 

The  remark  is  not  a  very  striking  one,  but  it  is  said  to  have 
produced  a  great  effect  upon  the  auditors,  and  to  have  com 
pletely  quelled  the  young  lawyer's  insolence.  The  manner  of 
the  man  must  have  been  powerful  in  the  extreme,  for  so  many 
of  his  words  to  be  remembered  after  the  lapse  of  so  many 
years. 

One  of  Burr's  law-partners  relates  an  anecdote  which  also 
shows  how  his  words  cling  to  the  memory  of  those  who  heard 
them.  The  circumstance  occurred  about  forty-two  years  ago. 
A  gentleman  entered  the  office  and  brought  the  news  that  a 
friend  of  Colonel  Burr's,  who  had  at  a  critical  period  written  a 
pamphlet  in  his  vindication,  had  fallen  dead  in  the  street  a  few 
hours  before. 

"  Do  me  the  favor,"  said  Burr,  turning  to  his  partner,  "  to 
•end  for  a  carriage  ;  we  must  go  and  see  how  this  is !" 

On  reaching  the  house,  they  found  the  family  in  great  dis 
tress,  and  the  sheriff  in  possession  of  the  body  for  a  debt  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars. 

Looking  upon  the  face  of  the  dead  man,  Burr  said, 

"  This  may  be  law,  but  it  is  not  Christian  charity  !" 

Turning  to  his  partner,  who  was  the  cashier  of  the  concern, 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  629 

he  added,  "  This  must  not  go  on.  This  man  must  be  buried. 
You  have  the  money  of  the  privateersmen  (clients)  in  your 
hands ;  pay  the  debt. 

His  prudent  partner  demurred,  saying  the  money  might  be 
railed  for  before  they  could  replace  it." 

"  Sir,"  replied  Burr  with  decision,  "  that  man  once  did  me 
a  kindness ;  give  them  the  money  and  I  will  borrow  as  much 
to-morrow  of  the  Black  Prince." 

The  body  was  delivered,  and  both  Burr  and  his  partner  at 
tended  the  funeral.  Black  Prince  was  the  nickname  of  one 
of  Burr's  staunch  friends. 

As  he  grew  older,  the  habit  of  indiscriminate  giving  grew 
upon  him  to  a  most  remarkable  degree.  During  his  more 
active  years  he  usually  had  a  partner  who  managed  the  finan 
cial  affairs  of  the  firm ;  for  he  was  not  fit  himself  to  have  the 
control  of  money,  and  he  knew  it.  There  were  certain  claims 
upon  him  which  he  could  never  resist.  Old  soldiers  of  the 
Revolution  and  their  children,  men  who  had  lost  by  the  fail 
ure  of  the  expedition  and  their  children,  men  who  had  stood 
by  him  to  the  last  in  his  political  career  and  their  children, 
were  the  people  who  had  but  to  apply  to  him  for  assistance, 
to  get  from  him,  if  necessary,  his  last  dollar.  Literally,  his 
last  dollar ;  nay,  his  last  cent ;  for  he  has  been  known  to  ex 
amine  all  his  pockets  and  drawers,  and  bestow  every  coin  he 
could  find  upon  a  needy  friend. 

When  he  received  a  sum  of  money  of  his  own,  he  used  to 
make  a  kind  of  well  of  books  for  its  reception  in  the  middle 
of  his  large,  crowded  table  ;  and  then  lucky  was  the  applicant 
who  made  the  first  claim  upon  it !  He  gave,  and  gave,  and 
gave,  until  the  well  ran  dry,  and  was  filled  in  again  with  law 
papers  and  books ;  when,  too  often,  a  creditor  would  present 
himself,  and  go  away  again  disappointed.  "  Burr  was  not  a 
man,"  says  one  who  knew  more  about  his  pecuniary  affairs 
and  habits  than  any  body  else,  "  to  worry  about  a  debt,  though 
he  liked  to  pay  when  he  could."  A  creditor  would  say, 

"  This  bill  has  been  running  a  long  time,  colonel." 

"  It  has  indeed,"  he  wrould  reply. 


630  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BUKK. 

"  I  should  like  to  have  the  money,"  the  creditor  would  con 
tinue. 

"And  I  should  like  to  pay  you,"  the  colonel  would  rejoin. 

And  if,  when  the  applicant  called  again,  there  was  money  in 
the  well,  he  would  pay  it  with  pleasure.  Never  was  there  a 
front  door  in  New  York  so  beset  with  solicitors  for  charity  as 
his.  To  avoid  the  rush  of  suitors,  he  removed  at  one  time  to 
Jersey  City,  thinking  that  the  obstacle  of  the  river  would,  at 
least,  diminish  the  crowd  of  applicants.  He  resided  there  for 
some  years.  These  ceaseless  gifts  it  was,  that  made  him  an 
extravagant  man,  and  kept  him  poor.  Upon  himself  he  spent 
little.  He  lived  chiefly  upon  fish,  bread,  weak  coifee,  claret 
and  water,  and  other  simple  articles.  He  could  scarcely  have 
had  a  clerk  whose  personal  expenses  were  so  little  as  his 
own. 

Heaps  of  miscellaneous  pieces  of  paper  from  Burr's  desks 
and  drawers,  have  been  offered  to  my  inspection ;  they  show 
how  constantly  he  was  solicited  for  pecuniary  aid,  and  how 
frequently  that  aid  was  afforded.  Notes  payable  to  him  that 
have  never  been  paid  ;  applications  for  small  loans  ;  acknowl 
edgments  of  money  borrowed ;  thanks  for  similar  favors ; 
fill  up  the  interstices  between  larger  documents.  He  could 
not  say  No,  at  last.  He  could  scarcely  choose  but  give. 

An  anecdote  related  to  me  by  the  wife  of  one  of  Burr's 
partners  will  serve  to  illustrate  his  infirmity  with  regard  to 
the  use  of  money.  He  may  have  been  seventy-five  years  old 
when  the  circumstances  took  place.  The  lady  chanced  to  be 
sitting  in  the  office  one  morning,  when  Burr  received  a  large 
amount  of  money  in  bills,  and  as  his  habits  with  regard  to 
money  had  often  been  the  subject  of  remark  in  the  house,  she 
watched  his  proceedings  with  curiosity.  She  saw  him  first 
take  a  law-book  from  an  upper  shelf,  put  a  fifty  dollar  note 
between  its  leaves,  and  replace  the  book  on  the  shelf.  The 
rest  of  the  money  he  deposited  in  the  middle  of  his  table,  as 
usual.  He  had  on  that  morning  an  extraordinary  concourse 
of  begging  visitors,  of  whom  no  one  seemed  to  go  empty 
away,  and  by  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  well  was  ex 
hausted.  An  hour  later,  Colonel  Burr  looked  at  his  watch, 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  631 

sprang  from  his  chair,  and  began  hastily  to  pack  his  portman 
teau  with  law-papers,  in  preparation  for  a  journey  to  Albany, 
where  he  had  business  with  the  courts.  When  he  was  ready, 
he  looked  into  his  receptacle  for  money  and  discovered  that  it 
was  empty,  An  examination  of  his  pockets  produced  only  a 
few  coins. 

"  Bless  me  !"  he  exclaimed,  "  I  have  to  go  to  Albany  in  half 
an  hour,  and  have  no  money." 

Could  madame  lend  him  ten  dollars  ?  Madame  could  not. 
Would  madame  oblige  him  by  stepping  over  and  asking  her 
good  mother  to  lend  him  the  amount  ?  Madame  was  of  opin 
ion  that  her  good  mother  would  not  lend  Colonel  Burr  any 
more  money.  He  was  at  his  wit's  end.  At  length  she  said, 

"  But,  colonel,  what  are  you  going  to  do  with  the  fifty  dol 
lar  bill  in  that  book  yonder  ?" 

"  O !  I  forgot,"  he  said ;  "  I  put  it  there  this  morning  on 
purpose.  What  a  treasure  you  are  to  remind  me  of  it !" 

The  year  1829  saw  General  Jackson  President  of  the  United 
States.  He  was  not  unmindful  of  his  old  friends  of  1806.  To 
Samuel  Swartwout  he  gave  the  collectorship  of  New  York. 
He  could  not  do  any  thing  openly  for  Colonel  Burr,  as  his 
early  connection  with  that  terrible  person  had  been  one  of  the 
strong  points  made  against  him  during  the  canvass.  But  he 
did  grant  him  favors  indirectly ;  he  gave  commissions  and 
minor  appointments  to  several  of  Burr's  friends  and  proteges, 
at  Burr's  personal  request.  He  also  had  a  secret  interview 
with  Burr  in  New  York  when  he  made  his  first  triumphal 
visit  to  the  metropolis.  At  a  later  date,  however,  the  general 
played  his  old  confederate  a  sorry  trick  —  as  shall  now  be 
briefly  related. 

About  the  year  1828,  an  act  of  Congress  was  passed,  pro 
viding  for  the  relief  and  remuneration  of  certain  revolutionary 
soldiers.  Besides  having  received  no  pay  for  his  services  in 
the  Revolution,  Colonel  Burr  had  expended  considerable  sums 
in  aid  of  the  cause,  and,  in  fact,  through  his  connection  with 
the  army,  had  lost  the  greater  part  of  his  inheritance.  His  ac 
counts  had  never  been  settled.  Old  age  was  now  upon  him. 
He  had  a  revolutionary  pension  of  six  hundred  dollars  a  year, 


632  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

and  two  annuities,  yielding  about  fifteen  hundred  more  ;  but 
with  his  habits  and  debts,  this  income  was  insufficient,  and  he 
had  a  dread  of  being  a  poor  old  man.  He  therefore  prepared 
a  statement  of  his  expenditures  during  the  Revolution,  and 
made  a  claim,  under  the  new  act,  for  the  sum,  with  interest, 
the  amount  being  nearly  one  hundred  thousand  dollars.  Be 
fore  proceeding,  he  submitted  his  case  to  two  or  three  of  the 
first  lawyers  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  who  pronounced 
his  claim  just,  and  within  the  provisions  of  the  act.  To  make 
assurance  doubly  sure,  he  intrusted  the  business  to  a  special 
agent,  a  gentleman  who  had  studied  law  in  his  office,  who 
spent  some  months  in  Washington  urging  the  claim.  From 
this  gentleman  I  obtained  the  story. 

The  papers  were  duly  presented  to  the  Secretary,  who  soon 
rejected  the  claim  on  the  ground  that  the  applicant  had  not 
served  to  the  end  of  the  war,  as  the  act  required.  Not  dis 
heartened,  he  asked  time  to  show  that,  though  he  had  re 
signed  before  the  end  of  the  war,  yet  he  had  done  service,  at 
General  Washington's  request,  after  his  resignation,  and  had 
served  as  long  as  there  were  actual  hostilities  in  the  States 
where  his  regiment  was  stationed.  His  illness,  too,  in  conse 
quence  of  hi-s  exertions  at  Monmouth,  had  alone  caused  his  res 
ignation.  New  evidence  was  obtained,  to  which  Burr  added 
a  masterly  argument,  and  the  case  was  again  laid  before  the 
department.  "Res  adjudicatur,"  was  the  prompt  reply  of  a 
new  Secretary.  The  agent  succeeded,  however,  in  inducing 
the  official  to  admit  further  argument,  and  the  case  reposed 
for  awhile  in  the  departmental  pigeon-holes. 

Burr  now  brought  his  peculiar  tactics  to  bear.  In  answer 
to  inquiries,  he  learned  that  the  Secretary  had  two  daughters, 
one  of  whom  was  sought  in  marriage  by  a  young  lawyer  who 
held  an  appointment  in  one  of  the  government  offices.  Retain 
him,)  wrote  Burr,  and  offer  him  ten  thousand  dollars  to  get 
the  claim  allowed.  This  was  done.  The  case  having  now  a 
powerful  friend  at  court,  made  evident  progress  in  the  Secre 
tary's  good  opinion,  and,  in  all  probability,  the  money  would 
have  been  obtained,  but  for  a  most  unlooked-for  occurrence. 
As  the  Secretary  entered  the  President's  room  at  the  White 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  633 

House,  one  morning,  he  was  greeted  by  General  Jackson  with 
the  following  observations : 

"  Mr. ,"  roared  the  general,  "  I  understand  that  Colonel 

Burr  has  an  application  before  your  department.  Don't  have 
any  thing  to  do  with  it,  sir.  There's  rascality  in  it,  sir." 

Nothing  remained  for  the  luckless  agent  but  to  pay  his 
hotel  bill  and  go  home.  On  hearing  the  issue  of  the  business, 
Burr  expressed  no  resentment  whatever  against  the  general, 
attributing  his  interference  solely  to  the  supposed  necessities 
of  his  political  position.  Among  those  who  did  what  they 
could  to  promote  Colonel  Burr's  just  claim  on  this  occasion, 
were  members  of  the  celebrated  Biddle  family  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  whose  early  fortunes  he  had  taken  great  interest  in  ad 
vancing. 

"Jackson,"  Colonel  Burr  would  say,  "possesses  all  the 
attributes  of  a  President  fit  to  rule  such  a  people.  He  is  a 
man  of  an  iron  will  —  a  will  of  pure  well-wrought  iron  —  no 
base  cast  metal." 

"  Is  he  a  scholar  ?"  some  one  asked. 

"  It  is  not  necessary,"  replied  Burr,  "  for  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  be  a  scholar.  Andrew  Jackson  does  not 
rule  by  books  ;  he  is  a  man  of  sound  sense,  and  rules  by  will." 

Jackson's  famous  oath,  "  By  the  Eternal,"  was  a  by-word  in 
Burr's  house  long  before  it  became  familiar  to  the  public.  He 
afterward  changed  it  to  "  By  General  Jackson,"  and  so  swore 
many  a  time  ;  for,  with  all  his  good  temper,  he  needed,  and 
always  had  by  him,  a  convenient  expletive  or  two. 

A  cheerful,  active,  hale  old  man  was  Aaron  Burr ;  none 
more  so  ever  lived  on  this  crowded,  busy  island.  Young  men, 
spirited  women,  new  books,  new  events,  new  inventions,  pleas 
ant'  excursions,  and  rare  adventures,  he  enjoyed,  and  keenly 
enjoyed,  down  to  the  seventy-ninth  year  of  his  age.  He  loved 
an  open,  blazing  fire,  and  all  open,  bright,  pleasant  things,  and, 
in  all  companies,  was  the  animating  spirit. 

At  the  age  of  seventy-eight,  we  find  him  writing  as  follows 
to  his  partner  from  Albany :  "Arrived  this  evening  between 
six  and  seven  o'clock,  having  been  forty '-five,  hours  in  the  stage 

27* 


634  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

without  intermission,  except  to  eat  a  hearty  meal.  Stages  in 
very  bad  order  —  roads  excellent  for  wheels  to  Peekskill,  and 
thence  very  good  sleighing  to  this  city.  The  night  was  un 
comfortable  ;  the  curtains  torn  and  flying  all  about,  so  that  we 
had  plenty  of  fresh  air.  The  term  was  closed  this  day.  Nel 
son  will  hold  the  special  court  to-morrow  morning  —  have  seen 
both  Wendell  and  O'Connor  this  evening — all  ready  —  came 
neither  fatigued  nor  sleepy." 

A  clipping  from  a  New  York  newspaper  of  some  years  ago 
gives  us  a  glimpse  of  the  polite  old  man,  as  he  looked  to  the 
large  eyes  of  an  imaginative  boy  : 

"Just  round  the  corner  (from  Broadway)  in  Reade-street — 
we  believe  on  ground  now  occupied  by  Stewart's  —  was  the 
office,  for  many  of  the  later  years  of  his  life  tenanted  by 
Aaron  Burr.  We,  when  a  boy,  remember  seeing  him  there, 
often.  It  was  a  dark,  smoky,  obscure  sort  of  a  double-room, 
typical  of  his  fortunes.  Burr  had  entirely  lost  caste  for  thirty 
years  before  he  died.  And  whatever  may  be  said'of  his  char 
acter  and  conduct,  we  think  nothing  can  excuse  the  craven 
meanness  of  the  many,  who,  having  fawned  around  him  in  the 
days  of  his  elevation,  deserted  and  reviled  him  in  the  after- 
time  of  misfortunes.  Burr  had  much  of  the  bad  man  in  him 
(faith !  we'd  like  to  see  the  human  mold  that  has  not),  but  he 
was  dauntless,  intellectual,  and  possessed  the  warm  temper 
ament  of  an  artist. 

"  Yes,  we  remember  well  that  dry,  bent,  brown-faced  little 
old  man,  polite  as  Chesterfield  himself,  that  used  to  sit  t)y  an 
ancient  baize  table,  in  the  half-light  of  the  dust-covered  room 
there  —  not  often  with  work  to  do  —  indeed  he  generally 
seemed  meditating.  We  can  now  understand  it  all,  though 
he  seemed  a  strange  personage  then.  What  thoughts  must 
have  burned  and  whirled  through  that  old  man's  brain  —  he, 
who  came  within  a  vote  or  two  of  seating  himself  as  a  succes 
sor  of  Washington  !  Even  to  our  boyish  judgment  then,  he 
was  invested  with  the  dignity  of  a  historic  theme.  He  had 
all  the  air  of  a  gentleman  of  the  old  school —  was  respectful, 
self-possessed,  and  bland,  but  never  familiar.  He  had  seen  a 


ANECDOTES     AND     REMINISCENCES.  635 

hundred  men,  morally  as  unscrupulous  as  himself,  more  lucky, 
for  some  reason  or  other,  than  himself.  He  was  down ;  he 
was  old.  He  awaited  his  fate  with  Spartan  calmness  —  know 
ing  that  not  a  tear  would  fall  when  he  should  be  put  under  the 
sod." 

A  little  adventure  which  he  had  in  one  of  these  last  years  will 
serve  to  show  how  completely  he  retained  the  youthful  spring 
of  his  spirits  and  muscles  to  an  age  when  old  men  generally 
are  willing  prisoners  of  the  arm-chair  and  chimney-corner.  He 
was  still  living  at  Jersey  City  when  Fanny  Kemble  and  her 
father  played  their  first  engagement  in  New  York.  They 
created,  as  many  will  remember,  a  "  sensation,"  and  the  news 
papers  teemed  with  articles  laudatory  of  their  acting.  Burr, 
who  took  a  lively  interest  in  all  that  was  passing,  went  to  see 
them  perform  in  the  play  of  the  Hunchback,  accompanied  by 
a  young  gentleman,  a  student  of  law,  to  whom  I  am  indebted 
for  the  story.  At  that  period,  the  ferry-boats  stopped  run 
ning  soon  after  dark,  and  Burr  engaged  some  boatman  to  be 
in  waiting  at  the  dock  to  row  them  back  to  Jersey  after  the 
play  was  over. 

The  theater  was  densely  crowded.  It  was  whispered  about 
that  Aaron  Burr  was  present,  and  he  was  soon  the  target  of  a 
thousand  eagerly  curious  eyes ;  but  no  one  saluted  the  man 
who  was  "  severed  from  the  human  race."  He  sat  out  the 
play,  admired  the  acting  of  Miss*  Kemble,  remarking,  among 
other  things,  that  she  "was  a  fine  animal."  -Meanwhile  the 

O     t 

weather  had  changed,  and  by  the  time  they  reached  their 
boat,  an  exceedingly  violent  storm  of  wind  and  rain  w^as 
raging,  and  it  was  very  dark.  The  waves  dashed  against 
the  wharf  in  a  manner  that  was  not  at  all  inviting  to  the 
younger  of  the  two  adventurers,  who  advised  Burr  not  to 
cross. 

"  Why  !"  exclaimed  the  old  gentleman,  as  he  sprang  lightly 
into  the  boat,  "  you  are  not  afraid  of  a  little  salt  water,  are 
you  ?  This  makes  an  adventure  of  it.  This  is  the  fun  of  the 
thing.  The  adventure  is  the  best  of  it  all." 

His  companion  embarked,  and  they  pushed  off.  The  waves 
broke  over  the  boat,  and  drenched  them  both  to  the  skin  in  the 


636  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BTJRK. 

first  five  minutes.  On  they  went,  against  wind,  waves,  and 
tide,  and,  after  an  hour's  hard  rowing,  Burr  all  the  while  in 
hilarious  spirits,  they  reached  the  shore. 

Such  a  tough,  merry,  indomitable  old  man  was  Aaron  Burr 
on  the  verge  of  fourscore  ! 


CHAPTER    XXXIV. 

HIS    RELATIONS     WITH    WOMEN. 

"THEY  SAY"  —  ANECDOTE  OF  WILBERFORCE —  THE  ERRORS  or  M.  L.  DAVIS — TUB 
Two  WILLS  OF  COLONEL  BURR  —  ANECDOTES  —  LETTER  OF  COLONEL  BURR  TO  A 
YOUNG  LADY  —  TIIE  AGE  OF  GALLANTRY  —  His  INFLUENCE  OVER  LADIES  —  His 
MANNERS  — CAUSES  OF  ms  BAD  EEPUTATION  WITH  REGARD  TO  WOMEN— ADVEN 
TURES  ON  THE  COLD  FRIDAY  — OTHER  ANECDOTES  — BURR  NO  SEDUCER. 

OXE  morning,  near  the  close  of  his  life,  as  he  lay  upon  his 
bed  prostrate  with  paralysis,  a  lady  said  to  him  in  a  bantering 
way: 

"  Colonel,  I  wonder,  now,  if  you  ever  were  the  gay  Lotha 
rio  they  say  you  were  ?" 

The  old  man  turned  his  eyes,  the  luster  of  which  was  un- 
diminished  still,  toward  the  friend  who  made  the  remark,  and 
lifting  his  trembling  finger,  said  in  his  quiet,  impressive  whis 
per,  which  still  lingers  in  her  ears,  and  which  brought  tears  to 
her  eyes,  twenty  years  after,  as  she  repeated  the  words : 

"  They  say  !  they  say  !  THEY  SAY  !  Ah,  my  child,  how  long 
are  you  going  to  continue  to  use  those  dreadful  words  ?  Those 
two  little  words  have  done  more  harm  than  all  others.  Never 
use  them,  my  dear.  Never  use  them  !" 

Wonderful,  past  all  imagining,  are  the  slanderer's  triumphs 
in  this  good  gossip-loving  world.  Where  is  the  D'Israeli  who 
will  glean  from  history  and  literature  such  a  startling  book-full 
of  the  Curiosities  and  Tragedies  of  Calumny,  as  shall  teach 
us  all  never  more  to  believe  ill  of  one  another,  except  upon 
evidence  which  leaves  no  rational  ground  for  doubt  —  a  book 
that  shall  deal  the  death-blow  to  that  fell  destroyer  of  reputa 
tions,  THEY  SAY  ? 

Almost  as  I  write,  this  parapraph  afloat  just  now  in  the 
newspapers,  catches  my  eye  :  "  "Wilberforce  relates  that  at 


638  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BURR. 

one  time  he  found  himself  chronicled  as  c  St.  Wilberforce,'  in 
an  opposing  journal,  and  the  following  given  as  'an  instance 
of  his  Pharisaism :'  '  He  was  lately  seen,'  says  the  journal, 
'  walking  up  and  down  in  the  Bath  Pump  Room,  reading  his 
prayers,  like  his  predecessors  of  old,  who  prayed  in  the  corners 
of  the  streets,  to  be  seen  of  men.'  'As  there  is  generally,'  says 
Mr.  Wilberforce,  'some  slight  circumstance  which  perverse- 
ness  turns  into  a  charge  of  reproach,  I  began  to  reflect,  and 
soon  found  the  occasion  of  the  calumny.  It  was  this  —  I  was 
walking  in  the  Pump  Room,  in  conversation  with  a  friend  —  a 
passage  was  quoted  from  Horace,  the  accuracy  of  which  was 
questioned,  and  as  I  had  a  Horace  in  my  pocket,  I  took  it  out 
and  read  the  words.  This  was  the  plain  '  bit  of  wire'  which 
factious  malignity  sharpened  into  a  pin  to  pierce  my  reputa 
tion.'  How  many  ugly  pins  have  been  manufactured  out  of 
even  smaller  bits  of  wire  than  even  that  ?" 

Ay,  indeed !  and  not  "  pins"  merely,  but  darts,  barbed  and 
poisoned,  that  torture,  rankle,  and  kill ! 

Here,  perhaps,  as  conveniently  as  anywhere,  may  be  said 
the  little  that  must  be  said  respecting  the  gallantries  of  Colonel 
Burr ;  a  subject  difficult  to  treat  aright,  impossible  to  avoid. 
Notorious  in  his  life-time  for  his  amours,  and  made  doubly  in 
famous  since  his  death  by  the  statements  of  a  biographer, 
Aaron  Burr  is  now  universally  regarded  as  the  greatest  mon 
ster  of  licentiousness  that  ever  lived  in  the  United  States.  It 
is  no  wonder  that  he  is  so  regarded.  On  a  subject  so  inter 
esting  to  the  imagination  as  illicit  love,  people  always  exag 
gerate.  And  writers  seem  to  think  that  the  popular  \vay  of 
treating  it  is  to  overstate  a  brother's  delinquencies,  and  shed 
torrents  of  virtuous  indignation  over  them.  That  is  not  the 
course  which  is  going  to  be  pursued  on  the  present  occasion. 
As  I  have  ascertained  the  truth  respecting  this  matter,  and  all 
the  truth,  the  truth  shall  be  told,  and  told  with  the  addition 
of  every  palliating  circumstance  that  fairly  belongs  to  it.  The 
i.isk  of  throwing  stones  at  the  sinner  shall  be  left  to  those  who 
feel  themselves  to  be  without  sin. 

First,  shall  be  stated  what  is  not  true  respecting  Burr's  re 
lations  with  women.  Secondly,  what  is  true. 


HIS     RELATIONS     WITH     WOMEN.  639 

Mr.  Matthew  L.  Davis,  to  whom  Colonel  Burr  left  his 
papers  and  correspondence,  and  the  care  of  his  fame,  prefaces 
his  work  with  a  statement  that  has,  for  twenty  years,  closed 
the  ears  of  his  countrymen  against  every  word  that  may  have 
been  uttered  in  Burr's  praise  or  vindication.  The  material 
part  of  that  statement  is  the  following  passage  :  "  Among  the 
papers  left  in  my  possession  by  the  late  Colonel  Burr,  there  was 
a  mass  of  letters  and  copies  of  letters  written  or  received  by 
him,  from  time  to  time,  during  a  long  life,  indicating  no  very 
strict  morality  in  some  of  his  female  correspondents.  These 
letters  contained  matter  that  would  have  wounded  the  feelings 
of  families  more  extensively  than  could  be  imagined.  Their 
publication  would  have  had  a  most  injurious  tendency,  and  cre 
ated  heart-burnings  that  nothing  but  time  could  have  cured. 
As  soon  as  they  came  under  my  control  I  mentioned  the  subject 
to  Colonel  Burr  ;  but  he  prohibited  the  destruction  of  any  part 
of  them  during  his  life-time.  I  separated  them,  however,  from 
other  letters  in  my  possession,  and  placed  them  in  a  situation 
that  made  their  publication  next  to  impossible,  whatever  might 
have  been  my  own  fate.  As  soon  as  Colonel  Burr's  decease 
was  known,  with  my  own  hands  I  committed  to  the  fire  all 
such  correspondence,  and  not  a  vestige  of  it  now  remains." 

The  impression  left  upon  a  reader's  mind  is,  that  Aaron 
Burr  was  indifferent  to  the  fate  of  such  letters ;  a  circumstance 
which  would  suffice  to  damn  to  eternal  infamy  the  memory  of 
any  man.  But,  fortunately,  the  means  exist  of  proving  that 
Burr  expressly  provided  for  their  destruction,  and  laid  upon 
Mr.  Davis  a  solemn  injunction  to  that  effect ! 

Twice  in  his  life,  Aaron  Burr,  in  view  of  threatened  or  of 
approaching  death,  made  his  will.  By  the  first  will,  dated  on 
the  eve  of  the  duel  with  Hamilton,  he  consigned  his  papers  to 
his  daughter's  care,  and,  in  his  farewell  letter  to  her,  gave  her 
a  special  charge  concerning  them.  He  told  her  to  "  burn  all 
such  as,  if  by  accident  made  public,  would  injure  any  person. 
This,"  he  adds,  "  is  more  particularly  applicable  to  the  letters 
of  my  female  correspondents."  In  1834,  when  he  was  seventy- 
nine  years  of  age,  he  made  another  will,  in  which  he  left  his 
papers  to  Matthew  L.  Davis,  to  be  used  according  to  his  dis- 


640  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BUKK. 

cretion.  To  this  will,  a  few  months  before  his  death,  he  added 
a  codicil  which  contains  the  following  words :  "  I  direct  that 
all  my  private  papers,  except  law  papers  appertaining  to  suits 
"now  defending,  be  delivered  to  my  friend  Matthew  L.  Davis, 
Esq.,  to  be  disposed  of  at  his  discretion,  DIRECTING  him,  never 
theless,  to  destroy,  or  to  deliver  to  parties  interested,  all  such 
as  may,  in  his  estimation,  be  calculated  to  affect  injuriously 
the  feelings  of  individuals  against  whom  I  have  no  com 
plaint."  Of  this  will  Mr.  Davis  was  an  executor.  How  he 
could  have  brought  himself  to  omit  all  mention  of  the  injunc 
tions  just  quoted,  and  to  assume  to  himself  alone  the  virtue  of 
destroying  the  papers,  is  something  inexplicable. 

His  statement  is  objectionable,  too,  from  its  indefiniteness. 
He  speaks  of  "  a  mass  of  letters  and  copies  of  letters."  On 
a  subject  like  this,  to  be  vague  is  to  exaggerate.  How  easy 
to  have  given  the  dimensions  of  the  "  mass"  or  the  number  of 
the  letters.  Every  one  knows  how  soon  an  ordinary  corre 
spondence,  if  all  the  letters  are  preserved,  presents  an  impos 
ing  "  mass"  of  spoiled  writing  paper.  And  it  is  to  be  further 
observed,  that  a  man  may  have  a  very  warm  correspondence 
with  a  lady,  may  make  and  receive  protestations  of  attach 
ment,  without  incurring  or  intending  guilt.  Granting  that 
this  "  mass"  of  letters  was  of  mountainous  bulk,  it  is  still  no 
proof  of  a  corresponding  criminality. 

"  Not  a  vestige  of  it  now  remains,"  adds  Mr.  Davis,  ex 
plicitly  and  positively.  That  this,  too,  is  an  error,  I  am  in  a 
position  to  prove.  After  the  work  of  Mr.  Davis  had  been 
published  for  some  time,  he  not  only  had  a  packet  of  these 
letters  in  his  possession,  but  lent  them  to  an  acquaintance  to 
read.  The  acquaintance  referred  to  is  a  gentleman  eminent 
in  character  and  in  station,  and  one  whose  word  it  would  be 
insulting  the  community  which  honors  him  to  doubt.  He  has 
himself  assured  me  of  the  facts.  Mr.  Davis  told  him  he  had 
found  this  packet  after  the  solemn  burning  related  in  his  pref 
ace,  and,  tossing  it  upon  his  friend's  desk,  gave  him  permis 
sion  to  read  the  letters.  His  friend  did  read  a  few  of  them. 
Some  of  the  letters  were  evidently  the  production  of  illiter 
ate  women ;  but  some,  Avritten  in  the  French  language,  were 


HIS     RELATIONS     WITH     WOMEN.  641 

extremely  elegant,  both  in  composition  and  in  sentiment. 
Nothing  particular  is  recollected  of  their  contents,  except 
that  they  appeared  to  be  letters  of  gallantry  —  as  well  they 
might  seem  to  one  who  carelessly  looked  over  them  with  a  pre 
vious  impression  that  they  were  such.  Other  evidence  that 
the  letters  were  not  all  destroyed  opportunely  reaches  me. 
In  Harper's  Magazine  for  July,  1857,  the  following  story  de 
rived  from  the  recollections  of  the  late  Hon.  John  Barney,  of 
Maryland,  is  repeated.  Besides  showing  tliat  the  letters 
(one  of  them  at  least)  were  retained  and  used,  it  shows  the 
cruel  injury  which  Mr.  Davis's  preface  has  done  to  Col.  Burr's 
memory : 

"  There  never,"  begins  the  story  in  Harper,  "  was  a  greater 
villain  than  Aaron  Burr  —  never !  What  is  written  of  him  — 
what  has  become  history  and  world  talk  —  is  nothing  to  the 
unwritten,  untold  deeds  of  darkness  that  he  was  ever  perpetrat 
ing.  His  whole  life  was  intrigue.  Woman  was  his  spoil.  He 
lived  before  th£  world  as  an  aspirant,  for  power  :  in  social  life 
he  lived  to  triumph  over  the  weakness  of  the  sex.  His  treach 
ery,  his  infamous  exposure  of  confidential  letters  addressed  to 
him  by  ladies  of  rank  and  fashion,  his  utter  heartlessness  are 
now  well  known  ;  but  the  chapters  of  his  love  affairs,  if  pub 
lished,  will  make  the  most  extraordinary  revelations  that  have 
ever  yet  appeared  in  connection  with  the  name  of  this  remark 
able  man. 

"  The  late  honest,  but  poor  Matthew  L.  Davis,  his  executor, 
received  from  him, 'while  living,  trunks  full  of  feminine  cor 
respondence,  by  which  Burr  sought  to  make  Davis's  fortune, 
but  which  were  generously  returned,  without  fee  or  reward, 
to  the  grateful  recipients. 

"  Lobbying  —  now  an  anomaly — was  then  in  full  force. 
Several  important  bills  had  passed  the  New  York  Legisla 
ture,  and  some  were  so  uncharitable  as  to  intimate  that  im 
proper  influences  had  been  resorted  to.  Davis  was  accused  of 
being  engaged  in  bringing  about  a  successful  result. 

"A  lady  of  rank  and  fashion  condescended  —  and  ladies 
rarely  condescend  to  mingle  in  any  thing  out  of  their  appro 
priate  sphere,  the  limits  of  the  domestic  circle  —  to  say  hard 


642  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

things  of  Davis ;  she  went  so  far  as  to  intimate  she  could 
calmly  look  on  and  see  him  hung.  Davis  went  to  her  door, 
rang  the  bell,  sent  up  his  name,  and  was  promptly  answered 
she  was  not,  and  never  would  be  at  home  to  Mr.  Davis. 

"  '  Pray  ask  her  if  she  has  heard  from  her  husband  at  Ni 
agara  ?' 

"  He  was  forthwith  invited  up  stairs.  The  lady  entered  in 
trepidation  and  alarm. 

"  'Has  any 'calamity  happened  to  my  beloved  husband?' 
said  she. 

"  '  This  will  explain  all,'  said  Davis,  handing  her  a  letter  in 
her  own  chirography,  addressed  to  Colonel  Aaron  Burr. 

"  '  Good  heavens,  sir!'  said  she;  'for  what  purpose  is  this 
letter  destined  to  remain  in  your  possession  ?' 

"  '  Madam,  to  be  disposed  of  by  you,  at  your  own  discre 
tion,'  was  the  reply. 

"  '  My  kind  friend,'  exclaimed  she,  '  how  can  I  ever  repay 
such  an  act  of  unparalleled  magnanimity  ?  I,  who  have 
spoken  so  unkindly,  so  unjustly,  of  so  noble  a  friend  !' 

"  '  Ever  afterward,'  said  Davis,  '  she  almost  broke  her  neck 
in  extending  her  head  out  of  the  carriage  window  to  greet 
me  as  she  passed.'  " 

The  lady  had  reason  to  be  alarmed,  though  her  letter  might 
have  been  innocent,  for,  owing  to  calumnies  and  exaggera 
tions,  circulating  uncontradicted  for  half  a  century,  Burr's 
reputation  at  length  was  such  as  to  cast  a  shade  of  suspicion 
over  every  woman  who  had  ever  been  acquainted  with  him ! 

Further.  Burr's  surviving  friends,  connections,  and  near  ac 
quaintances,  however  they  may  differ  in  minor  particulars,  all 
agree  in  asserting  these  two  things:  first,  that  Burr  never 
compromised  a  woman's  name,  nor  spoke  lightly  of  a  woman's 
virtue,  nor  boasted  of,  nor  'mentioned  any  favors  he  may  have 
received  from  a  woman ;  secondly,  that  of  all  the  men  they 
have  ever  known,  he  was  the  man  least  capable  of  such  untit- 
terable  meanness  !  No  particulars  of  any  affair  of  gallantry 
in  which  he  may  have  been  engaged  could  ever  be  extracted 
from  him.  He  never  talked  of  them. 

"Tell  me,  colonel,"  said  a  young  friend  to  him  a  year  or 


HIS     RELATIONS     WITU     WOMEN.  643 

two  before  his  death,  "  tell  me  some  of  your  pretty  love  ad 
ventures." 

A  smile  stole  over  his  face  (for  the  old  man  had  a  strange 
liking  to  be  accused  of  such  things)  as  he  said,  shaking  his  old 
head  : 

"  No,  no  ;  I  never  kiss  and  tell." 

This  was  his  way,  when  asked  such  questions. 

Another  little  scene  has  been  reported  to  me  to  illustrate 
his  manner  on  such  occasions.  He  was  lying  on  a  couch.  A 
friend  who  was  arranging  his  table  said  to  him  suddenly. 

"  Ah !  colonel,  what  is  this  ?  Here  is  a  love-lock." 

He  looked  at  it,  smiled  and  nodded,  took  it  into  his  hands 
and  smoothed  it  with  his  fingers,  but  said  nothing. 

"  Whose  hair  is  that,  colonel  ?"  asked  the  friend. 

Still  fondling  it  with  his  lingers  he  said,  smiling,  as  though 
his  recollections  of  the  head  from  which  he  may  have  cut  it, 
were  very  pleasant.  ^ 

"  It  is  very  pretty  hair." 

"  I  see  it  is,"  said  the  curious  lady,  "  but  whose  hair  is  it  ?" 
*  "  It  is  a  lady's  hair,"  he  replied. 

"  I  perceive  that,"  said  she,  with  humorous  pertinacity,  "  but 
I  want  to  know  whose  hair  it  is." 

"  Undoubtedly,"  said  he,  with  some  gravity. 

"  But,  colonel,"  she  continued,  "  I  have  really  a  strong  de 
sire  to  know  whose  hair  that  was." 

"  I  see  you  have,"  was  all  the  reply  she  could  extract  from 
him. 

She  still  persisting,  he  at  length  made  a  reply  in  such  a  tone 
and  manner  as  to  preclude  all  continuance  of  the  conversation, 
though  he  spoke  with  the  utmost  gentleness. 

"  Madame,"  said  he,  "  it  was  a  lady  who  was  once  under 
my  protection  ;  and  a  woman  who  has  ever  been  in  these  arms 
is  sacred  to  me  forever." 

And  yet  further.  Before  Mr.  Davis  received  any  of  Burr's 
letters  or  papers,  they  were  carefully  examined  by  two  per 
sons,  one  of  them  a  male  relative  of  Colonel  Burr's,  and  the 
other  a  lady  who  had  an  especial  and  honorable  motive  for  ex 
amining  every  one  of  them  —  particularly  those  addressed  to 


644  LIFE     OP     AAEON     BUEE. 

and  received  from  women.  One  of  these  persons  still  lives ; 
her  positive  and  circumstantial  testimony,  added  to  that  al 
ready  given,  enables  me  to  assert,  what  I  now  do  assert,  that 
Mr.  Davis  was  utterly  mistaken  as  to  the  character  of  the  letters 
to  which  he  alludes.  He  received  no  letters  necessarily  crim 
inating  ladies  !  There  are  persons  to  whom  every  act  of 
gallant  attention  looks  like  an  invitation  to  love.  They  can 
not  conceive  of  affection  between  the  sexes  free  from  passion. 
They  know  very  well  what  turn  they  would  give  to  such  at 
tachments,  if  they  possessed  the  power  to  charm  and  win  the 
fair,  and  it  is  but  natural  they  should  misinterpret  the  gallant 
ries  of  others.  One  of  the  very  reasons  given  by  Mr.  Davis 
why  he  was  the  man  to  be  intrusted  with  delicate  correspond 
ence  was,  that  his  own  life  being  notoriously  incorrect,  he 
could  not  judge  harshly  another's  sins.  And  in  the  act  of 
making  this  avowal,  he  committed,  in  the  most  flagrant  man 
ner,  tto  very  offense  with  which  his  preface  charges  Colonel 
Burr.  These  are  facts.  It  seems  fit  that  they  should  be  stated. 

As  illustrating  Burr's  manner  toward  women,  I  will  here 
insert  a  single  letter  taken  from  the  "  mass"  of  his  papers,  be 
fore  they  fell  under  the  scrutiny  of  Mr.  Davis.  I  am  assured 
that  it  is  a  fair  specimen.  Written  in  his  seventy-fourth  year, 
in  the  neatest,  daintiest  hand,  as  legible  as  print,  without  a 
blur  or  erasure,  and  couched  in  the  language  of  elegant  com 
pliment  which  gentlemen  used  in  that- day  whenever  they 
addressed  ladies,  it  is  a  perfect  thing  of  its  kind.  It  was  ad 
dressed  to  a  young  lady,  and  explains  itself: 

"  I  have  this  day  heard  with  concern  and  astonishment  that 
a  trifling  note,  written  some  days  ago,  has  been  the  cause  of 
very  serious  displeasure  —  it  was  hastily  written,  never  copied, 
perhaps  not  even  perused,  and  the  particular  terms  of  it  are 
not  recollected.  If}  however,  it  contains  any  other  sentiments 
than  those  of  respect  and  attachment,  they  are  foreign  to  my 
heart. 

"  That  great  affection  which  I  bore  your  father  had  been 
transferred  to  his  child  —  to  you  I  fear  the  greater  portion  — 
yet  I  had  known  you  only  as  a  child  —  a  child  indeed  of  great 
promise  —  and  I  was  impatient  to  see  you  as  a  woman.  I  did 


II^S     RELATIONS     WITH     WOMEN.  645 

see  you.  The  tone  and  cadence  of  your  voice,  your  language, 
every  movement,  every  expression,  denoted  a  superiority 
which  charmed  me.  I  was  overjoyed  to  n'nd  my  friend  so 
faithfully  represented  in  his  daughter.  I  wished  to  testify  my 
satisfaction,  and  having  frequently  called  without  seeing  you, 
the  object  of  the  note  was  to  express  my  admiration,  which  ap 
peared  to  me  a  tribute  of  simple  justice,  arid  to  tender  my 
services  to  escort  you  —  to  walk  —  to  view  the  town,  its  im 
provements  and  curiosities  —  in  short,  to  put  myself  at  your 
orders.  It  was  done  openly  —  this  alone  should  have  exoner 
ated  me  from  the  suspicion  of  improper  views.  It  was  pre 
sumed  that  it  would,  and  intended  that  it  should,  be  read  by 
the  family,  and  I  amused  myself  with  imagining  how  much 
they  would  be  pleased  to  see  that,  in  the  midst  of  so  many 
vexatious  and  distressing  circumstances,  I  could  for  a  moment 
assume  the  air  of  playfulness  and  gayety.  I  had  fancied,  too, 
that  you  might  be  the  subject  of  some  little  raillery,  as  having 
excited  this  spark  of  momentary  animation. 

"  It  is  highly  probable  that  this  note  may  have  been  writ 
ten  in  a  style  of  familiarity  not  warranted,  I  acknowledge,  by 
any  personal  acquaintance,  but  permitted,  I  thought,  or  rather 
felt,  for  I  thought  not,  by  my  friendship  with  your  father. 
But  this,  perhaps,  was  an  error,  fo»  you  could  have  no  sym 
pathy  with  that  sentiment,  nor  knowledge  of  it,  but  by  cold 
tradition.  Yet,  if  you  can  call  to  mind  how  you  have  ever 
felt  in  meeting  the  child  of  a  very  dear  departed  friend,  you 
will  cease  to  censure  my  presumption. 

"  But  whatever  may  have  been  the  levity  of  the  note,  I  may 
at  least  claim  the  privilege  of  age.  At  my  time  of  life,  one 
may  trifle,  if  not  with  impunity,  certainly  without  exciting 
alarm,  and  it  would  imply,  in  me,  a  profound  ignorance  of  the 
world  to  mistake  you  for  an  object  of  gallantry,  and  a  most 
ridiculous  vanity  to  presume  that  I  could  be  a  fit  pretender 
to  favor. 

"  A  note  written  with  impressions  so  harmless,  and,  if  my 
opinion  had  been  of  any  value,  I  would  have  said,  so  flattering, 
must  have  been  construed  with  more  than  monastic  rigor  to 
have  received  so  unkind  a  sentence.  I  hope  and  believe  that 


646  LIFE     OF     AAEON     BURR. 

at  some  future  period  you  will  recollect  it  with  less  severity,  and 
that  you  will  then  acknowledge  without  a  blush  and  without 
a  frown,  the  purity  and  the  delicacy  of  that  attachment  which 
you  now  so  harshly  repel. 

"  P.  S. — Having  read  this,  I  am  not  satisfied  with  it,  nor  do 
I  know  how  better  to  apologize — but  I  am  unhappy  under 
your  displeasure.  If  you  be  not  altogether  inexorable,  I 
would  ask,  as  an  evidence  of  your  forgiveness,  a  surrender  of 
the  offensive  note." 

The  letter  produced  its  designed  effect.  The  lady,  in  spite 
of  the  remonstrances  of  those  who  surrounded  her,  would 
know  her  father's  friend.  She  lives  to  declare  that  from  Col 
onel  Burr  she  received  only  the  most  delicate  attentions  and 
friendly  offices.  Having  imbibed  his  ideas  of  the  value  of 
public  opinion,  being  now,  an  honored  wife  and  mother,  and 
these  events  being  known  to  none  living  beyond  her  own 
circle,  she  has  no  motive  for  concealment,  and  is  incapable  of 
misrepresentation. 

Among  the  letters  which  Mr.  Davis  received,  there  were 
enough  to  fill  a  volume  which  proved  Burr's  boundless  gener 
osity  to  women.  There  is,  at  this  moment,  in  this  city,  a 
flourishing  seminary,  which  has  grown  out  of  a  small  school 
which  was  started  for  two  young  ladies  by  him.  He  was  so 
straitened  at  the  time  that,  to  procure  the  money  necessary 
for  the  purchase  of  the  desks  and  chairs,  he  was  obliged  to 
pawn  his  watch  and  sofa.  The  recipients  of  his  bounty  not 
unfrequently  cherished  an  ardent  attachment  for  his  person, 
which  they  expressed  in  glowing  letters.  Soon  after  he  re 
turned  from  Europe,  a  lady  who  had  known  and  loved  him  in 
better  days,  wrote  him  a  long  history  of  her  fortunes  during 
his  absence.  I  will  give  the  conclusion  of  this  letter  merely 
to  show  the  manner  in  which  a  virtuous  woman  could  write 
to  him.  She  had  been  soliciting  his  aid  for  a  relative,  and 
thus  proceeds : 

"  When  I  consider  the  miscreants  that  your  goodness  has 
raised,  your  bounty  fed,  I  think  it  impossible  that  the  power, 
which  I  am  sure  you  would  so  joyfully  exert,  should  be  with 
held  of  raising  to  distinction  one  so  deserving.  Those  de- 


HIS     RELATIONS     WITH     WOMEN.  647 

lightful  hours  of  soul-felt  intercourse  might  then  again  return, 
when,  unbending  from  the  severe  duties  of  society,  I  was  the 
soft  green  of  the  soul  on  which  you  loved  to  repose ;  and  if, 
by  enjoying,  I  can  impart  happiness  so  exquisite,  my  heart, 
my  disposition,  my  feelings,  my  aftections  are  still  the  same ; 
glowing  with  the  same  warmth,  animated  with  the  same  ar 
dor. 

"  Had  I  been  the  wife  of  a  prince  or  a  king,  I  should  have 
flown  to  you  as  soon  as  your  arrival  was  announced,  bongre 
malgre  the  royal  permission.  But  you  will  readily  conceive 
how  much  I  am  the  soul  of  this  establishment.  So  much  so 
am  I,  that  though  the  city  lays  before  me  as  if  it  was  painted 
on  a  map,  I  am  often  several  months  without  going  to*  it,  and 
am  very  seldom  absent  an  hour.  In  August  I  shall  give  a 
short  vacation,  and  will  fly  anywhere  to  meet  you,  though 
even  for  a  moment. 

"  You  must  expect,  my  dear  friend,  to  see  me  somewhat 
changed.  Not  the  morale — that  is  unalterable  ;  but  the  phy 
sique  has  acquired  a  great  accession  of  embonpoint,  which, 
owing  to  my  height,  distributes  itself  pretty  well,  so  that  the 
proportions  are  not  lost,  but  the  scale  considerably  enlarged. 
But  this,  at  the  first  interview,  you  will  not  perceive,  nor  any 
thing  but  a  devoted  creature  irradiated  with  joy.  O,  I  knew 
this  hour  would  come.  During  your  absence  it  was  strongly 
impressed  on  my  mind.  In  my  dreams  I  have  beheld  you 
looking  benignantly  at  me ;  and  something  whispered  to  my 
heart  that  at  length  the  hour,  with  feeling  fraught,  would  be 
given  me ;  that  again  in  your  presence  I  should  feel  that  un 
mixed  delight  which  from  you  only  I  have  received  —  the 
happiness  attending  the  most  pure,  most  ardent,  most  exalted 
friendship." 

When  such  letters  as  these  fall  into  the  hands  of  a  certain 
description  of  men,  they  receive  but  one  interpretation. 

Other  passages  of  Mr.  Davis's  work  require  brief  examina 
tion.  "  Major  Burr,"  he  says,  "  while  yet  in  college,  had  ac 
quired  a  reputation  for  gallantry.  On  this  point  he  was  ex 
cessively  vain,  and  regardless  of  all  those  ties  which  ought  to 
control  an  honorable  mind.  In  his  intercourse  with  females 


648  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

he  was  an  unprincipled  flatterer,  ever  prepared  to  take  advan 
tage  of  their  weakness,  their  credulity,  or  their  confidence 
She  that  confided  in  him  was  lost."  And  again  :  "  It  is  truly 
surprising  how  any  individual  could  have  become  so  eminent 
as  a  soldier,  as  a  statesman,  and  as  a  professional  man,  who 
devoted  so  much  of  his  time  to  the  other  sex  as  was  devoted 
by  Colonel  Burr.  For  more  than  half  a  century  of  his  life  they 
seemed  to  absorb  his  whole  thoughts.  His  intrigues  were 
without  number.  His  conduct  most  licentious.  The  sacred 
bonds  of  friendship  were  unhesitatingly  violated  when  they 
operated  as  barriers  to  the  indulgence  of  his  passions."  "  In 
this  particular,  Burr  appears  to  have  been  unfeeling  and 
heartless.  And  yet,  by  a  fascinating  power,  almost  peculiar 
to  himself,  he  so  managed  as  to  retain  the  affection,  in  some 
instances,  the  devotion,  of  his  deluded  victims.  In  every 
other  respect,  he  was  kind  and  charitable.  No  man  would  go 
further  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of  another.  No  man  was 
more  benevolent.  "No  man  would  make  greater  sacrifices  to 
promote  the  interest  or  the  happiness  of  a  friend." 

One  needs  to  be  very  slightly  acquainted  with  the  habits  of 
Aaron  Burr  to  know  that  the  above  must  be,  at  least,  a  pro 
digious  exaggeration.  Not  a  line  of  this  volume  would  ever 
have  been  written  if  I  had  not  been  perfectly  convinced  that 
it  is  much  more  than  an  exaggeration.  Aaron  Burr  was  the 
busiest  man,  perhaps,  that  ever  lived.  No  lawyer  ever  pre 
pared  his  cases  with  more  untiring  assiduity,  and  few  lawyers 
have  had  more  cases  to  prepare.  He  was  a  man  who,  no  mat 
ter  what  assistance  he  had,  saw  to  every  thing  himself.  His 
affairs  were  always  large  and  complicated  ;  and  his  devotion 
to  them  was  the  wonder  of  his  friends.  That  such  a  man,  so 
occupied,  should  have  even  seemed  to  devote  his  whole  mind, 
for  fifty  years,  to  the  pursuit  of  the  fair  sex,  is  incredible  ;  and 
the  more  so  as  the  scene  of  his  exploits  was  here  in  the  United 
States,  where  women,  as  well  from  principle  as  from  possessing 
the  intelligence  to  calculate  the  consequences  of  violating  it, 
are  the  most  virtuous  in  the  world.  It  is  agreed  among  Burr's 
surviving  friends  and  relatives,  most  of  whom  knew  him  bet 
ter  than  Mr.  Davis,  that  the  passages  quoted  above  convey 


HIS     RELATIONS     WITH     WOMEN.  649 

ideas  ludicrously  at  variance  with  the  truth.  That  he  was,  at 
all  periods  of  his  life,  what  we  now  call  a  moral  man,  no  one 
asserts.  But  that  he  was  any  thing  like  the  all-consuming, 
the  continuous,  the  insatiable  destroyer,  which  he  has  been 
represented,  all  unite  in  declaring,  is  manifestly  and  certainly 
untrue.  Not  less  exaggerated  were  John  Adums's  statements 
respecting  Alexander  Hamilton,  when  he  speaks  of  his  "pros 
titutions  of  power  for  the  purposes  of  sensual  gratification  ;"  of 
his  "  debaucheries  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia ;"  of  "  his 
audacious  and  unblushing  attempts  upon  ladies  of  the  highest 
rank  and  purest  virtue  ;"  of  "  the  indignation  with  which  he 
has  been  spurned ;"  and  of  "  the  inquietude  he  has  given  to 
the  first  families."  John  Adams,  an  honest  man,  lived  in  in 
timacy  with  Hamilton  for  several  years ;  yet  few  find  it  diffi 
cult  to  believe  the  above  assertions  to  be  monstrous  exagger 
ations. 

In  those  days,  we  should  remember,  gallantry  was  a  prac 
tice  expected  of  a  Stan  of  the  World.  There  was  going  on 
everywhere  in  Christendom  a  breaking  away  from  the  severe 
creeds  and  strict  morality  of  the  ancient  church  ;  one  of  the 
surest,  and  one  of  the  first  results  of  which  was,  and  is,  li 
cense  with  regard  to  women.  The  young  man  delivered  from 
the  restraints  of  his  youth,  and  from  the  latent,  always  oper 
ating  terrors  of  religion,  eagerly  hastened  to  gratify  a  long  ac 
cumulated  curiosity,  and  to  give  proof  of  his  emancipation. 
With  the  zeal  of  a  new  convert,  and  the  keen  appetite  of 
young  desire,  he  pursued  forbidden  pleasure,  and  boasted  of 
more  triumphs  than  he  won.  Mr.  Lewes,  in  his  Life  of 
Goethe,  writing  of  this  period,  says : 

"  Those  were  the  days  of  gallantry  ;  the  days  of 

"  '  Puffs,  paints,  and  patches,  powders,  billet-doux. ' 

The  laxity  of  the  German  morals  differed  only  from  the 
more  audacious  licentiousness  of  France  in  having  sentiment- 
alism  in  lieu  of  gayety  and  luxuriousness  for  its  basis.  The 
heart  of  a  French  marquise  was  lost  over  a  supper  table 
sparkling  with  champaign e  and  bon  mots  /  the  heart  of  a 

28 


U50  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

German  Grafin  yielded  more  readily  to  moonlight  melancholy 
and  a  copy  of  verses.  Wit  and  audacity  were  the  batteries 
for  a  French  woman ;  the  German  was  stormed  with  sonnets 
and  a  threat  of  suicide.  For  the  one,  Lothario  needed 
sprightliness  and  bon  ton;  for  the  other,  turbulent  disgust 
at  all  social  arrangements,  expressed  in  interjectional  rhet 
oric,  and  a  deportment  outrageous  to  all  conventions.  It  is 
needless  to  add  that  marriage  was,  to  a  great  extent,  what 
Sophie  Arnauld,  with  terrible  wit,  called  '  the  sacrament  of 
adultery  ;'  and  that  on  the  subject  of  the  sexes,  the  whole 
tone  of  feeling  was  low.  Poor,  simple,  earnest  Schiller,  whom 
no  one  will  accuse  of  laxity,  admired  the  Liasons  Dangereiises, 
and  saw  no  reason  why  women  should  not  read  it ;  although, 
to  our  age,  the  infamy  of  that  book  is  so  great  as  to  stamp  a 
brand  upon  the  society  which  produced  and  applauded  it. 
Yet  even  Schiller,  who  admired  this  book,  was  astounded  at 
the  condition  of  women  at  Weimar.  'There  is  hardly  one  of 
them,'  he  writes  to  Korner,  '  who  has  not  had  a  liason.  They 
are  all  coquettes.  One  may  very  easily  fall  into  an  "  affair  of 
the  heart,"  though  it  will  not  last  any  time.'  It  was  thought, 
apparently,  that  since  Eros  had  wings,  he  must  use  them  and 
fly." 

A  state  of  things  like  this,  it  need  not  be  said,  has  had  no 
parallel  in  the  United  States.  The  brilliant  skepticism  of  that 
age  not  only  made  no  great  progress  among  the  people,  but 
never  pervaded  the  society  of  the  country  so  far  as  to  give 
the  ruling  tone  to  it.  The  society  of  America  has  been  moral 
from  the  beginning.  It  is  nevertheless  true  that  among  the 
wits,  the  more  spirited  young  men  of  the  colleges,  the  fine 
gentlemen  who  had  traveled  in  Europe,  the  men  of  books  and 
experiments,  the  more  decided  revolutionists  and  republicans, 
it  was  the  fashion  to  admire  Voltaire,  and  to  avow  the  narrow 
skepticism  of  Paine.  The  young  scholar-soldiers  of  the  Revo 
lution  generally  imbibed  it ;  and,  demoralized  by  a  camp  life, 
as  camp-life  then  was,  many  of  them  became  licentious  in 
conduct.  But  even  in  this  extreme  liberal  party,  there  was 
never  more  than  an  approach,  half  affected,  half  real,  to  the 
immorality  of  continental  Europe.  Gallantry  was,  indeed, 


HIS     RELATIONS     WITH     WOMEN.  051 

much  in  vogue  with  all  parties.  But  morality  was,  also,  the 
rule  in  all. 

Aaron  Burr,  then,  was  a  man  of  gallantry.  He  was  not  a 
debauchee  ;  not  a  corrupter  of  virgin  innocence ;  not  a  de- 
spoiler  of  honest  households  ;  not  a  betrayer  of  tender  confi 
dences.  He  was  a  man  of  gallantry.  It  is  beyond  question 
that,  in  the  course  of  his  long  life,  he  had  many  intrigues  with 
women,  some  of  which  (not  many,  there  is  good  reason  to 
believe)  were  carried  to  the  point  of  criminality.  The  grosser 
forms  of  licentiousness  he  utterly  abhorred  ;  such  as  the  se 
duction  of  innocence,  the  keeping  of  mistresses,  the  wallowing 
in  the  worse  than  beastliness  of  prostitution.  Not  every  wo 
man  could  attract  him.  He  was  the  most  delicate  and  fastid 
ious  of  men.  A  woman  of  wit,  vivacity,  and  grace,  whether 
beautiful  or  not,  whether  an  inhabitant  of  a  mansion  or  a  cot 
tage,  was  the  creature  who  alone,  and  who  always,  could  cap 
tivate  him.  He  was,  as  it  were,  a  man  of  gallantry  by  nature. 
Every  thing  appertaining  to  the  sex  was  peculiarly  interesting 
to  him.  He  doted  on  a  neatly  turned  billet-doux.  He  thought 
highly  of  the  minds  of  women  ;  he  prized  their  writings.  The 
rational  part  of  the  opinions  now  advocated  by  the  Woman's 
Rights  Conventions,  were  his  opinions  fifty  years  before  those 
Conventions  began  their  useful  and  needed  work.  His  beau 
tiful  picture  of  Mary  Wolstoncroft*  (by  Opie)  he  preserved 
through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  his  life,  and  gave  it  away  on  his 
death-bed  to  his  last  and  best  friend,  in  whose  possession  it 
still  remains. 

It  was  impossible  that  he  should  have  been  addicted  to  gross 
sensual  indulgences.  A  man  who  is  gross  in  one  appetite,  is 
generally  gross  in  all.  A  man  who,  like  Burr,  is  temperate  in 
eating  and  drinking  to  the  degree  of  abstemiousness,  may  not 
be  strictly  chaste,  but  he  can  not  be  a  debauchee.  A  man  who 
retains  to  the  age  of  seventy-nine  the  vigor  of  manhood  and 
the  liveliness  of  a  boy,  can  not,  at  any  period  of  his  life,  have 
egregiously  violated  the  laws  of  his  being. 

All  accounts,  written  and  verbal,  agree  in  this,  that  he  pos 
sessed  an  unequaled  power  of  charming  the  ladies  of  his  day. 
*  Author  of  a  Vindication  of  the  Rights  of  Woman. 


652  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

His  manner  toward  them  soft,  courteous,  and  winning,  had 
also  the  peculiarity  of  stimulating  them  to  display  their  ]>ow- 
ers  and  their  charms  to  the  best  advantage.  Witty  women 
were  wittiest  when  talking  to  him,  and  they  had  a  flattering 
consciousness  of  the  fact.  He  had  the  art  of  approaching  a  lady 
so,  that,  whatever  gift  or  grace  she  most  valued  herself  upon 
possessing,  was  called  into  agreeable  exercise ;  and  she  felt 
that  she  was  shining.  His  handsome  face,  too,  his  wonderfully 
brilliant  black  eyes,  his  extremely  elegant  figure,  the  careful 
correctness  of  his  costume,  the  graceful  loftiness  of  his  de 
meanor,  his  absolute  self-possession,  his  reputation  for  bravery 
and  address,  his  unequaled  readiness  in  complimentary  repar 
tee —  all,  of  course,  contributed  to  render  him  irresistible  in 
the  drawing-room —  as  the  drawing-room  then  was. 

And  not  in  the  drawing-room  only.  A  foreign  lady  of  dis 
tinction,  with  whom  he  was  very  intimate,  told  me  that  she 
never  saw  such  an  exhibition  of  graceful  motion  and  delicate 
politeness  in  a  man,  as  when,  one  evening  in  his  office,  he  roast 
ed  some  clams  by  his  office  fire,  and  presented  them  to  her,  one 
by  one,  on  the  shell.  There  was  a  cry  of  clams  in  the  street, 
and  the  lady  having  remarked  that,  as  long  as  she  had  been  in 
America,  she  had  never  tasted  those  national  shell-fish,  Burr 
sent  out  for  some,  and,  W7ith  the  assistance  of  his  office  boy, 
roasted  and  served  them  writh  enchanting  grace.  The  same 
lady  informs  me  there  were  two  things  Colonel  Burr  could  do 
better  than  any  man  in  the  world  —  bow  out  an  obnoxious 
visitor,  and  hand  a  lady  to  her  carriage.  "I  feel  still,"  said 
she,  "  the  soft  touch  of  his  little  hand  in  mine,  as  he  glided 
across  the  pavement." 

To  his  own  vanity  Burr  owed  much  of  his  reputation  for 
enormous  licentiousness.  Men  who  have  unusual  power  to 
please  ladies,  have  usually  the  foible  to  be  extremely  proud  of 
it.  Byron  was  always  boasting  of  his  easy  triumphs.  Pierre- 
pont  Edwards,  it  is  said,  was  so  vain  upon  this  point,  that 
\vhen  unjustly  charged  with  the  parentage  of  a  child,  he  could 
not  find  it  in  his  heart  to  deny  the  soft  impeachment,  and 
would  pay  the  sum  demanded  rather  than  lose  the  compliment. 
And  Burr,  who  was  prone  to  invest  his  innocent  actions  with 


HIS     RELATIONS     WITH     WOMEN.  653 

mystery,  often,  I  am  sure,  assumed  the  air  of  a  man  who  has 
a  "  little  French  girl"  behind  a  book-case,  when  there  was 
nothing  but  cobwebs  there.  He  never  would  refuse  to  accept 
the  parentage  of  a  child. 

"  Why  dc  you  allow  this  woman  to  saddle  you  with  her 
child,  when  you  know  you  are  not  the  father  of  it  ?"  said  a 
a  friend  to  him,  a  few  months  before  his  death. 

"  Sir,"  he  replied,  "  when  a  lady  does  me  the  honor  to  name 
me  the  father  of  her  child,  I  trust  I  shall  always  be  too  gallant 
to  show  myself  ungrateful  for  the  favor !" 

That  very  child,  of  which  it  was  physically  impossible  he 
should  have  been  the  father,  he  claims  in  his  will  as  his  o\vn 
and  leaves  it  a  legacy.  At  this  day  we  can  not  understand, 
nor  allow  for,  such  a  foible  as  this.  But  observe — neither 
Edwards  nor  Burr  was  ever  known,  in  a  single  instance,  so  to 
vaunt  their  prowess  as  to  compromise,  in  the  slightest  degree, 
the  character  of  any  woman.  On  that  point  my  informants 
are  explicit  and  unanimous. 

His  life-long  habit  of  adopting  and  educating  children, 
also,  tended  to  increase  his  reputation  for  criminal  gallantry. 
Seven  persons  in  ten  have  no  notion  of  the  educational  instinct 
which  yearns  to  develop  a  natural  gift  or  a  noble  character. 
"  Why,"  asked  the  world,  "  does  he  keep  that  girl  at  school, 
or  send  that  boy  to  college  ?"  "  They  are  his  own  children, 
of  course,"  answers  Scandal  with  smiling  self-righteousness, 
nothing  doubting.  There  was  a  period  in  the  latter  part  of 
his  life  when  he  contributed  to  the  support  often  women.  In 
the  most  positive  manner,  by  four  individuals,  each  of  whom 
stood  nearer  to  Burr  than  Mr.  Davis  ever  did,  and  one  of 
whom  had  peculiar  means  of  knowing,  I  am  assured,  that 
not  one  of  these  women  had  ever  borne  to  him  the  relation 
which  the  charitable  world  would  infer  from  the  fact  of  his 
giving  them  money.  "If,"  said  one  of  these  gentleman  to  me, 
"  Burr  had  been  a  man  of  gross  appetite,  he  might  easily  have 
been  the  greatest  debauchee  that  ever  existed." 

Nevertheless,  in  the  mind  of  the  moralist,  Burr  must  stand 
condemned.  Because  his  errors  have  been  more  overstated 
than  those  of  anv  other  man,  he  must  not  be  exonerated  from 


654  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

the  guilt  of  those  which  he  did  commit.  He  was  guilty  to 
ward  women  —  Ae,  who  should  have  inaugurated  the  new 
morality,  the  morality  which  is  to  convince  mankind  that 
liberality  of  opinion  is  not  incompatible  with  rigorous,  with 
ideal  virtue ! 

How  can  we  deplore  enough  the  licentiousness  of  that  age  ! 
It  put  back  the  emancipation  of  the  human  intellect  for  a 
hundred  years !  Superstition,  this  day,  is  living  upon  the  vices 
of  that  brilliant,  wicked  period.  How  puzzled  the  wits  and 
philosophers  of  the  last  century  used  to  be,  that  their  opinions 
made  so  little  way  with  the  average  intellect  of  the  people. 
As  clear  as  the  sun  in  the  heavens  seemed  to  them  the  truth 
of  their  system.  They  had  on  their  side  a  majority  of  the 
brightest  spirits  of  the  time.  Hume,  Gibbon,  Fox,  Franklin, 
Jefferson,  were  great  men  in  their  day;  and  though  dead  they 
yet  speak  with  a  voice  potential.  Yet  the  ideas  of  which 
these  men  were  the  antagonists  still  rule  the  world.  Doubt 
less,  it  is  because  license  in  conduct  has  so  often  accompanied 
liberality  of  thought ;  because  the  steady  virtue  which  pro 
cures  tranquillity  of  life  and  safe  prosperity  was  chiefly  to  be 
found  among  those  whom  philosophers  pitied  as  the  "  victims 
of  superstition."  Virtue  is  the  power  of  this  world.  As  long 
as  the  servant-girl  strict  at  mass  and  confession  is,  as  a  general 
rule,  a  better  servant  and  woman  than  one  who  is  not,  the 
Pope  is  safe  on  his  throne.  The  opinions  that  triumph  at  last 
are  those  which  produce  noble  characters,  high  morality,  well- 
ordered  lives. 

A  few  anecdotes  illustrative  of  Burr's  relations  with  women 
may  find  place  here,  and  close  the  chapter. 

As  an  instance  of  his  readiness,  the  following  has  been  re 
lated.  Soon  after  his  return  from  Europe,  he  met  in  Broad 
way  a  maiden  lady  somewhat  advanced  in  life,  whom  he  had 
not  seen  for  many  years.  He  was  passing  her  without  recog 
nition,  when  she  said, 

"  Colonel,  do  you  not  recollect  me  ?" 

"  I  do  not,  madame,"  was  his  reply. 

"I  am  Miss  K.,  sir,"  said  she. 

"What !"  he  exclaimed,  "  Miss  K.  yet?" 


HIS     RELATIONS     WITH     WOMEN.  055 

"  Yes,  sir,"  replied  the  lady,  a  little  offended,  "  Miss  K. 
yet." 

Perceiving  the  error  he  had  committed,  he  gently  took  her 
hand  and,  said,  in  his  bland,  emphatic  mannpr,  "  Well,  mad- 
ame,  then  I  venture  to  assert  that  it  is  not  the  fault  of  tny 
sex !» 

Returning  one  day,  in  about  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age, 
from  a  professional  visit  to  Orange  county,  New  York,  he  re 
lated,  with  evident  delight,  an  adventure  which  he  had  had 
during  his  absence.  I  have  the  story  from  the  lady  to  whom 
he  told  it  first. 

It  was  one  of  the  "  cold  Fridays"  of  tradition,  when  the  in 
cident  occurred.  So  cold  was  it  that  few  living  creatures 
could  long  support  life  exposed  to  the  blast.  The  snow  lay 
deep  on  the  ground  ;  the  roads  were  imperfectly  broken  ;  the 
air  was  filled  with  particles  of  snow  blown  about  by  the  wind. 
Colonel  Burr  had  a  ride  of  twenty  miles  before  him  that  day, 
to  attend  a  court  which  met  on  the  day  following.  He  had  a 
companion  with  him,  his  partner  in  the  law,  a  gentleman  forty 
years  his  junior,  who,  after  trying  in  vain  to  persuade  him  not 
to  attempt  the  journey,  refused,  point  blank,  to  accompany 
him.  Burr  consulted  his  man,  and  finding  him  willing  to  go, 
ordered  round  his  sleigh,  they  set  off  about  the  middle  of 
the  day.  As  night  drew  on  the  roads  became  worse,  and  the 
cold  increased  to  such  a  degree  that  to  keep  the  blood  in  mo 
tion  required  laborious  exertion.  As  the  wind  swept  down 
from  the  mountains,  even  the  horse  shrunk  from  facing  it,  and 
gave  signs  of  yielding  to  the  cold.  For  himself  Burr  had  no 
fears  ;  no  weather  could  subdue  him  ;  but  his  driver  began 
to'occasion  him  constant  anxiety,  as  the  drowsiness  premoni 
tory  of  the  torpor  that  precedes  freezing  was  coming  over 
him.  Finding  that  the  drowsiness  increased,  he  resolved  at 
last  to  stop  at  the  next  house  they  came  to.  They  were  now 
in  a  thinly-settled  country,  which  Burr  had  not  seen  since  rev 
olutionary  times,  when  he  had  been  much  in  the  neighborhood 
with  his  regiment.  About  nine  o'clock  the  light  of  a  little 
cottage  came  in  sight ;  to  the  door  of  which  Burr's  summons 
brought  an  old  lady,  who  proved  to  be  its  only  inhabitant. 


656  LIFE     OF     A  A  It  ON     BURR. 

"  Is  there  hospitality  here  ?"  asked  Burr  ;  "  we  are  nearly 
dead  with  cold." 

"  Come  in,"  was  the  old  lady's  prompt  reply,  "  you  are  wel 
come  to  the  best.  I  have." 

In  a  few  minutes  he  had  his  half-frozen  servant  by  the  side 
of  a  blazing  fire,  and  his  horse  in  the  stable.  While  they  were 
getting  warm,  the  hostess  prepared  supper,  to  which,  in  due 
time,  they  were  invited.  Restored  then  to  the  use  of  his  fac 
ulties,  Burr  looked  about  him  and  observed  that,  though 
every  thing  in  the  room  was  of  an  unpretending  and  inex 
pensive  character,  yet  all  was  clean  and  nicely  arranged.  The 
only  ornamental  object  was  a  plaster  bust  standing  upon  a  lit 
tle  shelf.  He  had  casually  noticed  this  on  entering  the  room, 
and  looking  now  to  ascertain  which  of  the  national  favorites  it 
was  whom  the  old  lady  had  selected  to  adorn  her  abode,  he 
was  astonished  to  discover  that  it  was  a  bust  of  himself! 
Twenty  years  before,  this  would  have  been  no  unusual  circum 
stance;  but  rare  indeed  was  it  then  for  him  to  be  thus  re 
minded  of  his  former  condition.  More  to  amuse  his  servant 
than  for  any  other  reason,  he  said,  as  the  old  lady  was  putting 
away  her  dishes : 

"  What !  have  you  got  that  vile  traitor  here  ?" 

The  woman  paused  in  her  work  as  he  uttered  these  words. 
Her  manner  changed  in  a  moment.  Putting  down  some 
plates  which  she  had  in  her  hand,  she  walked  slowly  up  to  the 
fire  \vhere  he  was  sitting,  and  standing  before  him,  said  with 
intense  emphasis : 

"  Sir,  I  have  taken  you  in,  to-night,  and  have  done  the  best 
I  could  for  you :  but  if  you  say  another  word  against  Aaron 
Burr,  I'll  put  you  and  your  man  out  where  you  came  from 
quicker  than  you  came  in." 

He  apologized,  and,  after  a  time,  succeeded  in  regaining 
her  good  will.  He  did  not  tell  her  who  he  was,  nor  could  he 
recollect  her.  He  supposed  that  he  must  have  known  her  in 
early  life,  when,  as  the  youngest  colonel  in  the  army,  and  the 
protector  of  that  county,  he  must  have  been  a  brilliant  figure 
in  the  imagination  of  a  country  girl. 

Ten  years  later,  on  one  of  the  last  journeys  he  ever  made, 


HIS     RELATIONS     WITH     WOMEN.  057 

« 

ho  found  himself  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Lee,  on  the 
Hudson,  a  few  miles  above  New  York.  Before  the  door  of  a 
farm-house,  he  saw  a  very  old  woman  knitting,  and  smoking 
a  pipe,  whom  he  thought  he  recognized  as  one  of  his  revolu 
tionary  acquaintances.  Recollecting  the  incident  just  related, 
he  entered  into  conversation  with  her. 

"  Did  you  know,"  said  he,  "  one  Major  Burr,  or  Aaron  Burr, 
in  the  revolutionary  war,  hereabouts  ?" 

"  What !"  said  the  old  woman,  "  the  Aaron  Burr  that  after 
ward  became  such  a  great  man?  and  a  bad  man,  too,  they 
say :  tried  to  overturn  the  government,  they  tell  me." 

"  Yes,"  replied  Burr,  "  that's  the  man  I  mean." 

"  O,  yes,"  said  she,  with  a  brightening  face,  "  I  remember 
him  well  /" 

"Do  you  think  you  should  know  him  again  ?"  Burr  asked. 

"  It's  a  long  time  ago,"  she  replied,  musing  ;  and  then,  as  a 
smile  broke  over  her  face,  she  added,  "  but  I  think  I  should 
know  his  black  eyes." 

"  Well,"  said  he,  "  I  am  the  very  person." 

She  looked  at  him  intently.  "  You  are  Major  Burr  ?"  she 
exclaimed. 

"  I  am,  indeed,"  he  said. 

She  saw  that  it  was  indeed  the  Major  Burr  of  her  youth 
who  stood  before  her ;  changed  as  he  was,  his  black  eyes  were 
as  bright  as  they  were  then.  She  dropped  her  knitting  and 
her  pipe,  rose  to  her  feet,  threw  her  arms  around  his  neck, 
and  hugged  him  long  and  close.  She  had  not  seen  him  for 
sixty  years,  but  through  all  that  long  period  she  had  cherished 
the  recollection  of  his  valor,  courtesy,  and  tenderness.  They 
sat  down,  side  by  side,  these  two  relics  of  a  former  age,  and 
talked  of  the  olden  time.  She  had  much  to  tell  him  of  the 
history  of  his  former  friends.  She  showed  him  some  of  the 
great  grand-children  of  people  he  had  known  in  the  bloom  of 
their  youth. 

The  gentleman  from  whom  I  derived  this  anecdote,  adds 
that,  about  the  same  time,  he  witnessed  another  remark 
able  meeting  between  Burr  and  ante-revolutionary  friends. 
One  of  the  first  acts  of  hospitality  Burr  ever  performed  was 

•2S* 


658  LIFE     OF     AARON     BUJRR. 

the  entertaining  of  the  late  Major  and  Mrs.  Pophara  at  his 
house  in  Albany.  They  were,  indeed,  married  at  his  house, 
and  received  from  him  important  services.  They  were  among 
those  who  never  turned  their  backs  upon  him  in  the  day  of 
his  misfortunes,  though  some  years  had  now  elapsed  since  they 
had  seen  him.  Returning  to  New  York  from  White  Plains, 
in  one  of  the  late  years  of  his  life,  Colonel  Burr  visited  his 
old  friends  at  their  country  seat.  "The  meeting  between 
Mrs.  Popham  and  Burr,"  says  my  informant,  "  was  refined  and 
touching  in  the  extreme,  and  their  whole  intercourse  was 
marked  by  the  high-bred  courtesy  of  the  revolutionary  period. 
No  bad  man  could  ever  excite  the  feeling  he  did  in  the  minds 
of  such  women,  much  less  retain  their  friendship  for  half  a 
century." 

A  lady  said  to  Burr  one  day  in  his  office, 

"  Come,  colonel,  no  more  mystery ;  tell  me  now  what  you 
really  meant  to  do  in  Mexico." 

He  was  not  to  be  caught.  "  Oh,"  said  he,  in  his  light, 
pleasant  manner,  "  I'd  have  made  it  a  heaven  for  women  ;  and 
if  you  had  then  been  alone,  you  should  have  been  there  to 
enjoy  it." 

He  had  a  great  abhorrence  of  criminal  intimacies  with  hon 
est  poor  girls.  A  member  of  his  own  household  was  once 
seen  to  take  a  liberty  with  the  person  of  a  servant  girl  in  his 
own  house.  It  came  to  his  ears.  He  expressed  the  strongest 
possible  disgust.  "  A  man,"  said  he,  "  who  will  so  much  as 
look  with  lustful  eyes  upon  a  servant  is  no  gentleman  ;  and  if 
he  does  it  in  the  house  of  a  friend,  he  dishonors  that  house 
and  insults  that  friend." 

Talking  one  day  with  a  very  intimate  friend,  respecting  his 
own  affairs  of  gallantry,  he  uttered  these  words :  "  I  never 
had  an  amour  in  my  life  in  which  I  was  not  met  half  way. 
I  would  be  the  last  man  on  earth  to  make  such  advances  where 
they  were  not  welcome.  Nor  did  I  ever  do,  or  say,  or  write 
any  thing  which  threw  a  cloud  over  a  woman's  name."  This 
was  not  said  in  the  way  of  exculpation,  for  he  never  uttered  a 
syllable  of  that  nature.  It  was  a  casual  remark,  arising  nat- 
urallv  from  the  conversation. 


HIS     RELATIONS     WITH     WOMEN.  G59 

On  another  occasion,  a  few  weeks  before  his  death,  in  the 
course  of  a  similar  conversation,  he  said,  "  Seduction  is  a  crime 
like  no  other.  No  woman  can  lay  her  ruin  at  my  door.  If  I 
had  a  son,  and  he  were  to  bring  dishonor  upon  a  family  by 
ruining  a  daughter,  I  would  shoot  him  as  I  would  a  dog  1" 


CHAPTER     XXXV. 

HIS  SECOND  MARKIAGE. 

ORIGIN  AND  HISTORY  OF  STEPHEN  JUMEL  —  MADAME  JUMEL'S  VISIT  TO  BURR  —  COURT 
SHIP  AND  MARRIAGE—  BURR  MISUSES  HER  MONEY  — THEIR  SEPARATION. 

BRIEFLY  must  this  singular  tale  be  told.  Singular  it  is  in 
the  literal  sense  of  the  word  ;  neither  in  history  or  in  fiction 
can  its  parallel  be  found. 

Stephen  Jumel,  one  of  those  efficient,  invincible  Frenchmen, 
who  redeem  the  character  of  their  nation,  emigrated  at  an 
early  age  to  St.  Domingo,  where  he  worked  his  way  to  the 
ownership  of  a  share  in  a  coffee  plantation.  Warned  by  a 
faithful  slave,  he  escaped  from  his  house  on  the  eve  of  the 
great  massacre,  and  saw,  from  a  wood  to  which  he  had  fled, 
his  buildings  burned  and  his  plantation  laid  waste.  For  many 
days,  fed  by  his  negro  friend,  he  wandered  up  and  down  the 
lonely  sea-shore,  signaling  every  ship  that  passed  the  island. 
At  length,  a  boat  put  off  from  a  vessel  and  took  him  on  board. 
At  St.  Helena,  the  first  port  made  by  the  ship,  he  stopped,  and 
engaging  at  once  in  some  little  speculations,  gained  some  money 
which  he  spent  in  procuring  a  passage  to  New  York.  To  that 
city  he  had  sent  from  St.  Domingo,  a  quantity  of  coffee,  the 
proceeds  of  which  he  found  awaiting  his  orders  on  arriving. 
Provided  thus  with  a  small  capital,  he  embarked  in  trade,  pros 
pered,  became  the  owner  of  a  dozen  ships,  controlled  the  mar 
ket  for  some  descriptions  of  goods,*  and  retired  about  the  year 

*  Grant  Thorburn  says: — "  Stephen  Jumel,  a  Frenchman,  was  among  our 
early  'merchant  princes.'  One  morning,  about  10  o'clock,  in  the  year  1806, 
this  gentleman,  in  company  with  "William  Bayard,  Harmon  Leroy,  Archibald 
Gracie,  General  Clarkson,  and  some  dozen  others,  was  reading  and  discussing 
the  news  just  arrived  from  Liverpool,  in  the  extraordinary  short  passage  of 
seven  weeks!  The  matter  mostly  concerned  NAPOLEON  THE  FIKST  aiid  the  bat-w 


HIS     SECOND     MAKRIAGB.  601 

1812  with  what  was  then  considered  a  great  fortune.  A  man 
of  sense,  he  had  married  a  daughter  of  New  England,  a  wo 
man  as  remarkable  for  energy  and  talent  as  himself. 

After  Napoleon's  downfall  and  the  pacification  of  Europe, 
the  family  went  to  Paris,  where  they  resided  in  splendor  for 
many  years,  and  where  Madame  Jumel,  by  her  wit  and  tact, 
achieved  a  distinguished  position  in  the  court  society  of  the 
place.  Of  the  court  itself  she  was  a  favored  frequenter. 

In  the  year  1822,  M.  Jumel  lost  a  considerable  part  of  his 
fortune,  and  niadame  returned  alone  to  New  York,  bringing 
with  her  a  prodigious  quantity  of  grand  furniture  and  paint 
ings.  Retiring  to  a  seat  in  the  upper  part  of  Manhattan 
Island,  which  she  possessed  in  her  own  right,  she  began  with 
native  energy  the  task  of  restoring  her  husband's  broken  for 
tunes.  She  cultivated  her  farm ;  she  looked  vigilantly  to  the 
remains  of  the  estate;  she  economized.  In  1828,  when  M. 
Jumel  returned  to  the  United  States,  they  were  not  as  rich 
as  in  former  days,  but  their  estate  was  ample  for  all  rational 
purposes  and  enjoyments.  In  1832,  M.  Jumel,  a  man  of  mag 
nificent  proportions,  very  handsome,  and  perfectly  preserved 
(a  great  waltzer  at  seventy),  was  thrown  from  a  wagon  and 
fatally  injured.  He  died  in  a  few  days.  Madame  was  then 
little  past  her  prime. 

There  was  talk  of  cholera  in  the  city.  Madame  Jumel  re 
solved  upon  taking  a  carriage  tour  in  the  country.  Before 
setting  out,  she  wished  to  take  legal  advice  respecting  some 

tie  of  "Wagrara.  "While  thus  engaged,  a  carman's  horse  backed  his  cart  into 
the  Whitehall  slip,  at  the  head  of  which  they  were  grouped  together.  The 
cart  was  got  out,  but  the  horse  was  drowned,  and  every  one  began  pitying  the 
poor  carman's  ill  luck.  Jumel  instantly  arose,  and  placing  a  ten  dollar  bill 
between  his  thumb  and  fingers,  and  holding  it  aloft,  while  it  fluttered  in  the 
breeze,  and  with  his  hat  in  the  other  hand  he  walked  through  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  crowd  exclaiming,  'How  much  you  pity  the  poor  man?  1 
pity  him  ten  dollars.  How  much  you  pity  him  ?'  By  this  ingenious  and  no 
ble  coup-tfetat,  he  collected,  in  a  few  moments,  above  seventy  dollars,  which 
he  gave  over  at  once  to  the  unfortunate  and  fortunate  carman.  (This  is  the 
original  story  —  there  have  been  many  imitations  of  it  since  ;  but  the  idea  of 
'  pitying  a  man'  so  much  money,  originated  with  my  old  acquaintance  Ju 
mel.)" 


662  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

real  estate,  and  as  Colonel  Burr's  reputation  in  that  depart 
ment  was  preeminent,  to  his  office  in  Reade-street  she  drove. 
In  other  days  he  had  known  her  well,  and  though  many  an 
eventful  year  had  passed  since  he  had  seen  her,  he  recognized 
her  at  once.  He  received  her  in  his  courtliest  manner,  com 
plimented  her  with  admirable  tact,  listened  with  soft  deference 
to  her  statement.  He  was  the  ideal  man  of  business  —  confi 
dential,  self-possessed,  polite  —  giving  his  client  the  flattering 
impression  that  the  faculties  of  his  whole  soul  were  concen 
trated  upon  the  affair  in  hand.  She  was  charmed,  yet  feared 
him.  He  took  the  papers,  named  the  day  when  his  opinion 
would  be  ready,  and  handed  her  to  her  carriage  with  winning 
grace.  At  seventy-eight  years  of  age,  he  was  still  straight, 
active,  agile,  fascinating. 

On  the  appointed  day  she  sent  to  his  office  a  relative,  a  stu 
dent  of  law,  to  receive  his  opinion.  This  young  gentleman, 
timid  and  inexperienced,  had  an  immense  opinion  of  Burr's 
talents  ;  had  heard  all  good  and  all  evil  of  him  ;  supposed  him 
to  be,  at  least,  the  acutest  of  possible  men.  He  went.  Burr 
behaved  to  him  in  a  manner  so  exquisitely  pleasing,  that,  to 
this  hour,  he  has  the  liveliest  recollection  of  the  scene.  N"o 
topic  was  introduced  but  such  as  were  familiar  and  interesting 
to  young  men.  His  manners  were  such  as  this  age  of  slangy 
familiarity  can  not  so  much  as  imagine.  The  young  gentle 
man  went  home  to  Madame  Jumel  only  to  extol  and  glorify 
him. 

Madame  and  her  party  began  their  journey,  revisiting 
Ballston,  whither,  in  former  times,  she  had  been  wont  to  go 
in  a  chariot  drawn  by  eight  horses ;  visiting  Saratoga,  then 
in  the  beginning  of  its  celebrity,  where,  in  exactly  ten  minutes 
after  her  arrival,  the  decisive  lady  bought  a  house  and  all  it 
contained.  Returning  to  New  York  to  find  that  her  mansion 
had  been  despoiled  by  robbers  in  her  absence,  she  lived  for  a 
while  in  the  city.  Colonel  Burr  called  upon  the  young  gen 
tleman  who  had  been  madame's  messenger,  and,  after  their 
acquaintance  had  ripened,  said  to  him,  "  Come  into  my  office ; 
I  can  teach  you  more  in  a  year  than  you  can  learn  in  ten,  in  an 
ordinary  way."  The  proposition  being  submitted  to  Madame 


HIS     SECOND     MARRIAGE.  663 

Jurael,  she,  anxious  for  the  young  man's  advancement,  gladly 
and  gratefully  consented.  He  entered  the  office.  Burr  kept 
him  close  at  his  books.  He  did  teach  him  more  in  a  year  than 
he  could  have  learned  in  ten  in  an  ordinary  way.  Burr  lived 
then  in  Jersey  City.  His  office  (23  Nassau-street)  swarmed 
with  applicants  for  aid,  and  lie  seemed  now  to  have  quite  lost 
the  power  of  refusing.  In  no  other  respects,  bodily  or  men 
tal,  did  he  exhibit  signs  of  decrepitude. 

Some  months  passed  on  without  his  again  meeting  Madame 
Jnniel.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  student,  who  felt  exceed 
ingly  grateful  to  Burr  for  the  solicitude  with  which  he  assisted 
his  studies,  Madame  Jumel  invited  Colonel  Burr  to  dinner. 
It  was  a  grand  banquet,  at  which  he  displayed  all  the  charms 
of  his  manner,  and  shone  to  conspicuous  advantage.  On 
handing  to  dinner  the  giver  of  the  feast,  he  said  :  "  I  give 
you  my  hand,  madame ;  my  heart  has  long  been  yours." 
This  was  supposed  to  be  merely  a  compliment,  and  was  little 
remarked  at  the  time.  Colonel  Burr  called  upon  the  lady ; 
called  frequently  ;  became  ever  warmer  in  his  attentions ;  pro 
posed,  at  length,  and  was  refused.  He  still  plied  his  suit,  how 
ever,  and  obtained  at  last,  not  the  lady's  consent,  but  an 
undecided  N~o.  Improving  his  advantage  on  the  instant,  he 
said,  in  a  jocular  manner,  that  he  should  bring  out  a  clergy 
man  to  Fort  Washington  on  a  certain  day,  and  there  he 
would  once  more  solicit  her  hand. 

He  was  as  good  as  his  word.  At  the  time  appointed,  he 
drove  out  in  his  gig  to  the  lady's  country  residence,  accom 
panied  by  Dr.  Bogart,  the  very  clergyman  who,  just  fifty 
years  before,  had  married  him  to  the  mother  of  his  Theodo- 
sia.  The  lady  was  embarrassed,  and  still  refused.  But  then 
the  scandal !  And,  after  all,  why  not  ?  Her  estate  needed  a 
vigilant  guardian,  and  the  old  house  was  lonely.  After  much 
hesitation,  she  at  length  consented  to  be  dressed,  and  to  re 
ceive  her  visitors.  And  she  was  married.  The  ceremony  was 
witnessed  only  by  the  members  of  Madame  Jumel's  family, 
and  by  the  eight  servants  of  the  household,  who  peered 
eagerly  in  at  the  doors  and  windows.  The  ceremony  over, 
Mrs.  Burr  ordered  supper.  Some  bins  of  M.  Jumel's  wine 


664  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BURR. 

cellar,  that  had  not  been  opened  for  half  a  century,  were  laid 
under  contribution.  The  little  party  was  a  very  merry  one. 
The  parson,  in  particular,  it  is  remembered,  was  in  the  highest 
spirits,  overflowing  with  humor  and  anecdote.  Except  for 
Colonel  Burr's  great  age  (which  was  not  apparent),  the  match 
seemed  not  an  unwise  one.  The  lurking  fear  he  had  had  of 
being  a  poor  and  homeless  old  man  was  put  to  rest.  She  had 
a  companion  who  had  been  ever  agreeable,  and  her  estate  a 
steward  than  whom  no  one  living  was  supposed  to  be  more 
competent. 

As  a  remarkable  circumstance  connected  with  this  marriage, 
it  may  be  just  mentioned  that  there  was  a  woman  in  New 
York  who  had  aspired  to  the  hand  of  Colonel  Burr,  and  who, 
when  she  heard  of  his  union  with  another,  wrung  her  hands 
and  shed  tears  !  A  feeling  of  that  nature  can  seldom,  since 
the  creation  of  man,  have  been  excited  by  the  marriage  of  a 
man  on  the  verge  of  fourscore. 

A  few  days  after  the  wedding,  the  "  happy  pair"  paid  a  visit 
to  Connecticut,  of  which  State  a  nephew  of  Colonel  Burr's 
was  then  governor.  They  were  received  with  attention.  At 
Hartford,  Burr  advised  his  wife  to  sell  out  her  shares  in  the 
bridge  over  the  Connecticut  at  that  place,  and  invest  the 
proceeds  in  real  estate.  She  ordered  them  sold.  The  stock 
was  in  demand,  and  the  shares  brought  several  thousand  dol 
lars.  The  purchasers  offered  to  pay  her  the  money,  but  she 
said,  "No  ;  pay  it  to  my  husband."  To  him,  accordingly,  it 
was  paid,  and  he  had  it  sewed  up  in  his  pocket,  a  prodigious 
bulk,  and  brought  it  to  New  York,  and  deposited  it  in  his 
own  bank,  to  his  own  credit. 

Texas  was  then  beginning  to  attract  the  tide  of  emigration 
which,  a  few  years  later,  set  so  strongly  thither.  Burr  had 
always  taken  a  great  interest  in  that  country.  Persons  with 
whom  he  had  been  variously  connected  in  life  had  a  scheme 
on  foot  for  settling  a  large  colony  of  Germans  on  a  tract  of 
land  in  Texas.  A  brig  had  been  chartered,  and  the  project 
was  in  a  state  of  forwardness,  when  the  possession  of  a  sum 
of  money  enabled  Burr  to  buy  shares  in -the  enterprise.  The 
greater  part  of  the  money  which  he  had  brought  from  Hart- 


HIS     SECOND     MARRIAGE.  665 

ford  was  invested  in  this  way.  It  proved  a  total  loss.  The 
time  had  not  yet  come  for  emigration  to  Texas.  The  Ger 
mans  became  discouraged  and  separated,  and,  to  complete  the 
failure  of  the  scheme,  the  title  of  the  lande  in  the  confusion 
of  the  times,  proved  defective.  Meanwhile  madame,  who  vvas 
a  remarkably  thrifty  woman,  with  a  talent  for  the  management 
of  property,  wondered  that  her  husband  made  no  allusion  to 
the  subject  of  the  investment ;  for  the  Texas  speculation  had 
not  been  mentioned  to  her.  She  caused  him  to  be  questioned 
on  the  subject.  He  begged  to  intimate  to  the  lady's  messen 
ger  that  it  was  no  affair  of  her's,  and  requested  her  to  remind 
the  lady  that  she  now  had  a  husband  to  manage  her  affairs, 
and  one  who  would  manage  them. 

Coolness  between  the  husband  and  wife  was  the  result  of 
this  colloquy.  Then  came  remonstrances.  Then  estrange 
ment.  Burr  got  into  the  habit  of  remaining  at  his  office  in 
the  city.  Then,  partial  reconciliation.  Full  of  schemes  and 
speculations  to  the  last,  without  retaining  any  of  his  former 
ability  to  operate  successfully,  he  lost  more  money,  and  more, 
and  more.  The  patience  of  the  lady  was  exhausted.  She 
filed  a  complaint  accusing  him  of  infidelity,  and  praying  that 
he  might  have  no  more  control  or  authority  over  her  affairs. 
The  accusation  is  now  known  to  have  been  groundless ;  nor, 
indeed,  at  the  time  was  it  seriously  believed.  It  was  used 
merely  as  the  most  convenient  legal  mode  of  depriving  him 
of  control  over  her  property.  At  first,  he  answered  the  com 
plaint  vigorously,  but  afterward,  he  allowed  it  to  go  by  default 
and  proceedings  were  carried  no  further.  A  few  short  weeks 
of  happiness,  followed  by  a  few  months  of  alternate  estrange 
ment  and  reconciliation,  and  this  union,  that  begun  not  inaus- 
piciously,  was,  in  effect,  though  never  in  law,  dissolved.  What 
is  strangest  of  all  is,  that  the  lady,  though  she  never  saw  her 
husband  during  the  last  two  years  of  his  life,  cherished  no  ill- 
will  toward  him,  and  shed  tears  at  his  death.  To  this  hour, 
Madame  Jumel  thinks  and  speaks  of  him  with  kindness,  at 
tributing  what  was  wrong  or  unwise  in  his  conduct  to  the 
infirmities  of  age. 


066  LIFE     OF     AAKOtt      liUKK. 

Men  of  seventy-eight  have  been  married  before  and  since. 
But,  probably,  never  has  there  been  another  instance  of  a 
man  of  that  age,  winning  a  lady  of  fortune  and  distinction, 
grieving  another  by  his  marriage,  and  exciting  suspicions  of 
incontinence  against  himself  by  his  attentions  to  a  third ! 


CHAPTER   XXXVI. 

HIS    LAST    YEARS    AND    HOURS. 

STRICKEN  WITH  PARALYSIS  —  His  LAST  AND  BEST  FRIEND  —  ANECDOTES  OF  His 
SICKNESS  —  DYING  DECLARATION  RESPECTING  His  EXPEDITION  —  INTERVIEWS 
WITH  A  CLERGYMAN  —  His  LAST  MOMENTS  —  FUNERAL  —  MONUMENT. 


morning,  about  the  close  of  the  year  1833,  while  Col- 
nel  Burr,  in  company  with  a  friend,  was  passing  the  old  City 
Hotel,  in  the  lower  part  of  Broadway,  his  step  suddenly  fal 
tered,  he  leaned  heavily  upon  his  friend's  arm,  and  was  soon 
compelled  to  come  to  a  halt. 

"  What  is  the  matter,  colonel  ?"  asked  his  friend. 

"  I  don't  know,"  was  his  reply  ;  "  something  seems  to  be 
the  matter  with  my  walking  ;  I  can't  step  ;  there  's  no  feeling 
nor  strength  in  this  leg." 

He  was  assisted  to  the  wall  of  the  hotel,  where  he  leaned 
for  a  few  moments,  hoping  the  strange  affection  would  pass 
off.  As  it  grew  no  better,  a  carriage  was  called  ;  he  was 
driven  to  his  office  in  Xassau-street,  and  a  doctor  was  sum 
moned,  who  pronounced  the  disease  paralysis.  Prostrate  and 
helpless  was  the  active  man  at  last.  His  wife,  with  whom  he 
had  not  lived  for  some  time,  forgot  the  losses  she  had  suffered 
through  his  indiscretion,  when  she  heard  that  he  was  sick,  and 
went  to  see  him.  "  Come  Aome,"  said  she;  "here  you  can 
have  no  proper  attendance."  Her  carriage  was  at  the  door, 
and  he  went  home  with  her  to  Fort  Washington,  where  a 
month's  assiduous  and  tender  nursing,  to  the  surprise  of  every 
one,  restored  him.  But  just  as  soon  as  he  was  upon  his  feet 
again,  he  was  eager  to  be  in  town,  at  his  suits,  at  his  specula 
tions  ;  and  it  was  after  this  "  first  warning,"  that  the  legal 
proceedings  were  instituted  which  led  to  the  final  estrange 
ment  between  the  ill-mated  pair. 


668  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

He  would  never  own  that  he  had  had  a  paralytic  stroke.  He 
insisted  that  he  was  perfectly  well,  and  was  offended  if  any 
one  asked  a  question  which  implied  the  contrary.  Tenaciously 
he  clung  to  life.  He  would  be  the  beau,  the  man  of  business, 
the  great  lawyer,  to  the  last. 

But  a  second  stroke  followed,  a  few  months  later,  depriving 
forever  of  life  and  motion  both  his  lower  limbs.  There  was 
no  concealing  this  calamity.  Yet,  for  a  while,  his  mind  was 
as  active  as  ever,  and  his  general  health  unimpaired.  Reclin 
ing  upon  a  sofa  in  his  office,  he  saw  his  friends  and  clients  as 
usual,  and  wrote  letters,  billet-doux,  notes,  opinions,  without 
number.  His  pen  should  walk  for  him,  travel  for  him,  plead 
for  him ;  he  would  be  thought,  as  he  thought  himself,  as  effi 
cient  a  man  as  ever  he  was.  This  could  not  last.  It  was  ap 
parent  to  every  one  but  himself  that  his  mental  powers  were 
no  longer  adequate  to  the  discharge  of  business,  and  partly 
by  a  sense  of  decreasing  strength,  partly  by  the  persuasions 
of  friends,  he  was  induced  gradually  to  relax  his  hold  upon 
mundane  things,  and  subside  into  the  tranquillity  that  befitted 
his  age  and  condition. 

The  close  of  his  life  was  solaced  and  cheered  by  a  friend, 
who  proved  herself  a  friend  indeed.  Far  back  to  the  earliest 
days  of  the  Revolution  wre  must  look  for  the  first  of  the  series 
of  events  which  secured  to  the  helpless  old  man  those  tender 
attentions  from  the  hand  and  heart  of  a  woman  which  age  and 
sickness  need. 

During  the  expedition  to  Canada,  while  the  American  forces 
lay  near  the  heights  of  Quebec,  Burr,  whose  stock  of  provi 
sions  was  reduced  to  a  biscuit  and  an  onion,  went  down  to  a 
small  brook  to  drink.  Having  no  cup,  he  was  proceeding  to 
use  the  top  of  his  cap  as  a  drinking  vessel,  when  a  British 
officer  who  had  come  to  the  other  side  of  the  brook  for  the 
same  purpose  saluted  him  politely,  and  offered  him  the  use  of 
his  hunting  cup.  Burr  accepted  the  offer,  and  the  two  ene 
mies  entered  into  conversation.  The  officer,  pleased  with 
the  frank  and  gallant  bearing  of  the  youth  —  for  a  youth  he 
seemed  —  concluded  the  interview  by  bestowing  upon  him  the 
truly  munificent  gift  of  part  of  a  horse's  tongue.  They  in- 


HIS     LAST     YEARS     AND     HOURS.  669 

quired  each  other's  name.  "  When  next  we  meet,"  said  the 
Briton,  "  it  will  be  as  enemies,  but  if  we  should  ever  come  to 
gether  after  the  war  is  over,  let  us  know  each  other  better." 
Stepping  upon  some  stones  in  the  middle  of  the  brook,  they 
shook  hands,  and  parted.  In  the  subsequent  operations  of  the 
war,  each  saw  the  other  occasionally,  but  before  the  peace  the 
British  officer  went  home  badly  wounded. 

Thirty-six  years  after,  when  Colonel  Burr  was  an  exile  in 
Scotland,  he  met  that  officer  again  ;  an  old  man  then,  residing 
upon  his  estate.  Each  had  a  vivid  recollection  of  the  scene  at 
the  brook  in  the  old  wars,  and  a  warm  friendship  sprang  up 
between  them.  Colonel  Burr  visited  the  house  of  the  aged 
officer,  and  received  from  him  assistance  of  the  most  essential 
kind,  namely,  a  loan  of  three  hundred  pounds,  besides  valuable 
introductions. 

Twenty-four  years  later,  the  daughter  of  that  Scottish  offi 
cer,  ruined  in  fortune  by  a  husband's  extravagance,  was  at 
the  head  of  a  large  boarding  house  in  New  York,  near  the 
Bowling  Green.  Both  herself  and  her  husband  had  been 
friends  of  Colonel  Burr  ever  since  their  arrival  in  New  York, 
and,  after  her  husband's  death,  Burr  was  her  lawyer  and  man- 
of-business.  This  lady  was,  and  is,  one  of  the  kindest  and 
sprightliest  of  her  sex ;  a  woman  of  high  breeding,  with  too 
little  of  the  provincial  in  her  character  to  have  more  than  a 
very  slight  respect  for  that  terror  of  provincial  souls,  MRS. 
GRUNDY. 

She  heard  that  Colonel  Burr  was  lying  sick  and  helpless  at 
his  office,  and  she  went  to  see  him.  She  sent  him  delicacies 
from  her  table.  She  kept  a  general  oversight  of  his  domestic 
arrangements  for  some  months,  and  then,  with  her  husband's 
hearty  concurrence  (she  had  married  again)  invited  and  urged 
him  to  come  and  take  up  his  abode  in  her  house  as  long  as  he 
lived.  He  should  pay  the  extra  expenses  which  she  might  in 
cur,  but  he  should  be,  in  effect  as  in  name,  her  guest.  The 
summer  of  1834  saw  him  established  in  the  two  basement 
rooms  of  her  house,  with  all  his  familiar  relics,  books,  pictures, 
and  furniture  round  him.  It  was  the  "  old  Jay  house"  —  where 
his  former  friend,  Governor  John  Jay,  had  resided.  Another 


670  LIFE     OP     AARON     BUER. 

coincidence  was,  that  the  man-servant  who  chiefly  waited 
upon  him  at  this  time,  had  been  for  many  years  butler  to  De 
Witt  Clinton. 

For  two  years  he  lay  upon  his  bed,  or  reclined  in  an  arm 
chair,  free  from  pain,  and  growing  weaker  only  by  insensible 
degrees.  Ever  cheerful,  often  merry,  always  kind,  visited  oc 
casionally  by  his  old  friends,  and  visited  continually  by  old 
and  new  pensioners ;  every  want  anticipated  and  supplied,  his 
life  glided  on  tranquilly  toward  its  close.  He  caused  the  por 
trait  of  Theodosia  to  be  hung  so  that  he  could  look  upon  it  as 
he  lay  in  bed,  and  tears  have  been  observed  to  course  slowly 
down  his  furrowed  cheeks  as  he  gazed  upon  it.  For  hours  at  a 
time  he  would  lie  silent  with  his  eyes  fixed  upon  his  daughter's 
face.  Always  inclined  to  be  taciturn,  he  was  now  more  silent 
than  ever.  Never  accustomed  to  speak  ill  or  harshly  of  others, 
he  never,  during  these  two  years,  alluded  to  any  one  but  with 
charity.  He  gave  very  little  trouble  to  his  attendants,  and 
addressed  them  always  with  marked  courtesy.  A  sick  girl 
was  never  more  delicate  than  he. 

In  the  early  months  of  his  sickness  he  took  the  most  intense 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  Texas,  then  in  the  midst  of  her 
struggle  for  independence,  aided  by  thousands  of  American 
citizens.  A  gentleman  who  called  upon  him  one  morning,  at 
this  period,  found  him,  newspaper  in  hand,  all  excitement,  his 
eyes  blazing. 

"  There  /"  exclaimed  the  old  man,  pointing  to  the  news 
from  Texas,  "  you  see  ?  I  was  right !  I  was  only  thirty  years 
too  soon  !  What  was  treason  in  me  thirty  years  ago,  is  patriot 
ism  now  !  !" 

He  lived  to  see  Texas  an  independent  State  —  made  such 
chiefly  by  emigrants  and  adventurers  from  the  United  States. 

Phrenology  became  the  town-talk  in  1835.  It  was  a  new 
thing  with  us  then,  and  had  few  adherents.  The  young  poet 
Barlow,  one  of  the  first  practitioners  in  the  science,  dined  one 
day  at  the  house  where  Colonel  Burr  resided,  when  it  oc 
curred  to  the  landlady  to  give  him  an  opportunity  to  test  his 
power  of  reading  character.  She  said  to  him,  "  We  have  an 
old  gentleman  from  the  country  upon  a  visit  to  us,  whom  I 


HIS     LAST     YEARS     AND     HOURS.  671 

should  like  you  to  see.  He  seems  to  me  to  have  quite  a  re 
markable  head,  though  he  is  not  a  highly  educated  man." 

The  phrenologist  having  intimated  his  willingness  to  exam 
ine  him,  she  went  below  to  prepare  Colonel  Burr  for  the  inter 
view,  cautioning  him  to  say  nothing,  and,  above  all,  to  keep 
still,  lest  a  bow  or  a  gesture  should  betray  him.  He  was  reclin 
ing  in  a  chair,  attired  in  a  flannel  dressing-gown,  when  Barlow 
was  ushered  into  his  apartment.  His  nurse,  who  was  sitting 
at  a  table  sewing,  was  to  personate  the  daughter  of  the  old 
gentleman. 

"  This  gentleman,  sir,"  said  the  lady,  "  is  a  phrenologist, 
and  I  have  brought  him  to  examine  your  head." 

He  nodded,  and  the  examination  began. 

"  What  a  head !"  was  the  phrenologist's  first  whisper. 
"  Who  is  he  ?  Where  does  he  come  from  ?" 

"  Oh,"  replied  the  lady,  "  he  is  an  old  friend  of  my  father's. 
He  lives  in  Connecticut,  and  has  come  to  the  city  for  medical 
advice.  But  I  wron't  tell  you  any  thing  more  about  him  till 
you  have  given  us  his  character.  You  wouldn't  suppose  him 
to  be  a  clergyman,  would  you  ?" 

"  A  clergyman !"  exclaimed  Barlow.  "  Great  heavens.  No  I 
I  would  sooner  take  him  for  a  man  of  war  than  a  man  of 
peace.  If  he  had  been  an  educated  man,  he  could  have  set 
the  world  in  arms  !  This  is  a  Van  Buren  head,  only  of  higher 
ambition  and  greater  powers." 

"  He  would  have  made  a  good  soldier,  then,  if  he  had  been 
called  upon  to  fight  ?"  inquired  the  lady. 

"  Such  a  head  as  that,"  said  the  phrenologist,  "  might  have 
led  an  army,  and  conquered  a  world  !  It  is  a  great  head  !  a 
very  great  head !  What  a  pity  he  should  have  lived  in  ob 
scurity  !  With  many  noble  traits  of  character,  however,  he 
has  some  bad  ones.  He  is  generous  to  a  fault.  He  takes 
pleasure  in  giving,  whether  his  own  or  other's  property.  He 
is  very  secretive ;  relies  on  his  own  judgment ;  is  seldom 
swerved  by  the  advice  of  others.  He  feels  that  he  was  born 
to  command,  and  is  as  brave  as  a  lion.  He  would  have  made 
a  great  scholar,  a  great  statesman,  a  great  orator,  a  great  any 
thing,  if  he  had  but  had  the  chance.  Yet  he  can  descend  to 


672  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

duplicity  to  gain  his  ends.  He  is  not  over-conscientious  when 
his  passions  or  his  feelings  are  concerned.  As  a  statesman,  he 
would  have  been  diplomatic,  and  firm  as  a  rock,  whether  for 
evil  or  for  good.  A  firm  friend,  without  boasting  or  presum 
ing.  More  generous  than  just.  He  has  little  reverence,  yet 
would  scarcely  be  an  unbeliever.  His  head  is  indeed  a  study 
—  a  strange,  contradictory  head.  He  is  very  irritable,  and 
impatient  of  control.  He  could  look  into  the  souls  of  men. 
Gracious !  what  a  lawyer  he  would  have  made  !  And  that's 
his  daughter,  is  it?  What  a  diiference  !  One  would  almost 
think  it  impossible.  This  head  is  one  of  those  that  think 
every  thing  possible,  and  will  dare  all  to  gain  a  point.  He  has 
been  fond  of  the  fair  sex,  too,  in  his  day.  But  his  bad  qualities 
are  overtopped  by  his  good  ones.  And  now,  pray  tell  me 
who  this  gentleman  is  ?" 

"  Colonel  Aaron  Burr,  sir,"  replied  the  lady,  in  triumph. 

The  phrenologist  started  back,  with  a  curious  blending  of 
curiosity  and  shame  expressed  in  his  face  and  attitude. 

"  Oh,  sir,  pardon  me,"  he  said  ;  "  if  I  had  known  who  it  was 
that  I  was  examining,  I  should  not  have  presumed  to  say  what 
I  have  said.  But  this  is  an  honor  I  have  long  wished  for,  arid 
nothing  could  have  given  me  greater  delight." 

"  Sir,"  whispered  Burr,  in  his  blandest  manner,  "  you  have 
given  me  no  offense." 

This  ended  the  interview.  The  next  day,  the  lady  said  to 
him  that  she  thought  Mr.  Barlow  had  hit  his  character  very 
correctly. 

"  No,  madame,"  he  replied,  with  unexpected  gravity,  "  he 
made  some  great  mistakes.  He  said  I  was  irritable.  I  am 
not  irritable." 

The  phrenologist  was  right,  however.  He  had  been  irrita 
ble  in  his  way. 

His  chief  amusement  during  these  monotonous  months  was 
reading.  He  read  much,  but  not  many  things.  Chiefly  he 
liked  his  good  friend  to  read  to  him  something  of  a  tender  or 
sentimental  cast.  Sterne  was  a  great  favorite,  particularly  the 
story  of  Le  Fevre  in  Tristram  Shandy.  Uncle  Toby's  treat 
ment  of  the  fly  was  quite  to  his  taste.  One  day,  after  a  long 


HIS     LAST     YEA  11 S     AND     HOURS.  673 

reading  from  Sterne,  he  said,  "If  I  had  read  Sterne  more, 
and  Voltaire  less,  I  should  have  known  that  the  world  was 
wide  enough  for  Hamilton  and  me." 

It  was  a  custom  of  the  busy  lady  of  the  house  to  visit  him 
twice  every  day.  The  doctor  ordered  him  champagne,  which 
she  used  to  bring  him  with  her  own  hands  after  dinner.  Re 
vived  by  the  draught,  he  would  then  be  eager  to  hear  some 
thing  read.  "  Well,  my  child,"  he  would  say,  "  have  you 
any  thing  to  comfort  me  with  to-day  ?  Read  something  good, 
something  classical,  something  sweet.  Let  us  have  a  pleasant 
half  hour."  The  lady,  herself  a  poetess,  liked  nothing  better 
than  to  repeat  to  him  her  favorites  and  his  own.  Some  bits 
of  Moore  he  was  never  tired  of  hearing ;  above  all,  he  liked 
the  poem  written  by  Moore  upon  hearing  that  the  Prince  Re 
gent,  with  his  usual  meanness,  had  deserted  a  lovely  girl  whom 
he  had  ruined.  Burr  loathed  conduct  of  that  nature  with  a 
perfect  loathing. 

"  When  first  I  met  thee,  warm  and  young, 

There  shone  such  truth  about  thee, 
And  on  thy  lip  such  promise  hung, 

I  did  not  dare  to  doubt  thee. 
I  saw  thee  change,  yet  still  relied, 
Still  clung  with  hope  the  fonder, 
And  thought,  though  false  to  all  beside, 
From  me  thou  could'st  not  wander. 
But  go,  deceiver !  go, 

The  heart,  whose  hopes  could  make  it 
Trust  one  so  false,  so  low, 

Deserves  that  thou  shouldst  break  it. 

"When  every  tongue  thy  follies  named, 

I  fled  the  unwelcome  story ; 
Or  found,  hi  even  the  faults  they  blamed, 

Some  gleams  of  future  glory. 
/  still  was  true,  when  nearer  friends 
Conspired  to  wrong,  to  slight  thee  ; 
The  heart  that  now  thy  falsehood  rends 
"Would  then  have  bled  to  right  thee. 
But  go,  deceiver !  go  — 

Some  day,  perhaps,  thou'lt  waken 
From  pleasure's  dream,  to  know 
The  grief  of  hearts  forsaken." 
29 


674  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Moore's  "  Oft  in  the  stilly  night,"  was  another  of  his  favor 
ites.  When  his  memory  was  almost  gone,  he  would  whisper 
the  first  line,  and  ask,  "How  does  it  go  on,  my  dear?  Say 
it."  Some  psalms  and  hymns  that  he  had  learned  in  child 
hood  seemed  to  linger  in  his  memory.  One  psalm,  in  particu 
lar,  he  often  repeated  and  praised  : 

"  It  was  not  any  open  foe 
That  false  reflections  made." 

Nothing  pleased  him  better  than  a  timely  and  apt  quota 
tion.  Some  gentlemen  were  in  his  room  one  evening,  when 
the  conversation  took  a  severer  tone  than  he  liked.  Slow  to 
speak  ill  of  any  one,  he  never  relished  denunciatory  language. 
After  one  of  his  guests  had  finished  some  severe  remarks,  the 
lady  of  the  house  stepped  forward,  and  in  the  quick,  graceful 
manner  peculiar  to  her,  repeated  these  lines  from  Burns's 
Address  to  the  Unco  Gude : 

"  Then  gently  scan  your  brother  man, 

Still  gentler  sister  woman; 
Though  they  may  gang  a  kennin'  wrang, 

To  step  aside  is  human  ; 
One  point  must  still  be  greatly  dark, 

The  moving  Why  they  do  it ; 
And  just  as  lamely  can  ye  mark 

How  far,  perhaps,  they  rue  it. 

"  Who  made  the  heart,  'tis  He  alone 

Decidedly  can  try  us ;' 
He  knows  each  chord — its  various  tone, 

Each  spring  —  its  various  bias ; 
Then  at  the  balance  let 's  be  mute, 

"We  never  can  adjust  it ; 
"What's  done  we  partly  may  compute, 

But  know  not  what's  resisted." 

Good  humor  was  restored  ;  a  better  spirit  prevailed  in  the 
company.  Burr,  who  had  lain  silent  up  to  this  time,  now 
expressed  the  keenest  delight.  " How  good!"  he  kept  whis 
pering.  "  How  very  good.  So  like  you,  my.  dear ;  so  like 


HIS     LAST     YEARS     AND      HOURS.  675 

you !"  He  was  exceedingly  pleased,  and  often  alluded  to  the 
scene  and  the  lines  afterward. 

He  was  a  foe  to  melancholy,  to  the  last.  His  kind  friend 
said  to  him  one  evening,  when  he  seemed  weaker  than  usual : 
"  Well,  colonel,  I'm  afraid  we  shan't  have  you  here  long ;  but 
it 's  a  sad  world,  after  all,  and  I  wish  I  was  going  too." 

"Don't  say  so,  child,"  said  he;  "I  have  lived  my  day;  you 
are  young ;  your  time  is  before  you  ;  enjoy  it." 

On  another  occasion,  when  she  had  met  with  an  affliction, 
she  said  to  him,  "  O,  colonel,  how  shall  I  get  through  this  ?" 

"  LIVE  through  it,  my  dear  !"  was  his-emphatic  reply. 

Still  complaining,  she  said,  "  This  will  kill  me,  colonel,  I 
know  I  can  not  survive  this." 

"  Well,"  said  he,  "  die,  then,  madame  :  we  must  all  die  ;  but 
bless  me,  die  game  !" 

One  lovely  afternoon,  she  said,  as  she  arranged  his  pillows, 
"  O !  colonel,  if  you  were  only  forty  years  younger,  and  we 
were  walking  by  the  side  of  some  pleasant  stream,  with  beau 
tiful  flowers  all  around  us,  how  happy  we  could  be  this  after 
noon." 

"  Well,  my  child,"  said  he,  "  and  we  shall  walk  by  the  side 
of  pleasant  streams,  amid  beautiful  flowers,  if  we  are  to  be 
lieve  the  .Book !" 

Bringing  him  the  papers,  as  usual,  one  morning  she  called 
his  attention  to  some  false  statements  relating  to  his  duel  with 
Hamilton,  and  said  to  him, 

"  How  can  you,  colonel,  let  these  people  traduce  you  so, 
when  you  have  the  documents  in  your  possession  that  would 
exonerate  you  ?"  « 

"I  am  already  exonerated,"  was  his  reply. 

"  What  do  you  mean  ?"  she  asked. 

"  There  /"  said  he,  pointing  upward. 

A  scene  occurred  in  the  dining-room  of  the  house  while 
he  lay  helpless,  which  may  as  well  be  related  here.  A  gen 
tleman  called  to  engage  board,  found  suitable  rooms,  and  said 
he  would  call  in  the  afternoon  to  say  whether  he  would  take 
them.  He  came  to  dinner.  Addressing  himself  in  an  em 
barrassed,  hesitating  manner  to  the  landlady,  he  said  he  had 


676  LIFE     OF     AARON     K  U  11  It . 

just  heard  of  a  circumstance  which  would  deprive  him  of  the 
pleasure  he  had  anticipated  in  residing  under  her  roof.  He 
understood  that  Aaron  Burr  was  a  boarder  in  the  house,  and 
he  really  could  not  live  in  the  same  house  with  a  man  of  that 
character. 

The  blood  of  all  the  Montroses  wras  up  in  a  moment.  She 
rose  from  her  chair,  and  said,  with  flashing  eye,  and  subdued 
intensity  of  tone  : 

"  You  have  been  misinformed,  sir,  Colonel  Burr  is  not  a 
boarder  in  this  house.  He  is  my  guest,  sir,  my  honored  guest ! 
Before  any  boarder  in  this  house  is  served,  Colonel  Burr  is 
served." 

Then,  turning  to  a  servant  who  was  waiting  at  the  table, 
she  said,  in  the  manner  of  Napoleon  ordering  a  column  to  the 
attack,  "  Patrick,  take  away  that  person's  plate,  and  open  the 
door !» 

Patrick  obeyed,  and  the  "  person"  retired  without  ventur 
ing  any  further  observations. 

This  brave  lady  could  not,  of  course,  escape  sharing,  to  some 
extent,  the  odium  that  surrounded  the  name  of  the  man  whose 
last  days  her  wit  and  kindness  cheered. 

"  What  do  you  think  I've  heard  this  morning,  colonel  ?" 
said  she  to  him  on  one  occasion.  "  They  say  I'm  your  daugh 
ter." 

"  Well,"  said  he,  "  we  don't  care  for  that,  do  we  ?" 

"  Noi  a  bit !"  was  her  reply.  "  But  they  say  something 
else,  colonel,"  she  continued ;  "  they  say  I  was  your  mistress." 

"  Do  they  ?"  said  he,  "  I  don't  think  we  care  much  for  that 
either,  do  we  ?" 

"  They  must  say  what  they  choose,"  she  replied — the  gal 
lant  soldier's  daughter ! 

"  But,"  said  he,  taking  her  hand  in  both  his,  and  lifting  it 
to  his  lips,  his  hands  shaking  with  paralysis,  "  I'll  tell  you 
something  they  might  say  that  would  be  true  !  Let  them 
say  this  of  you  :  She  gave  the  old  man  a  home  when  nobody 
else  would  /" 

He  uttered  these  words  with  an  emphasis  so  tender  and 
penetrating,  that  two  of  his  relatives  who  were  present,  one  a 


HIS     LAST     Y  K  A  B  S     AND     HOURS.  677 

member  of  the  bar,  and  the  other  a  judge,  could  not  refrain 
from  tears. 

To  the  last  he  was  ever  giving.  His  friend  said  to  him 
once, 

"  I  think  you  are  not  particular  enough  in  your  charities. 
The  man  to  whom  you  have  just  given  money,  I  am  sure,  is  a 
drunkard." 

"  He  may  be,"  said  Burr,  "  but  that  has  nothing  to  do  with 
what  I  gave  him.  He  asked  it  for  God's  sake,  and  for  God's 
sake  I  gave  it." 

"O,  colonel,"  said  she,  "  you  can't  say  no;  can  you?" 

"  Not  when  I  have  any  thing  to  give,"  he  replied.  "  I  am, 
indeed,  an  exquisite  fool,  an  inimitable  fool." 

As  a  set- oft'  to  this,  it  must  be  recorded  that  a  dunning 
scene,  of  considerable  violence  on  the  part  of  the  d miner,  took 
place  during  these  months.  The  man,  it  appears,  called  seve 
ral  times  without  hitting  upon  one  of  the  periods  when  the 
exchequer  had  been  very  recently  replenished,  and,  of  course, 
could  not  get  his  money.  He  flew  into  a  great  rage,  at 
length,  and  berated  the  old  man  with  fluency.  Burr  made 
not  the  least  reply  to  him,  but  waited  placidly  till  it  was  over, 
and  then  addressed  a  remark  on  some  other  subject  to  another 
person.  The  man  stood  a  moment  with  a  puzzled  and  balked 
expression  of  countenance,  and  then  retired.  It  should  be 
added  that  Burr's  pecuniary  affairs,  at  this  time,  were  man 
aged  for  him  by  a  relative  —  an  application  to  whom  would 
not  have  been  so  unsuccessful.  But  it  is  good  always  to  bear 
in  mind  that  tierce  dunning  is  the  natural  accompaniment  of 
loose  spending. 

In  the  spring  of  1836  it  was  apparent  to  those  about  him 
that  his  strength  was  rapidly  diminishing,  and  that  a  very  few 
months  or  weeks  would  terminate  his  mortal  career,  lie 
knew  it  himself,  arid  spoke  of  it  without  reserve.  lie  \\  as 
more  than  resigned ;  at  times,  he  seemed  slightly  impatient 
for  the  closing  scene.  While  thus  waiting  for  death,  he  never 
seemed  to  look  forward,  curious  to  penetrate  the  vail,  behind 
which  he  was  soon  to  pass.  His  mind  wandered  backward  to 
the  remote  past.  From  a  long  doze  of  some  hours1  duration, 


678  LIFE     OF     AARON     JUT  R  R . 

he  would  awake  to  speak  of  people  at  Princeton,  whom  he  had 
known  at  college,  of  fellow  soldiers  in  the  revolutionary  war, 
of  Theodosia  and  her  boy.  He  talked  sometimes  of  the  biog 
raphy  which  he  knew  was  to  be  published  after  his  death, 
and  appeared  to  be  anxious  that,  at  last,  his  countrymen 
should  know  him  as  he  was.  He  was  most  concerned  that  his 
military  career  should  be  fully  and  truly  related.  "  If  they 
persist  in  saying  that  I  was  a  bad  man,"  he  said,  "  they  shall 
at  least  admit  that  I  was  a  good  soldier."  He  wished  to  be 
thought  brave.  In  speaking  of  his  own  death  he  would  say, 
"  A  brave  man  never  fears  death,"  or,  "  Death  is  terrible  only 
to  cowards,"  or,  "Death  has  no  terrors  for  me." 

In  the  early  part  of  June,  when  the  weather  grew  suddenly 
warm,  he  was  supposed  for  some  days  to  be  sinking.  Dr. 
Hosack,  who  attended  him,  thought  that  a  few  days,  perhaps 
a  few  hours,  were  all  that  he  had  to  live.  Mr.  Davis  told  him 
the  doctor's  opinion,  and,  in  view  of  his  approaching  death, 
asked  him  whether,  in  the  expedition  to  the  South-west,  he 
had  designed  a  separation  of  the  Union.  With  some  impa 
tience  he  replied, 

u  No ;  I  would  as  soon  have  thought  of  taking  possession 
of  the  moon,  and  informing  my  friends  that  I  intended  to 
divide  it  among  them  !" 

He  revived.  It  chanced  that  the  "  Jay  House"  was  that 
summer  to  be  pulled  down,  and  it  was  necessary  that  he  should 
be  removed.  Lodgings  were  procured  for  him  for  the  summer, 
at  Port  Richmond,  on  Staten  Island,  in  a  small  hotel  that 
stood,  and  still  stands,  a  few  yards  from  the  steamboat  land 
ing.  At  parting  with  his  kind  hostess,  he  showed  extreme 
sensibility.  He  was  tenderly  grateful  to  her  for  her  unbound 
ed  goodness  to  him,  and  expressed  his  gratitude  in  a  thou 
sand  quaint  and  delicate  ways,  which  can  scarcely  be  described 
in  words.  "  What  are  you,"  he  would  ask,  "  that  you  should 
be  so  kind  to  the  old  man  ?"  And  she  would  reply  that  "  she 
was  the  little  mouse  that  came  to  the  help  of  the  sick  lion." 
He  liked  an  apt  reply  of  that  kind ;  afterward,  he  wouH 
often  run  his  fingers  fondly  through  her  auburn  locks,  and 
call  her  his  little  mouse.  He  was  carried  to  the  steamboat  on 


HIS     LAST     YEARS     AND     HOURS.  679 

a  litter,  accompanied  by  a  few  of  his  friends,  among  whom 
she^  of  course,  was  one.  She  saw  him  safe  into  his  apart 
ment  at  Port  Richmond,  in  which  she  had  before  placed  the 
articles  essential  to  his  comfort,  and  then  left  him  in  charge 
of  his  nurse  and  the  man-servant  before  mentioned,  an  aged 
and  responsible  man.  Relatives  of  Colonel  Burr  lived  near, 
who  also  visited  him,  and  saw  that  his  wants  were  all  supplied. 

"  Good-by,  colonel,"  said  his  friend,  as  she  was  leaving  him 
for  the  night.  "  Good-by  ;  I  shall  come  and  see  you  every 
day." 

He  took  her  hand,  and  raising  it  between  his  own  in  the 
manner  of  supplication,  he  said,  in  a  tone  of  mingled  tender 
ness  and  fervency  never  to  be  forgotten  :  "  May  God  for  ever, 
and  for  ever,  and  for  ever,  bless  you,  my  last,  best  friend. 
"When  the  HOUR  comes,  I  will  look  out,  in  the  better  country, 
for  one  bright  spot  for  you  —  be  sure." 

The  sea  air  at  first  benefited  him  greatly ;  and  he  even 
felt  so  much  better  as  to  talk  of  returning  to  the  city  and 
continuing  his  law  business.  His  friends  dissuaded  him.  He 
went  so  far  as  to  set  on  foot  a  small  intrigue  with  some  oys- 
termen,  with  the  design  of  getting  them  to  row  him  back  to 
the  city  on  the  sly.  The  price  was  agreed  upon,  arid  the  time 
appointed,  when  the  plot  was  discovered  by  his  friends,  and 
defeated  by  a  counter  plot.  They  invited  him  to  ride.  As 
the  time  approached  when  the  oystermen  were  to  meet  him, 
he  exhibited  signs  of  uneasiness,  and  proposed,  at  last,  that 
they  should  turn  back. 

"  Why,  colonel,"  said  one  of  them,  "  we  started,  you  know, 
for  Richmond,  and  I  thought  you  were  a  man  who  always  car 
ried  through  what  you  undertook." 

"  Drive  on,"  was  his  quick  reply ;  and  thus  his  little  last 
plot  was  defeated. 

As  the  summer  advanced  his  strength  declined.  The  last 
weeks  of  his  life  were  cheered  by  the  frequent  visits  of  the 
Rev.  Dr.  P.  J.  Van  pelt,  the  estimable  Reformed  Dutch  dergy- 
man  of  the  neighborhood,  who  was  invited  to  attend  him  by 
Judge  Ogden  Edwards,  a  relative  and  active  friend  of  Colonel 
Burr's.  Burr  accepted  his  visits  and  services  with  thankful 


680  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

courtesy,  without  making  any  compromise  of  his  own  opin 
ions. 

"  I  was  uniformly  received  by  him,"  writes  Dr.  Yanpelt, 
"  with  his  accustomed  politeness  and  urbanity  of  manner. 
The  time  spent  with  him  at  each  interview  —  which  was  an 
hour,  more  or  less  —  was  chiefly  employed  in  religious  con 
versations,  adapted  to  his  declining  health,  his  feeble  state  of 
body,  and  his  advanced  age,  concluding  by  prayer  to  Al 
mighty  God  for  the  exercise  of  his  great  mercy,  the  influence 
of  his  Holy  Spirit  and  divine  blessing.  In  all  which  he  ap 
peared  to  take  an  interest  and  be  pleased,  and  particularly 
would  thank  me  for  the  prayers  I  offered  up  in  his  behalf,  for 
my  kind  offices,  and  the  interest  I  took  in  his  spiritual  welfare, 
saying  it  gave  him  great  pleasure  to  see  me  and  hear  my  voice. 
And  when  I  reminded  him  of  the  advantages  he  had  enjoyed, 
of  his  honored  and  pious  ancestry,  viz. :  his  father  a  minister 
of  the  Gospel,  and  President  of  the  College  at  Princeton,  New 
Jersey,  and  his  mother  a  descendant  of  the  learned  and  cele 
brated  divine,  Jonathan  Edwards ;  and  that  doubtless  many 
prayers  had  gone  up  to  heaven  from  the  hearts  of  his  parents 
for  his  well-being  and  happiness,  it  seemed  to  affect  him.  And 
when  I  asked  him  as  to  his  views  of  the  holy  Scriptures,  he 
responded  — '  They  are  the  most  perfect  system  of  truth  the 
world  has  ever  seen.'  So  that  judging  from  his  own  declara 
tion  and  behavior  to  me,  as  his  spiritual  adviser,  he  was  not 
an  atheist  nor  a  deist. 

"  I  did  not  administer  the  holy  sacrament  to  him,  nor  did 
he  suggest  or  request  me  to  do  it. 

"In  regard  to  other  topics,  in  the  course  of  repeated  con 
versations,  he  remarked  he  was  near  General  Montgomery 
when  he  fell  at  Quebec  ;  and  that  notwithstanding  that  disas 
ter,  if  the  army  had  pushed  on,  they  would  have  succeeded. 
In  reference  to  the  affair  and  death  of  General  Hamilton  but 
little  was  said.  He  intimated,  however,  that  he  was  provoked 
to  that  encounter. 

"At  my  last  interview  with  him,  about  twelve  o'clock  at 
noon,  the  day  he  departed  this  life,  I  found  him,  as  usual, 


HIS     LAST     YEARS     AND     HOURS.  (1*1 

pleased  to  see  me,  tranquil  in  mind,  and  not  disturbed  by 
bodily  pain. 

"  Observing  a  paleness  and  change  in  his  countenance,  and 
his  pulse  tremulous,  fluttering,  and  erratic,  I  asked  him  how 
he  felt.  He  replied,  not  so  well  as  when  I  saw  him  last.  I 
then  said,  c  Colonel,  I  do  not  wish  to  alarm  you,  but  judging 
from  the  state  of  your  pulse,  your  time  with  us  is  short.'  lie 
replied,  4 1  am  aware  of  it.'  It  was  then  near  one  o'clock,  P.M., 
and  his  mind  and  memory  seemed  perfect.  I  said  to  him,  'In 
this  solemn  hour  of  your  apparent  dissolution,  believing,  as 
you  do,  in  the  sacred  Scriptures,  your  accountability  to  God, 
let  me  ask  you  how  you  feel  in  view  of  approaching  eternity ; 
whether  you  have  good  hope,  through  grace,  that  all  your 
sins  will  be  pardoned,  and  God  will,  in  mercy,  pardon  you,  for 
the  sake  of  the  merits  and  righteousness  of  his  beloved  Son, 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  in  love  suffered  and  died  for  us 
the  agonizing,  bitter  death  of  the  cross,  by  whom  alone  we 
can  have  the  only  sure  hope  of  salvation  ?'  To  which  he  said, 
with  deep  and  evident  emotion,  4  On  that  subject  I  am  coy  ;' 
by  which  I  understood  him  to  mean,  that  on  a  subject  of  such 
magnitude  and  momentous  interest,  touching  the  assurance  of 
his  salvation,  he  felt  coy,  cautious  (as  the  word  denotes)  to  ex- 
piress  himself  in  full  confidence. 

"  With  his  usual  cordial  concurrence  and  manifest  desire 
we  kneeled  in  prayer  before  the  throne  of  heavenly  grace  — 
imploring  God's  mercy  and  blessing.  He  turned  in  his  bed, 
and  put  himself  in  an  humble,  devotional  posture,  and  seemed 
deeply  engaged  in  the  religious  service,  thanking  me,  as  usual, 
for  the  prayer  made  for  him. 

"  Calm  and  composed,  I  recommended  him  to  the  mercy  of 
God,  and  to  the  word  of  his  grace,  with  a  last  farewell." 

The  last  audible  word  whispered  by  the  dying  man  was  the 
one,  of  all  others  in  the  language,  the  most  familiar  to  his  lips. 
A  few  minutes  before  he  breathed  his  last,  he  lifted  his  hand 
with  difficulty  to  his  spectacles,  and  seemed  to  be  trying  to 
take  them  off.  His  attendant  asked  him  if  he  wished  them 
removed.  He  nodded  as«>nt.  Fixing  his  eyes  (brilliant  to 
the  last)  upon  the  spectacles  in  her  hand,  he  faintly  whispered, 


682  LIFE     OF     AARON     B  IT  R  R . 

"  Madame," 

evidently  meaning  that  they  were  to  be  given  to  madame,  the 
friend  of  his  last  years.  He  lay  awhile  softly  breathing.  At 
two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  without  a  struggle  or  a  sigh,  as 
gently  as  an  infant  falls  asleep,  he  ceased  to  live.  His  friend 
arrived  from  the  city  an  hour  too  late  to  close  his  eyes. 

He  died  on  Wednesday,  the  14th  of  September,  1836,  aged 
eighty  years,  seven  months,  and  eight  days.  On  the  Friday 
following,  his  funeral  was  celebrated.  A  large  party  of  gen 
tlemen  —  the  Messrs.  Swartwout,  Major  Popharn,  Judge  Ed 
wards,  Mr.  Davis,  and  several  others  reached  Port  Richmond, 
from  the  city,  by  an  early  boat,  "  to  pay  the  last  honors  to 
Pompey,"  as  one  of  them  expressed  it.  In  his  last  days,  he 
had  requested  to  be  buried  at  Princeton,  as  nearly  as  possible 
at  the  feet  of  his  father  and  grandfather,  the  two  presidents 
of  the  college,  who  lie  side  by  side  in  its  cemetery.  His  re 
mains  were  accordingly  conveyed  to  Princeton,  accompanied 
by  the  gentlemen  just  named,  and  placed  in  the  chapel  of  the 
college,  where  the  funeral  ceremonies  were  to  be  performed. 
An  impressive  and  charitable  sermon  was  preached  on  the  oc 
casion  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Carnahan,  the  president  of  the  college  ; 
who,  as  president,  resided  in  the  very  house  which  Colonel 
Burr's  father  had  built  ninety  years  before,  and  in  which  his 
gifted,  erring  son  had  been  cradled.  "  The  fashion  of  this 
world  passeth  away,"  was  the  text  of  the  discourse.  The 
Cliosophic  Society,  of  which  the  youthful  Burr  had  been  one 
of  the  founders,  voted  to  attend  his  funeral  in  a  body,  and  to 
wear  the  usual  badge  of  mourning  for  thirty  days.  A  volun 
teer  company  of  Princeton,  called  the  Mercer  Guards,  escorted 
the  remains  of  the  old  soldier  to  the  grave,  and  fired  over  it 
the  customary  volleys.  Most  of  the  students  of  the  college, 
and  a  large  concourse  of  the  people  of  the  town  witnessed 
\vith  curiosity  the  closing  ceremonial  which  consigned  to*  the 
grave  all  that  was  mortal  of  Aaron  Burr.  Far,  far,  had  he 
wandered  from  the  ways  of  his  fathers,  to  lie  down  at  their 
feet  at  last. 

The  news  of  his  death  called  public  attention  once  more 
to  his  character  and  conduct;  the  newspaper  comment  upon 


HIS     LAST     YEARS     AND     HOURS.  683 

which  was  —  what  might  have  been  expected.  Absurdly  false 
accounts*  were  given  of  his  life  and  death,  and  the  occasion 
was  improved  to  point  a  great  many  morals,  and  to  adorn  a 
variety  of  tales.  One  or  two  papers  in  this  city  that  ventured 
to  say  a  few  (injudicious)  words  in  praise  of  the  dead  lion, 
were  sharply  called  to  order  for  the  same  by  his  old,  but  gen 
erally  honorable  Toe,  the  Evening  Post.  When  the  Magazines 
came  to  review  his  memoirs,  a  few  months  later,  the  strife 
seems  to  have  been  which  should  heap  upon  his  grave  the 
greatest  amount  of  obloquy.  The  New  York  Review  and  the 

*  As  a  specimen  of  the  newspaper  stories  still  in  circulation  respecting 
Burr,  take  the  following,  which  has  probably  appeared  in  fifteen  hundred 
newspapers  of  the  United  States,  besides  a  large  number  in  Kn gland  and 
Scotland.  As  it  is  destitute  of  even  the  slightest  foundation  of  truth,  some 
body  must  have  sat  down  and  deliberately  manufactured  it.  It  has  usually 
been  credited  to  the  Presbyterian  Herald  : 

"  There  were  some  facts  connected  with  the  closing  scenes  of  Mr.  Burr's  life 
which  wore  told  to  us  soon  after  they  occurred,  by  one  who  received  them 
from  an  eye  witness,  which  we  do  not  now  remember  to  have  seen  stated  any 
where  in  print.  We  suppose  that  we  will  not  be  considered  as  violating  the 
privacy  of  the  domestic  circle  in  referring  to*  them  at  this  remote  period  after 
then-  occurrence. 

"  During  Mr.  Burr's  last  illness,  he  was  very  restless  and  impatient  toward 
those  who  were  about  his  person,  often  indulging  in  profane  and  abusive  lan 
guage.  His  physician,  observing  that  mortification  had  commenced  in  the 
extremities,  thought  it  his  duty  to  inform  him  of  the  fact,  and  to  assure  him 
that  whatever  preparation  he  might  wish  to  make  for  death,  should  be  made 
at  once.  In  as  gentle  tones  as  he  could  command,  he  broached  the  subject, 
assuring  him  that  within  twenty-four  hours,  at  the  farthest,  he  would  be  a 
dead  man.  Mr.  Burr,  '  Doctor,  I  can't  die.  I  shan't  die.  My  father  and 
mother,  and  grand-parents,  and  uncles  and  aunts,  were  all  pious  and  godly 
people ;  they  prayed  for  my  conversion  a  thousand  times,  and  if  God  be  a 
hearer  of  prayer,  he  is  not  going  to  let  me  die  until  their  prayers  are  answered. 
It  is  impossible  that  the  child  of  so  many  prayers  will  be  lost' 

"The  doctor  replied,  'Mr.  Burr,  you  are  already  dying.'  He  then  went 
over  pretty  much  the  same  expression  as  given  above,  and  sank  into  a  stupor, 
and  soon  slept  the  sleep  which  knows  no  waking  until  the  morning  of  the 
resurrection.  We  may  not  have  given  the  precise  language  used  by  him,  as 
years  have  elapsed  since  it  was  reported  to  us.  Our  informant  received  the 
impression  that  he  had  run  the  rounds  of  his  iniquity,  all  the  while  indulging 
the  hope  that,  like  the  celebrated  Augustine,  before  ho  died  he  would  be  con 
verted,  in  answer  to  the  prayers  of  his  pious  parents  and 


684  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

Democratic  Review  were  unsparingly  and  bitterly  severe. 
The  North  American  Review  was  gentler  and  fairer ;  but 
gave  him  little  quarter. 

One  poetical  tribute  was  paid  to  his  memory  by  his  last 
Friend.  It  never  saw  the  light,  and  has  lain  twenty-one  years 
in  the  blank  book  of  the  authoress  unread.  It  was  addressed 

"TO  ONE  WHOM  THE  WORLD   REYILED. 

"To  thee  no  widow  told  her  woes 

And  found  them  unredressed ; 
To  thee  no  shivering  orphan  came 

But  found  a  home  and  rest : 
And  many  —  would  they  truth  reveal  — 

Have  on  thy  bounty  fed, 
Who,  when  thine  hour  of  sorrow  came, 

The  van  of  slander  led. 
Great  spirit !  some,  who  knew  thee  well, 

Paid  tribute  to  thy  worth  ; 
A  few,  who  disregard  the  frowns 

Of  groveling  sons  of  earth, 
Around  thee  clung,  in  that  dread  hour 

When  friendship's  balm  is  sweet  — 
The  hour  thou  left  this  earthly  bar 

The  world's  great  judge  to  meet ; 
That  judge  who  knows  each  various  spring 

That  moves  the  human  heart, 
Who  gives  to  Death  the  victory, 

But  leaves  the  sting  apart, 
Who  in  the  balance  nicely  weighs 

Our  deeds  of  good  and  ill, 
Who  knows  our  various  faults  and  crimes, 

But  leans  to  mercy  still. 
Then  warrior,  rest !  thy  trial's  o'er, 
And  naught  of  earth  can  touch  thee  more." 

He  left  no  available  property.  A  few  pictures,  a  few  me 
mentoes  of  his  daughter,  several  cart-loads  of  law  papers,  some 
sacks  of  letters,  a  few  articles  of  office  furniture,  and  a  quan 
tity  of  well-worn  clothes,  were  all  that  remained  of  the  count 
less  sums  he  had  received  in  his  long  career.  Several  years 
after  his  death,  however,  a  reversionary  claim  which  he  held  to 
some  property,  fell  to  the  lot  of  his  only  surviving  daughter, 


HIS     LAST     YEA  KS     AND     HOUKS.  685 

who  was  a  girl  eight  years  of  age  when  he  died.  The  last  words 
he  ever  spoke  to  his  friend  were  a  request  that  she  would  look 
to  the  welfare  of  that  child,  and  see,  especially,  that  she  \v:is 
sent  to  good  schools.  That  he  should  have  made  a  will  seemed, 
at  the  time,  somewhat  ridiculous  to  his  friends  —  little  dream 
ing  that  it  would,  in  a  few  years,  secure  a  considerable  sum 
to  his  daughter. 

As  all  in  the  life  of  Aaron  Burr  had  something  of  strange 
ness  and  peculiarity,  it  is  not  surprising,  perhaps,  that  a  stone 
could  not  be  placed  over  his  grave  except  in  an  extraordinary 
manner.  Some  efforts  were  made,  and  some  money  was  sub 
scribed,  soon  after  his  death,  to  procure  a  suitable  monument, 
but  the  project  failed  through  the  inattention  of  an  agent.  For 
nearly  two  years  the  spot  where  he  lay  was  unmarked,  when 
one  morning  it  was  discovered  that  a  small,  very  substantial, 
and  not  inexpensive  monument  of  granite  and  marble,  hud 
been  placed,  during  the  night,  over  his  remains.  The  cemetery 
ut  Princeton  is  situated  in  a  somewhat  thickly-inhabited  lane, 
and  is  overlooked,  in  every  part,  by  people  living  upon  its 
borders.  The  principal  gate  is  kept  locked.  No  one  in  the 
town  saw  the  monument  erected,  or  knew,  or  knows  any  thing 
whatever  respecting  it.  Nor  was  there  any  stone-cutter  in 
the  vicinity  competent  to  execute  such  a  piece  of  work.  No 
relative  of  Colonel  Burr,  nor  any  one  of  my  numerous  inform 
ants  explains  the  mystery. 

The  person  who  did  the  pious  deed  is  known,  however,  and 
lives.  Need  I  say,  that  to  a  woman's  liberal  hand  Burr  owes 
the  stone  that  commemorates  his  name  ?  In  an  inclosure  of 
the  cemetery,  wherein  lie  the  honored  remains  of  the  early 
Presidents  of  the  College  of  New  Jersey  —  Burr,  Edwards, 
Davies,  Witherspoon,  and  others  —  stands  a  block  of  marble, 
bearing  the  following  inscription  : 

AARON    BURR: 

Born  February  6th,  1756. 
Died  September  14th,  1836. 

A   COLONEL   IN   THE    ARMY   OF   THE   REVOLUTION. 
VICE-PRESIDENT   OP   THE   UNITED   STATES   FROM    1801    TO    1805. 


CHAPTER    XXXVII. 

OTHER    FACTS,    AND    SOME   REFLECTIONS. 

"  WHATEVER  happens,"  Burr  used  to  say,  in  jocular  allusion 
to  the  largeness  of  his  head,  "  my  hat,  at  least,  is  safe  :  for  no 
body  else  can  wear  it." 

His  head  was  large,  and  very  peculiar.  A  few  hours  after 
his  death,  a  cast  was  taken  of  it,  for  the  well-known  phrenolo 
gists,  Messrs.  Fowler  and  Wells,  of  New  York,  who  still  ex 
hibit  in  their  cabinet  the  original  cast.  In  the  most  striking 
manner  it  confirms  the  view  taken  of  the  character  of  Burr 
in  this  volume. 

There  are,  probably,  few  intelligent  persons  now  in  the  Uni 
ted  States  who  doubt  that  phrenology  is  among  the  means  by 
which  a  knowledge  of  the  character  of  a  man  may  be  obtained. 
Unconsciously  or  consciously,  we  have,  most  of  us,  fallen  into 
the  habit  of  using  the  language  of  phrenology,  and  looking 
at  one  another  with  the  phrenologist's  eye.  Charlotte  Bronte, 
in  describing  her  characters,  frequently  used  language  pre 
cisely  similar  to  that  employed  by  a  professional  phrenologist. 
Note  this  example  from  the  Professor:  "I  wonder  that  any 
one,  looking  at  that  girl's  head  and  countenance,  would  have 
received  her  under  their  roof.  She  had  precisely  the  same 
shaped  head  as  Pope  Alexander  the  Sixth.  Her  organs  of 
benevolence,  veneration,  conscientiousness,  adhesiveness,  were 
singularly  small ;  those  of  self-esteem,  firmness,  destructive- 
ness,  combativeness,  preposterously  large.  Her  head,  sloped 
up  in  the  pent-house  shape,  was  contracted  about  the  forehead, 
and  prominent  behind."  More  or  less,  we  all  talk  so  of  the 
people  we  look  at  with  attention.  Every  observant  person  that 


OTHER     FACTS,    AND     SOME     REFLECTIONS.       687 

has  ever  lived  must  have  been  instinctively  a  phrenologist,  as 
well  as  a  physiognomist. 

It  is  believed  by  moralists,  and  known-  by  phrenologists,  that 
no  man  is  bad  from  necessity.  The  best  organizations  need 
culture,  and  the  very  worst,  by  culture,  can  be  rendered,  first, 
innoxious,  then  beneficent.  Phrenology  has  to  do  chiefly 
with  the  raw  material  of  character  —  the  stuff  it  is  made  of. 
It  has  nothing  to  say  of  the  circumstances,  the  beliefs,  the  in 
fluences,  which  nourish  one  class  of  organs,  leave  others  dor 
mant,  and  so  insensibly  "  mold  the  character."  Let  no  one, 
therefore,  view  the  annexed  account  of  the  head  of  Aaron 
Burr  as  a  justification  of  his  errors ;  but  merely  as  a  state 
ment  of  his  natural  quality  and  tendencies,  which  it  was  the 
office  of  Education  to  correct,  and  of  Reason  to  control. 

A  fact  should  be  mentioned  in  elucidation  of  one  of  the 
phrenologist's  observations.  There  was  a  remarkable  predom 
inance  of  the  feminine  element  in  theJ&dwards  stock.  Timo 
thy  Edwards,  the  father  of  Jonathan,  and,  therefore  Burr's 
great-grandfather,  had  eleven  children,  of  whom  ten  were 
daughters  Jonathan  Edwards  had  eight  daughters  and  three 
sons.  Of  the  grand-children  of  Timothy  Edwards,  about  two 
thirds  were  daughters.  And  now  the  phrenologist  tells  us, 
that  Aaron  Burr  himself  had  the  temperament  of  a  woman. 

The  following  statement  was  made  by  Mr.  L.  N.  Fowler, 
who  knew  nothing  of  what  I  had  written  or  discovered  re 
specting  Aaron  Burr,  and  of  whom  I  asked  only  the  unrelent 
ing  truth  : 

"PHRENOLOGICAL     CHARACTER 

OF 

AARON      BURR, 

DEDUCED  FROM  AN  ORIGINAL  CAST  OP  HIS  HEAD. 

"The  physiological  organization  of  Aaron  Burr  was  distin 
guished  for  very  fine  texture  and  a  great  degree  of  suscepti 
bility,  intensity,  and  ardor,  caused  by  a  predominance  of  the 
nervous  temperament,  with  a  very  active  condition  of  the  ar- 


688  LIFE     OF     AAKON     li  U 11 B . 

terial  system,  in  fact,  all  the  organs  and  functions  of  his  con 
stitution  were  remarkably  active,  and  the  circulation  must 
have  been  unusually  quick  and  free. 

"  There  was  not  so  much  of  the  bony  and  muscular  system 
as  to  be  an  impediment  to  his  activity,  yet  there  was  a  suffi 
cient  degree  of  the  motive  temperament  to  give  strongth  and 
tenacity  of  orgajji^ation.  He  was  of  small  size,  and  well  pro 
portioned,  but  the  brain  was  large  for  the  body  ;  hence  he  was 
characterized  by  mejjta^  rather  than  by  physical  ability.  Such 
was  the  harmony  between  the  functions  of  the  body  as  to  in 
dicate  unusual  health,  vivacity,  and  power  to  endure  without 
premature  exhaustion.  His  tem^jLemwient  was  more  peculiarly 
that  of  a_woman,  joined  to  the  mental  qualities  of  the  mas 
culine. 

"  His  Phrenological  developments  were  marked  and  pecu 
liar,  and  gave  him  a  strong  individuality  of  character.  His 
head  was  of  rather  large  size,  and  fully  developed  in  most 
parts.  The  hair,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  being  almost  gone, 
left  his  head  nearly  bare,  so  that  the  cast  taken  after  death 
indicates  the  real  development  of  the  organs,  and  thereby  af 
fords  a  most  valuable  study. 

"  His  intellectual  development  shows  that  all  the  perceptive 
organs  are  prominent ;  which,  with  his  temperament  and  sus 
ceptibility,  gave  him  an  unusual  degree  of  observation,  ac 
curacy  of  perception,  ability  to  jaiicJLUiuilate--kiio  wTieclge,  and 
capacity  to  briiig_hisj)owers  to  bear  directly  upon  the  subject 
in  hand,  or  object  he"wTsTied^jto  effect.  He  had  a  wonderful 
memory  of  every  thing  he  saw,  of  places,  faces,  and  propor 
tions.  His  mechanical  eye  must  have  been  remarkably  cor 
rect,  which,  joined  to  Locality,  Individuality,  and  Weight, 
gave  him  ease  and  grace  of  motion,  extraordinary  powers  as 
a  marksman,  and  good  judgment  of  the  qualities  and  condi 
tions  of  things.  His  memory  of  events,  sense  of  order  and 
arrangement,  perception  of  colors,  ability  in  figures,  and  love 
of  music,  were  comparatively  good.  His  sense  of  Wit  was 
decidedly  prominent,  and  he  had  uncommon  power  to  use  his 
mirthful  emotions,  in  appreciating  the  ridiculous,  or  wielding 
the  weapons  of  satire  appropriately  and  readily. 


OTHER     FACTS,     AND     SOME     REFLECTIONS.       689 

"The  reasoning  organs  were  rather  large,  but  somewhat 
inferior  to  the  perceptions.  The  strength  of  the  reasoning 
faculties  was  made  to  appear  conspicuous,  in  consequence  of 
his  clearness  of  perception,  sharpness  of  analysis,  facility  of 
expression,  policy  of  arrangement,  and  power  to  illuminate 
his  own  side  of  a  subject,  and  to  magnetize  his  hearers  into 
an  acceptance  of  his  opinions  and  an  adherence  to  his  cause. 
The  intellectual  faculties,  as  a  whole,  gave  him  superior  influ 
ence  over  other  men,  not  only  in  consequence  of  the  great 
activity  of  his  mind,  but  the  peculiar  power  he  had  to  use  his 
knowledge  and  talents  to  advantage.  His  Language  was  large, 
which  enabled  him  to  communicate  his  ideas,  and  tell  what  he 
knew.  He  was  copious  and  pertinent  in  speech,  full  and  free 
in  his  powers  to  explain,  and  decidedly  easy  and  off-hand  as 
an  orator.  This  quality,  connected  with  his  ready  memory, 
power  of  analysis,  and  fervor  of  mind,  gave  him  great  influ 
ence  over  others  in  conversation.  He  had  an  eye  of  peculiar 
brilliancy  and  fascination,  and  when,  from  under  his  finely 
arched,  perceptive  brow,  he  bent  his  burning  gaze  upon  a 
person,  his  words  seemed  like  potential  oracles,  and  gave 
him  peculiar  power  over  those  whom  he  wished  to  sway. 

"  His  executive  faculties  jvejie  all  strong.  His  head  being 
decidedly  broad  about  the  ears,  gave  him  an  unusual  degree 
of  force,  resolution,  energy,  spirit,  and  courage,  amounting  at 
times  to  audacity,  and  a  feeling  of  intense  severity  when  ex 
cited.  His  Alimentiveness  appears  to  have  been  only  average 
in  development,  which,  if  not  perverted,  would  have  allowed 
him  to  live  a  sober  and  temperate  life.  Acquisitiveness  not 
being  specially  large,  he  was  doubtless  generous,  liberal,  and 
free  in  the  use  of  money,  caring  for  it  more  to  expend  than  to 
lay  up.  Secretiveness  was  large,  which  JmjmriejLiact,  power 
of  concealment,  and  abilit^_tCLUianag-%-antl  led  to  adroitness, 
and  even'cunnin^^ndjdupUcity  ;  but  Cautiousness  not  beiug 
large,  he'walTliable  to  h^JmliHgiypt.  nnd  impnkivrj  Q.m1  when 
acting  on  lhe~spur  oi'The  moment,  and  in  a  state  of  excite 
ment,  he  would  be  rash  and  impetuous.  He  cxxwW-pkrt-well, 
but  could  not^  execute  safely.  His  acts  may  have  been  done 
in  secret,  but  so  done  that  they  would  ultimately  be  exposed. 


690  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

"  His  moral  brain,  was,  in  some  respects,  strong,  and  in 
others  weak.  His  head,  as  a  whole,  was  high,  but  contracted 
on  the  top.  He  had  a  full  development  of  Benevolence,  which 
gave  him  sympathy  and  generosity  of  feeling  ;  and  this  benev 
olence,  in  the  absence  of  influential  Acquisitiveness,  would  lead 
him  to  be  decidedly  generous  hearted  in  the  use  of  money. 
He  was  urbane,  kind,  and  ready  to  render  service.  His  Ven 
eration  was  large,  which  must  have  had  power  to  check  his 
passions,  and  lead  him  to  be  mindful  of  superiors,  and  also 
serve  to  give  him  a  respectful  and  deferential  address.  His 
sense  of  nobility  and  aristocracy,  and  consciousness  of  superior 
power,  was  a  prominent  feature  of  his  mind.  Through  the  in 
fluence  of  Veneration,  he  could  appear  devotional,  and  thus  in 
spire  confidence  in  others,  and  lead  them  to  trust  to  his  hon 
esty.  He  had  very  large  Firmness,  which  gave  him  unusual 
determination  of  mind  aiuFcfisposition  to  carry  out  his  desires 
and  purposes,  and  which,  connected  with  his  Destructiveness, 
rendered  him  unusually  efficient  and  vigorous  in  resisting  op 
position  from  others,  and  in  overcoming  obstacles.  He  had  a 
good  degree  of  Imitation,  which,  with  his  Benevolence,  enabled 
him  to  adapt  himself  to  others,  and  thus  render  himself  easy 
and  agreeable. 

"  Spirituality  appears  to  have  been  very  weak,  which  left 
his  mind  without  much  regard  for  such  features  of  religion  as 
depend  on  faith  ;  hence  he  was  skeptical,  and  a  doubter.  His 
Hope  appears  to  have  been  large,  giving  enterprise,  sanguine, 
speculative,  and  venturesome  feelings,  and  a  desire  to  engage 
in  business  of  a  hypothetical,  prospective,  and  promising  na 
ture.  He  was  not  easily  discouraged,  but  always  confident 
of  success.  His  Conscientiousness  was  moderate,  and  not 
strong  enough  to  have  a  regulating  influence  on  his  mind. 
This  faculty  and  Cautiousness,  both  being  inferior,  left  his 
feelings  without  balancing-power  ;  hence,  while  he  lacked 
honesty,  he  had  neither  prudence  nor  circumspection — had 
not  the  restraining  influence  of  the  sense  of  danger  nor  of 
punishment.  His  impulses  were  developed  at  pleasure,  and 
the  various  faculties  gratified  as  they  clamored  for  action. 
Whatever  faculty  was  most  excited  for  the  time  being,  swayed 


OTHER     FACTS,     AND     SOME     REFLECTIONS.       691 

his  mind  as  a  whole;  thus,  the  acts  of  his  life  were  contradic 
tory,  and  his  character  did  not  harmonize  with  itself.  Hud 
these  two  faculties  of  prudence  and  honesty  been  more  prom 
inent,  he  would  have  been  able  so  to  regulate  his  conduct  as 
to  have  made  almost  an  entire  change  in  his  whole  life  and 
character. 

"The  crown  of  his  head  was  very  high,  showing  lar^e  Self- 
esteem  and  Approbativeness,  indicating  pride,  dignity w  con- 
sciousness_pf  self-importance,  ambition,  Desire  to  please,  and 
to  gain  distinction  and  fame.  Such  a  mind,  connected  with 
such  ambition,  could  not  be  contented  in  private  life,  nor  bear 
to  be  repulsed,  put  down,  or  superseded  by  others ;  for  such 
pride,  joined  with  such  sensitiveness,  produces  a  character 
which  is  easily  wounded.  He  had  a  great  discernment  of 
character,  and  power  to  read  the  spirit  and  tone  of  another 
person's  mind.  He  was  exceedingly  winning  in  his  manners, 
through  his  politeness,  ambition,  self-complacency,  blandness 
of  manner,  respectfulness  of  demeanor,  and  ready,  available 
intellect,  connected  with  that  personal  address  and  huter  of 
eye  which  few  men  possessed. 

"He •had  large  Continuity,  which  gave  power  to  apply  the 
mind  to  one  subject,  and  to  think  closely  and  connectedly  ; 
and  he  was  much  indebted  to  this  persistency  of  mind  for  his 
success  in  scholarship,  in  his  profession,  and  in  politics. 

"His  social  brain  was  unevenly  developed,  and  should  have 
been  a  peculiar  point  in  his  character,  and  given  eccentricity 
to  the  affections.  He  lacked  local  attachment ;  was  naturally 
inclined  to  travel,  and  loved  the  variety  and  excitement  which 
new  places  and  scenes  presented.  He  had  not  consistent  and 
permanent  love,  nor  was  he  uniformly  interested  in  children, 
as  such  ;  and  though  sons  would  excite  his  ambition,  a  beau 
tiful  daughter  would  awaken  far  more  affection.  He  had  but 
little  Adhesiveness;  was  not  a  permanent  friend,  and  could 
not  be  relied  upon  in  this  respect.  He  may  have  been  ardent 
and  sincere  for  the  time  being,  but  change  of  scene  and  so 
ciety  would  equally  affect  his  attachments,  unless  they  were 
fortified  by  other  considerations.  His  attachments  were  more 


692  LIFE     OF     AARON     BURR. 

extended  and  influenced  by  ambition,  than  confiding  and  do 
mestic  in  their  character. 

"  His  Amativeness  was  very  large,  and  very  sharply  devel 
oped  in  the  head,  indicating  great  intensity,  power,  and  ac 
tivity.  This  must  have  been  one  of  the  leading  features  of  his 
character.  The  relationship  between  his  mind  and  woman ; 
the  power  he  exerted  over  her,  and  the  intense  passion  he 
manifested  for  her,  are  in  strict  harmony  with  his  organiza 
tion.  The  love-passion  was  inordinate,  which,  connected  with 
his  other  peculiar  qualities,  must  have  given  him  a  winning 
power  and  captivating  influence  over  woman  seldom  equaled. 
With  his  very  high  tone  of  organization,  he  was  not  so  likely 
to  become  vulgar  and  gross  in  this  feeling  so  as  to  yield  to  the 
lower  forms  of  its  gratification,  as  would  one  of  a  coarser  or 
ganization  with  the  same  development  of  Amativeness.  He 
would  always  be  the  gentleman,  and  seek  associates  among 
the  cultivated  and  refined.  With  the  exception  of  the  excess 
of  this  faculty,  and  that  of  Destructiveness,  and  the  weakness 
of  Conscientiousness  and  Cautiousness,  his  organization  was 
comparatively  unexceptionable  ;  and,  but  for  these  defects,  he 
might  have  been  one  of  the  most  brilliant  characters  that  ever 
figured  in  the  pages  of  American  history.  Seldom  do  we  find 
so  much  executiveness,  ambition,  manliness,  strength  of  pur 
pose,  intuition  of  mind,  natural  eloquence,  polite  address,  and 
ability  completely  to  magnetize  and  captivate  others,  as  his 
organization  indicates." 

Thus,  the  phrenologist. 

Add,  mentally,  to  his  statement,  that  Aaron  Burr  was  left 
an  orphan  in  his  infancy  ;  that  he  was  brought  up  by  a  well- 
intentioned,  severe,  ungcnial  Puritanic  clergyman  ;  that  he 
was  reared  in  a  religion  which  did  not  engage  his  affections, 
nor  satisfy  his  intellect,  and  which,  therefore,  did  less  thnn 
nothing  for  his  moral  nature  ;  that  he  was  educated  in  the 
Voltairian,  Chesterfieldian  period,  so  quickening  to  the  intel 
lect,  so  lulling  to  the  conscience  ;  and' that  his  early  military 
career  kept  in  the  most  vigorous  exercise,  for  four  or  five  years, 
all  the  strong  executive  points  of  his  character,  and  left  in 
comparative  inaction  those  prudential  and  higheV  moral  qual- 


OTHER     FACTS,    AN  I)    SO  MB     REFLECTIONS.       693 

ities  which  most  needed  strengthening.  Consider,  too,  how 
the  circumstances  of  his  life  seemed  to  compel  him  to  be 
always  giving,  so  that,  at  last,  he  appeared  to  have  quite  lost 
the  power  of  discriminating  between  the  luxury  of  generosity 
and  the  duty  of  honesty.  And  then,  think,  how  bitterly  and 
long  he  expiated  his  errors,  and  how  loftily  he  bore  his  mis 
fortunes,  and  how  superior  he  ever  was  to  the  weakness  of 
self-vindication,  and  how  many  worse  men  than  he  have  been 
borne  triumphantly  along  to  the  close  of  their  lives,  and  fol 
lowed  to  the  grave  by  the  acclamations  of  a  nation. 

To  judge  this  man,  to  decide  how  far  he  was  unfortunate, 
and  how  far  guilty ;  how  much  we  ought  to  pity,  and  how 
much  to  blame  him  —  is  a  task  beyond  my  powers.  And  what 
occasion  is  there  for  judging  him,  or  for  judging  any  one  ? 
We  all  know  that  his  life  was  an  unhappy  failure.  He  failed 
to  gain  the  small  honors  at  which  he  aimed ;  he  failed  to  live 
a  life  worthy  of  his  opportunities  ;  he  failed  to  achieve  a  char 
acter  worthy  of  his  powers.  It  was  a  great,  great  pity.  And 
any  one  is  to  be  pitied  who,  in  thinking  of  it,  has  any  other 
feelings  than  those  of  compassion  —  compassion  for  the  man 
whose  life  was  so  much  less  a  blessing  to  him  than  it  might 
have  been,  and  compassion  for  the  country,  which  after  pro 
ducing  so  rare  and  excellent  a  kind  of  man,  lost  a  great  part 
of  the  good  he  might  have  done  her. 

The  great  error  of  his  career,  as  before  remarked,  was  his 
turning  politician.  He  was  too  good  for  a  politician,  and  not 
great  enough  for  a  statesman.  If  he  had  been  brought  up 
wisely,  and  then  subjected  to  a  hard  early  experience  of  pov 
erty  and  toil,  he  might  have  acquired  that  moral  quality 
which,  in  connection  with  his  keen,  ready  intellect,  and  his 
tremendous  propelling  power,  would  have  made  him  the  great 
est  teacher  of  the  young,  that,  perhaps,  ever  existed.  Nature 
meant  him  for  that.  In  the  present  condition  of  the  school 
master's  craft,  degraded  and  paralyzed  as  it  is  by  its  connex 
ion  with  the  State,  drawing  its  support  from  the  people  in  the 
odious  form  of  a  tax,  reducing  a  teacher  to  the  level  of  a  com 
mon  office-holder,  and  making  him  the  hireling  of  ignorant,  or 
narrow,  or  dissolute  trustees  —  it  .seems  ridiculous  to  say  of 


694  LIFE     OF     AAKON     BURR. 

any  man  that  he  might  have  been  a  great  and  brilliant  in 
structor  of  youth !  Yet  that  was  precisely  the  vocation  of  all 
others  that  Aaron  Burr  would  have  excelled  in,  and  would 
have  chosen,  if  he  had  been  as  GOOD,  as  he  was  acute,  kind, 
and  energetic.  He  would  have  founded  a  school  that  would 
have  done  as  much  for  the  enlightenment  of  Man  as  Prince 
ton  has  done  for  the  advancement  of  a  Sect. 

As  it  was,  he  did  the  State  some  service,  though  they  know 
it  not.  By  being  the  first  to  turn  to  practical  account  the  in 
herent  weakness  of  our  Constitution,  by  teaching  the  Demo 
cratic  Party  how  to  carry  elections,  by  the  invention  of  Fili 
bustering,  by  giving  the  country  and  General  Jackson  a  taste 
for  south-western  acquisition,  thus  marshaling  events  the  way 
that  they  would  go,  he,  at  least,  accelerated  the  history  of  his 
country.  I  In  the  wrong  direction,  you  will  say ;  true,  but  it 
was  the  direction  in  which  the  country  was  destined  to  go, 
and  go  as  far  as  the  road  led. 

His  duel  with  Hamilton  had  the  effect,  finally,  of  rendering 
the  practice  of  dueling  entirely  odious  in  the  northern  States. 
That  was  a  benefit.  In  suffering  the  consequences  of  that  af 
fair,  he  simply  expiated  the  sins  of  his  generation,  and  the  ex 
piation  fell,  not  unjustly,  upon  him.  He  ought  to  have  known 
better,  and,  knowing  better,  he  had  the  fortitude  to  bear  the 
scoffs  of  cowards.  He  was,  upon  the  whole,  I  am  inclined  to 
think,  a  better  man  than  Hamilton ;  and  it  was  well  ordered, 
that  by  being  the  survivor,  he  should  have  had  the  worst  of 
the  encounter. 

It  is  to  be  said  in  praise  of  Burr,  that  in  the  various  offices 
held  by  him,  he  acquitted  himself  well.  He  was  an  indefati 
gable  and  useful  Senator ;  a  Vice-President  of  ideal  excellency. 
If  he  had  been  elevated  a  step  higher,  his  Washingtonian 
habit  of  taking  the  best  advice  before  finally  deciding  upon  an 
important  measure,  would  have  prevented  his  making  serious 
mistakes.  He  would  have  been  a  good  President.  Instead 
of  plundering  the  treasury  of  his  country,  as  Hamilton  pre 
dicted,  he  would  have  been  more  likely  to  spend  twice  his  in 
come  in  supporting  the  "  dignity"  of  the  office,  and  to  have 
passed  from  the  White  House  to  the  court  of  bankruptcy. 


OTHER     FACTS     AND     SOME     REFLECTIONS.       095 

If  his  expedition  had  succeeded,  it  was  in  him,,!  think,  to 
have  run  a  career  in  Spanish  America  similar  to  that  of  Napo 
leon  in  Europe.  Like  Napoleon,  he  would  have  been  one  of 
the  most  amiable  of  despots,  and  one  of  the  most  destructive. 
Like  Napoleon,  he  would  have  been  sure,  at  last,  to  have  been 
overwhelmed  in  a  prodigious  ruin.  Like  Napoleon,  he  would 
have  been  idolized  and  execrated.  Like  Napoleon,  he  would 
have  had  his  half  dozen  friends  to  go  with  him  to  his  St.  Helena. 
Like  Napoleon,  he  would  have  justified  to  the  last,  with  the 
utmost  sincerity,  nearly  every  action  of  his  life. 

We  live  in  a  better  day  than  he  did.  Nearly  every  thing  is 
better  now  in  the  United  States  than  it  was  fifty  years  ago, 
and  a  much  larger  proportion  of  the  people  possess  the  means 
of  enjoying  and  improving  life.  If  some  evils  are  more  obvi 
ous  and  rampant  than  they  were,  they  are  also  better  known, 
and  the  remedy  is  nearer.  Every  one  begins  to  see,  with 
more  or  less  clearness,  that  the  public  business  can  never  be 
well  done  until  it  is  done  upon  the  principles  which  make  pri 
vate  business  safe  and  profitable.  The  spectacle  of  an  intelli 
gent  community  throwing  itself,  every  few  months,  into  a  vio 
lent,  expensive,  and  demoralizing  agitation  of  the  question 
Who  shall  keep  the  public  books?  is  felt  to  be  irrational  and 
ridiculous.  By  degrees,  the  truth  becomes  apparent  that  the 
thing  to  be  done  is  to  take  all  the  offices  out  of  politics,  and  to 
introduce  into  all  branches  of  the  public  service  the  principles 
of  permanence  and  promotion  for  merit  alone,  upon  which  the 
people  conduct  their  own  affairs,  and  without  which  no  pri 
vate  establishment  could  exist. 

Politics,  apart  from  the  pursuit  of  office,  have  again  become 
real  and  interesting.  The  issue  is  distinct  and  important 
enough  to  justify  the  intense  concern  of  a  nation.  To  a  young 
man  coining  upon  the  stage  of  life  with  the  opportunities  of 
Aaron  Burr,  a  glorious  and  genuine  political  career  is  possible. 
The  dainty  keeping  aloof  from  the  discussion  of  public  affairs, 
which  has  been  the  fashion  until  lately,  will  not  again  find 
favor  with  any  but  the  very  stupid,  for  a  long  time  to  come. 
The  intellect  of  the  United  States,  once  roused  to  the  consider- 


696  LIFE     OF     A  A  11  O  N     li  U  R  R . 

ation  of  political  questions,  will  doubtless  be  found  competent 
to  the  work  demanded  of  it. 

The  career  of  Aaron  Burr  can  never  be  repeated  in  the 
United  States.  That  of  itself  is  a  proof  of  progress.  The 
game  of  politics  which  he  played  is  left,  in  these  better  days, 
to  far  inferior  men,  and  the  moral  license  which  he  and  Ham 
ilton  permitted  themselves  is  not  known  in  the  circles  they 
frequented.  But  the  graver  errors,  the  radical  vices,  of  both 
men  belong  to  human  nature,  and  will  always  exist  to  be 
shunned  and  battled. 


THE     END. 


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